Al-Jazeera
Richard Lough
11 August 2007
Since its inception in 1994 to try persons responsible for genocide in Rwanda, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) has indicted 28 people and acquitted five.
But for those acquitted, a return to normality and their homes has proven to be a greater challenge than the trial.
In the hushed surrounds of a library in the northern Tanzanian town of Arusha, Emmanuel Bagambiki, a Rwandan Hutu who is one of those acquitted, receives written confirmation that Belgium will review his failed visa application.
"It is small progress," says the 59-year-old former senior government official.
In 2004, the ICTR found Bagambiki not guilty of orchestrating the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
Almost 800,000 people, mostly ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus, were massacred in a 100-day killing frenzy.
The ICTR's verdict provoked widespread protests in his province of Cyangugu in southwest Rwanda and prompted the Rwandan government to issue an international warrant for his arrest.
Fear of repatriation
For three years Bagambiki has remained confined to the compound of the ICTR by day and a safe-house by night.
Almost 800,000 people, were systematically massacred, in a 100 days [AP]
Now he is seeking domicile in a number of French-speaking countries including Belgium where his wife and three daughters, who have been granted Belgian nationality, live.
He says he fears for his life should he return to Rwanda.
So far, no member of the international community has stepped forward to offer Bagambiki a home.
Bagambiki told Al Jazeera: "It has been like another prison … we don't have [the] impression that we have really been acquitted. It is as if our names remain associated with the genocide."
Court criticised
In its 10-year history the ICTR has been criticised for its bureaucracy and spiralling costs, which now total more than $1 billion.
While tribunal officials point to the 28 convictions sealed by the court, critics argue that it overlooked the fate of those acquitted.
"A cynic might think no acquittals were expected from this court," says one senior tribunal official on the condition of anonymity.
However, Roland Ammoussouga, the senior legal advisor and spokesperson for the ICTR, denies the court was established to simply roll out convictions.
He told Al Jazeera: "International justice never works on the assumption that all are guilty."
Amoussouga points to the war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia based in The Hague on which the ICTR is modelled.
"There the acquitted return to the Balkans as heroes," he says.
However, he concedes, "the ICTR thought it would be easier to find a host country" for those acquitted of Rwandan genocide.
Seeking extradition
But Martin Ngoga, Rwanda's prosecutor general, told Al Jazeera his government was not happy with Bagambiki's acquittal and that the accusations against him are still considered open.
The Rwanda government says the ICTR refused to try Bagambiki on what it says are additional charges of rape and complicity to rape.
He said: "We believe the trial was not properly conducted. The trial was underway and the chamber did not want to get bogged down."
"We believe the trial was not properly conducted. The trial was underway and the chamber did not want to get bogged down"
Martin Ngoga, Rwanda's prosecutor general
He added that the Rwandan government would move to extradite Bagambiki from any future host country and put him on trial in the capital, Kigali.
Since his arrest in 1998 in Togo, where he and his family had sought refuge, Bagambiki has fought to clear his name and start a new life outside Africa, where he says his security is now 'compromised'.
Bagambiki remains diplomatic about the impasse over his future. "We don't see why we should be undesirable, why we should be persona non grata in any country."
France has offered domicile to two others acquitted in the trials. This gives Bagambiki hope.
Political counterweights
But Vincent Lurquin, Bagambiki's Brussels-based lawyer, believes political constraints may prove daunting.
Lurquin has spent three years fighting Belgium's rejection of his client's visa application.
Lurquin believes the risk of jeopardising relations with the administration of Paul Kagame, the president of Rwanda, is deterring Belgium, like others, from opening its doors to Bagambiki.
Others within the ICTR are more forthright.
The tribunal official who spoke on condition of anonymity said: "It is a political issue. It maybe politically damaging to take on people associated with the genocide if they have no particular connection to your country."
Nevertheless, the ICTR insists it is working hard to find a solution. Earlier this year Adama Dieng, the tribunal's registrar, tasked with finding the acquitted a home, travelled to the UN Security Council in New York to persuade the international community to help the three men.
So far, his trip has not borne any fruits.
As Bagambiki returns to the safe-house, he asks "if you are acquitted, you are acquitted, so why continue to sanction us?"
For the time being, he has no answers.
11 August, 2007
Verdict for a Survivor Accused of Genocide Will Be Rendered Sunday
Hirondelle News Agency
09 August 2007
The semi-traditional Gacaca court of Nyakabanda, in the suburbs of Kigali, will render its verdict Sunday in the trial of a survivor accused of participating in the 1994 genocide.
Modeste Madengeri, a Tutsi in his fifties, is charged with assassination, association with criminals, illegal detention of firearms, use of terror to monopolize goods of others, not bringing assistance to people in danger and looting of corpses.
The accused would have killed a certain Gakwaya during the genocide.
He is also accused of having been present at barrier in his district of Nyamirambo, close to Nyakabanda.
Modeste Madengeri appeared last Sunday and recognized his presence on the barrier. He refuted all other allegations.
He explained that two soldiers, members of the former Rwandan Armed Forces, helped him as the Sun City hotel in Nyamirambo, where he had sought refuge, was attacked and had led him to a barrier set up near his residence. They immediately instructed the Interahamwe militiamen of the district that nobody was to harm him, he said.
The defendant stated that he was the victim of an "orchestrated set-up by those who have family members in prison or who themselves were imprisoned following my testimonies"
"The barrier was in Nyamirambo, where I live even now, the witnesses of the prosecution are in majority of the same district, the alleged crimes were committed in this sector, and it is the sector of Nyakabanda which organizes my trial. A devilish arrangement, is it not?", Modeste Madengeri told Hirondelle News Agency.
"The testimonies of the prosecution are full of contradictions, the civil parties are absent. There are many questions without answers in this trial", estimates for his part a person who attended the proceedings.
For Kayitare, the head of the justice department at Ibuka, the principal association of genocide survivors, several members of the organization were blamed, wrongfully, after having testified for the prosecution in trials.
09 August 2007
The semi-traditional Gacaca court of Nyakabanda, in the suburbs of Kigali, will render its verdict Sunday in the trial of a survivor accused of participating in the 1994 genocide.
Modeste Madengeri, a Tutsi in his fifties, is charged with assassination, association with criminals, illegal detention of firearms, use of terror to monopolize goods of others, not bringing assistance to people in danger and looting of corpses.
The accused would have killed a certain Gakwaya during the genocide.
He is also accused of having been present at barrier in his district of Nyamirambo, close to Nyakabanda.
Modeste Madengeri appeared last Sunday and recognized his presence on the barrier. He refuted all other allegations.
He explained that two soldiers, members of the former Rwandan Armed Forces, helped him as the Sun City hotel in Nyamirambo, where he had sought refuge, was attacked and had led him to a barrier set up near his residence. They immediately instructed the Interahamwe militiamen of the district that nobody was to harm him, he said.
The defendant stated that he was the victim of an "orchestrated set-up by those who have family members in prison or who themselves were imprisoned following my testimonies"
"The barrier was in Nyamirambo, where I live even now, the witnesses of the prosecution are in majority of the same district, the alleged crimes were committed in this sector, and it is the sector of Nyakabanda which organizes my trial. A devilish arrangement, is it not?", Modeste Madengeri told Hirondelle News Agency.
"The testimonies of the prosecution are full of contradictions, the civil parties are absent. There are many questions without answers in this trial", estimates for his part a person who attended the proceedings.
For Kayitare, the head of the justice department at Ibuka, the principal association of genocide survivors, several members of the organization were blamed, wrongfully, after having testified for the prosecution in trials.
A Rwandan Recognizes False Testimony Before the ICTR
Hirondelle News Agency
10 August 2007
The first person indicted for giving false testimony before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) admitted Friday having lied under oath at the time of the appeal of the former minister of higher education, Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda, sentenced to life in prison.
The witness, a Rwandan simply designated by the pseudonym GAA, has however rejected the charges of contempt of the tribunal and attempt to commit acts punishable as contempt of the tribunal.
GAA, who has testified against Kamuhanda at the time of the first instance trial in 2001, had retracted and cleared the former minister at the time of the appeal trial in 2005.
"I gave a false testimony (at the time of the appeal trial). It is the only charge which I recognize. I asked for forgiveness, I continue to be sorry ", acknowledged Friday GAA, expressing himself in Kinyarwanda.
The indictment submitted on 23 March 2007 charges him of contempt of the tribunal for knowingly and wilfully interfering with its administration of justice.
The text finally alleges that the defendant attempted to suborn false testimony under solemn declaration from four witnesses or potential witnesses.
"I did not have the means to commit these acts", said GAA, upright behind the opaque curtains, for his initial appearance, before Judge Dennis Byron, President of the ICTR.
The tribunal will have to examine the partial admission and hold a trial relative to the rejected charges.
GAA had explained to the appeal judges in the Kamuhanda case that a woman, also a witness in that trial and designated by the code name GEK, had involved him in a smear campaign against Kamuhanda, which the woman, who also testified in appeal, denied.
Following these proceedings, the appeal chamber ordered an investigation into the matter.
The prosecutor, Hassan Bubacar Jallow, had entrusted this work to a foreign lawyer at the tribunal, American Loretta Lynch, whose report led to the indictment of GAA.
According to the rules of procedure and evidence of the ICTR, false testimony under solemn declaration is liable to a fine not exceeding 10 000 US dollars or to a maximum sentence of 5 years in prison or both.
10 August 2007
The first person indicted for giving false testimony before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) admitted Friday having lied under oath at the time of the appeal of the former minister of higher education, Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda, sentenced to life in prison.
The witness, a Rwandan simply designated by the pseudonym GAA, has however rejected the charges of contempt of the tribunal and attempt to commit acts punishable as contempt of the tribunal.
GAA, who has testified against Kamuhanda at the time of the first instance trial in 2001, had retracted and cleared the former minister at the time of the appeal trial in 2005.
"I gave a false testimony (at the time of the appeal trial). It is the only charge which I recognize. I asked for forgiveness, I continue to be sorry ", acknowledged Friday GAA, expressing himself in Kinyarwanda.
The indictment submitted on 23 March 2007 charges him of contempt of the tribunal for knowingly and wilfully interfering with its administration of justice.
The text finally alleges that the defendant attempted to suborn false testimony under solemn declaration from four witnesses or potential witnesses.
"I did not have the means to commit these acts", said GAA, upright behind the opaque curtains, for his initial appearance, before Judge Dennis Byron, President of the ICTR.
The tribunal will have to examine the partial admission and hold a trial relative to the rejected charges.
GAA had explained to the appeal judges in the Kamuhanda case that a woman, also a witness in that trial and designated by the code name GEK, had involved him in a smear campaign against Kamuhanda, which the woman, who also testified in appeal, denied.
Following these proceedings, the appeal chamber ordered an investigation into the matter.
The prosecutor, Hassan Bubacar Jallow, had entrusted this work to a foreign lawyer at the tribunal, American Loretta Lynch, whose report led to the indictment of GAA.
According to the rules of procedure and evidence of the ICTR, false testimony under solemn declaration is liable to a fine not exceeding 10 000 US dollars or to a maximum sentence of 5 years in prison or both.
Clashes Between Rebels and Government in the North.
MISNA
10 August 2007
Fighting erupted overnight between the rebels of the Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ) and government forces in at least two northern locations in Niger: Agadez, main city of the region, and the town of Tchirozerine. MISNA learned the news from sources close to the rebels, specifying that at least two civilians were killed in the exchange of fire. In a statement, the MNJ blamed the death of the two civilians on the soldiers, who apparently fired mortar shells against rebel posts; one allegedly missed its target and hit a family home in the Oumourdan Maghas neighbourhood. Based on concordant reports, the rebels entered in action in the Agadez area in an attack on an army fuel depot. The target of the attack in Tchirozerine was instead the SONICHAR electric company, which supplies electricity to uranium mines belonging to French nuclear group Areva. It is unclear if there were any casualties in fighting in the town.
10 August 2007
Fighting erupted overnight between the rebels of the Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ) and government forces in at least two northern locations in Niger: Agadez, main city of the region, and the town of Tchirozerine. MISNA learned the news from sources close to the rebels, specifying that at least two civilians were killed in the exchange of fire. In a statement, the MNJ blamed the death of the two civilians on the soldiers, who apparently fired mortar shells against rebel posts; one allegedly missed its target and hit a family home in the Oumourdan Maghas neighbourhood. Based on concordant reports, the rebels entered in action in the Agadez area in an attack on an army fuel depot. The target of the attack in Tchirozerine was instead the SONICHAR electric company, which supplies electricity to uranium mines belonging to French nuclear group Areva. It is unclear if there were any casualties in fighting in the town.
Armed Raid on Border With DR Congo
MISNA
10 Aug 2007
At least three civilians were killed and one critically wounded on the outskirts of the town of Butogota, in the western district of Kanungu along the border with the Democratic Republic of Congo, in a raid by unidentified gunmen from the neighbouring nation. The news was reported on the front pages of the government New Vision and independent Daily Monitor newspapers. According to the first paper, the raid took place on Wednesday, while for the second yesterday morning. Witnesses cited by the Daily Monitor referred that the assailants threw grenades, looted homes and stores, beat and sexually abused some women, before fleeing the scene. “We are sure they came from North Kivu Province on the DR-Congo side, attacked and went back. They could be renegade militia who have refused to join the Congolese army, Interahamwe (former Rwandan militia accused of involvement in the 1994 genocide that took refuge in DR-Congo) or anything”, said Defence and Army Spokesman Felix Kulayigye. Ugandan Security Minister Amama Mbabazi warned that Uganda might consider re-entering into DR-Congo if cross-border attacks on its citizens do not stop. Mbabazi also criticised the United Nations Mission in the neighbouring country (MONUC) for failing to control the territory.
Always based on testimonies from Butogota, the attackers were around thirty, wearing military fatigues, heavily armed and spoke a mixture of Swahili and Kinyarwanda; in the attack they also surrounded the local police station, opening fire against the building. The victims included a student, apparently hit by a stray bullet, and two taxi drivers, shot dead on entering the city failing to stop at a roadblock. The attack comes at a moment of high tension between Kampala and Kinshasa over the sovereignty of Rukwanzi Island on Lake Albert, in the north-west, crossed by the borderline between the two countries. In the disputed area, on August 3 gunmen crossed over the border and attacked a barge belonging to the Canadian Heritage Oil Corporation, killing a British contractor and a Ugandan soldier; on July 29 four Ugandan soldiers were captured by Congolese regular forces on Lake Albert and later released.
10 Aug 2007
At least three civilians were killed and one critically wounded on the outskirts of the town of Butogota, in the western district of Kanungu along the border with the Democratic Republic of Congo, in a raid by unidentified gunmen from the neighbouring nation. The news was reported on the front pages of the government New Vision and independent Daily Monitor newspapers. According to the first paper, the raid took place on Wednesday, while for the second yesterday morning. Witnesses cited by the Daily Monitor referred that the assailants threw grenades, looted homes and stores, beat and sexually abused some women, before fleeing the scene. “We are sure they came from North Kivu Province on the DR-Congo side, attacked and went back. They could be renegade militia who have refused to join the Congolese army, Interahamwe (former Rwandan militia accused of involvement in the 1994 genocide that took refuge in DR-Congo) or anything”, said Defence and Army Spokesman Felix Kulayigye. Ugandan Security Minister Amama Mbabazi warned that Uganda might consider re-entering into DR-Congo if cross-border attacks on its citizens do not stop. Mbabazi also criticised the United Nations Mission in the neighbouring country (MONUC) for failing to control the territory.
Always based on testimonies from Butogota, the attackers were around thirty, wearing military fatigues, heavily armed and spoke a mixture of Swahili and Kinyarwanda; in the attack they also surrounded the local police station, opening fire against the building. The victims included a student, apparently hit by a stray bullet, and two taxi drivers, shot dead on entering the city failing to stop at a roadblock. The attack comes at a moment of high tension between Kampala and Kinshasa over the sovereignty of Rukwanzi Island on Lake Albert, in the north-west, crossed by the borderline between the two countries. In the disputed area, on August 3 gunmen crossed over the border and attacked a barge belonging to the Canadian Heritage Oil Corporation, killing a British contractor and a Ugandan soldier; on July 29 four Ugandan soldiers were captured by Congolese regular forces on Lake Albert and later released.
10 August, 2007
Gacacas Will End in September in a Southern Sector.
Hirondelle News Agency
8 August 2007
The trials before the semi-traditional courts, known as Gacacas, could end next month in a sector of southern Rwanda, reports the newspaper La Nouvelle Relève.
"In the sector of Kanazi, in Huye, a district in Southern Rwanda, the population states that, from now until September, all the Gacaca cases will be tried", according to the governmental newspaper.
Created in 2001 to try the principal suspects of the genocide that resulted officially in nearly a million dead, primarily members of the Tutsi minority, the Gacaca courts should complete their work by the end of the year.
Recently, additional courts were introduced throughout the country with the aim of accomplishing this objective.
The sector of Kanazi has, as a whole, 300 cases to be tried. "For the moment, a great number among these cases have already been tried", declared Evariste Nyarushumba, a local leader quoted by La Nouvelle Relève. He states that there remains only a reduced number of cases which will be tried without delay.
In Kanazi, the population meets every Wednesday for the Gacaca proceedings.
La Nouvelle Relève reports that there is a strong participation of the population in the Gacacas. Non-justified absences are sanctioned by a fine of 1 000 Rwandan francs (approximately 2 US dollars).
On 31 May 2007, Gacacas had tried 108 732 persons throughout the country. 22 811 of them have been convicted to Work of General Interest, an alternative to imprisonment, while 18 930 others have been acquitted.
Gacaca judges are not professional magistrates but ordinary citizens elected within their communities because of their moral integrity. They receive a basic legal training.
8 August 2007
The trials before the semi-traditional courts, known as Gacacas, could end next month in a sector of southern Rwanda, reports the newspaper La Nouvelle Relève.
"In the sector of Kanazi, in Huye, a district in Southern Rwanda, the population states that, from now until September, all the Gacaca cases will be tried", according to the governmental newspaper.
Created in 2001 to try the principal suspects of the genocide that resulted officially in nearly a million dead, primarily members of the Tutsi minority, the Gacaca courts should complete their work by the end of the year.
Recently, additional courts were introduced throughout the country with the aim of accomplishing this objective.
The sector of Kanazi has, as a whole, 300 cases to be tried. "For the moment, a great number among these cases have already been tried", declared Evariste Nyarushumba, a local leader quoted by La Nouvelle Relève. He states that there remains only a reduced number of cases which will be tried without delay.
In Kanazi, the population meets every Wednesday for the Gacaca proceedings.
La Nouvelle Relève reports that there is a strong participation of the population in the Gacacas. Non-justified absences are sanctioned by a fine of 1 000 Rwandan francs (approximately 2 US dollars).
On 31 May 2007, Gacacas had tried 108 732 persons throughout the country. 22 811 of them have been convicted to Work of General Interest, an alternative to imprisonment, while 18 930 others have been acquitted.
Gacaca judges are not professional magistrates but ordinary citizens elected within their communities because of their moral integrity. They receive a basic legal training.
A Witness Accused of Contempt of Court Will Appear Friday
Hirondelle News Agency
8 August 07
A person accused of contempt of court will appear Friday before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), it was learned Wednesday from a judicial source.
The protected witness GAA had initially testified for the prosecutor then for the defence in the trial of the former Minister Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda whose conviction to life in prison was upheld by the appeals chamber on 19 September 2005.
Before the appeals chamber, witness GAA had explained that he had reconsidered his testimony after having discovered that he had been induced into error by a prosecution witness.
Not satisfied with this explanation, the appeal judges ordered an investigation which, later, led to his indictment for contempt of court.
GAA was arrested in Rwanda on 1 August and was transferred to the ICTR to be tried. Friday, he will be asked to plead guilty or not guilty, on the basis of an indictment that has up to now been kept under seal. The document was confirmed on 11 June by Judge Jai Ram Reddy (Fiji).
It is the first time that a trial for contempt of court is being held at the ICTR. In the past, the parties had on several occasions pleaded that witnesses had lied under oath but each time they were overruled by the judges.
GAA will appear at 10 a.m. (7 a.m. GMT) before Judge Dennis Byron (Saint-Kitts and Nevis), the ICTR President.
He will be defended, for this initial appearance, by a court appointed lawyer. The registrar's office, after having ensured itself that he is indigent, designated the Tanzanian Cecil Maruma to represent him. His fees will be paid by the tribunal.
The maximum sentence faced in the event of a conviction is five years in prison and/or a fine of 10 000 US dollars.
The fine is paid to the registrar who places it into a distinct account. The first instance judgment is likely to be appealed.
8 August 07
A person accused of contempt of court will appear Friday before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), it was learned Wednesday from a judicial source.
The protected witness GAA had initially testified for the prosecutor then for the defence in the trial of the former Minister Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda whose conviction to life in prison was upheld by the appeals chamber on 19 September 2005.
Before the appeals chamber, witness GAA had explained that he had reconsidered his testimony after having discovered that he had been induced into error by a prosecution witness.
Not satisfied with this explanation, the appeal judges ordered an investigation which, later, led to his indictment for contempt of court.
GAA was arrested in Rwanda on 1 August and was transferred to the ICTR to be tried. Friday, he will be asked to plead guilty or not guilty, on the basis of an indictment that has up to now been kept under seal. The document was confirmed on 11 June by Judge Jai Ram Reddy (Fiji).
It is the first time that a trial for contempt of court is being held at the ICTR. In the past, the parties had on several occasions pleaded that witnesses had lied under oath but each time they were overruled by the judges.
GAA will appear at 10 a.m. (7 a.m. GMT) before Judge Dennis Byron (Saint-Kitts and Nevis), the ICTR President.
He will be defended, for this initial appearance, by a court appointed lawyer. The registrar's office, after having ensured itself that he is indigent, designated the Tanzanian Cecil Maruma to represent him. His fees will be paid by the tribunal.
The maximum sentence faced in the event of a conviction is five years in prison and/or a fine of 10 000 US dollars.
The fine is paid to the registrar who places it into a distinct account. The first instance judgment is likely to be appealed.
A Rwandan Accused by Kigali of Having Influencing A Witness
Hirondelle News Agency
8 August 2007
A Rwandan appeared Tuesday before a court in the north of the country accused of having influenced a witness called before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), reported the daily newspaper The News Times.
Elias Kanyarutaro, 42, appeared before a court in Musanze. The prosecution alleges that he tried to influence a witness by paying him a sum of 20, 000 Rwandan francs (approximately 40 US dollars).
The witness allegedly has testified in the trial of the former leaders of the former ruling party, the Mouvement Républicain National pour la Démocratie et le Développement (MRND), which began in September 2005 at the ICTR.
The suspect would have acted on behalf of the former secretary general of the party, Joseph Nzirorera, one of the three defendants in this trial. He has pleaded not guilty.
The prosecutor stated that "it's not a crime to testify for or against some one, as long as it comes from one's conscience based on the facts, but it becomes wrong when one is being influenced to do so"
Kanyarutaro states that he was "hunted" simply because he was a friend of Nzirorera.
The verdict will be rendered on 31 August. The suspect faces a ten year prison sentence.
Nzirorera is accused with Mathieu Ngirumpatse and Edouard Karemera, respectively president and vice-president of the MRND in 1994. Indicted for genocide and crimes against humanity, all the three have pleaded not guilty.
It is the second time in a little more than a month and half that Rwandan courts deal with allegations of this kind.
In mid-June, a defence investigator in the ongoing ICTR trial of Father Emmanuel Rukundo, Léonidas Nshogoza, was arrested. He was suspected of having pressured a witness for the prosecution so that he reconsidered his testimony. He is still in preventative custody.
In addition, a witness accused of contempt at the ICTR was recently arrested in Rwanda and was transferred to Arusha to be tried. He is awaiting to appear before a judge.
The protected witness GAA had initially testified for the prosecution, then for the defence, in the trial of the former Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda convicted to life in prison on 19 September 2005 by the appeals chamber.
GAA had indicated that he had been induced into error by another prosecution witness to explain his about face.
The appeals chamber ordered an investigation which led to his indictment and arrest.
The maximum sentence faced in the event of a guilty verdict is five years in prison and/or a fine of 10 000 US dollars.
8 August 2007
A Rwandan appeared Tuesday before a court in the north of the country accused of having influenced a witness called before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), reported the daily newspaper The News Times.
Elias Kanyarutaro, 42, appeared before a court in Musanze. The prosecution alleges that he tried to influence a witness by paying him a sum of 20, 000 Rwandan francs (approximately 40 US dollars).
The witness allegedly has testified in the trial of the former leaders of the former ruling party, the Mouvement Républicain National pour la Démocratie et le Développement (MRND), which began in September 2005 at the ICTR.
The suspect would have acted on behalf of the former secretary general of the party, Joseph Nzirorera, one of the three defendants in this trial. He has pleaded not guilty.
The prosecutor stated that "it's not a crime to testify for or against some one, as long as it comes from one's conscience based on the facts, but it becomes wrong when one is being influenced to do so"
Kanyarutaro states that he was "hunted" simply because he was a friend of Nzirorera.
The verdict will be rendered on 31 August. The suspect faces a ten year prison sentence.
Nzirorera is accused with Mathieu Ngirumpatse and Edouard Karemera, respectively president and vice-president of the MRND in 1994. Indicted for genocide and crimes against humanity, all the three have pleaded not guilty.
It is the second time in a little more than a month and half that Rwandan courts deal with allegations of this kind.
In mid-June, a defence investigator in the ongoing ICTR trial of Father Emmanuel Rukundo, Léonidas Nshogoza, was arrested. He was suspected of having pressured a witness for the prosecution so that he reconsidered his testimony. He is still in preventative custody.
In addition, a witness accused of contempt at the ICTR was recently arrested in Rwanda and was transferred to Arusha to be tried. He is awaiting to appear before a judge.
The protected witness GAA had initially testified for the prosecution, then for the defence, in the trial of the former Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda convicted to life in prison on 19 September 2005 by the appeals chamber.
GAA had indicated that he had been induced into error by another prosecution witness to explain his about face.
The appeals chamber ordered an investigation which led to his indictment and arrest.
The maximum sentence faced in the event of a guilty verdict is five years in prison and/or a fine of 10 000 US dollars.
09 August, 2007
UN Delegation Tours South-central Somalia as EU Aid Agencies Leave Puntland
Shabelle News Network
9 August 2007
http://www.shabelle.net/news/ne3505.htm
A delegation led by Eric Laroche, UN humanitarian coordinator for the Horn of African country, has reached Jawhar, the main town of Middle Shabelle province in south-central Somalia.
The delegation making up 9 have toured impoverished shelters on the outskirt of the town where hundreds of internally displaced people have been living.
Our correspondent, Omar Kiyow, in Jawhar said the UN led delegation also traveled around the Chinese Channel which recently was renamed with the Channel of Peace.
"The channel was repaired by the United Nations a couple of months ago," he said.
Laroche and his delegation have seen Congo army camp where Somali government troops were training. A large number of Mogadishu residents fled to Jawhar lately fleeing the violence.
Meanwhile some of relief agencies in the semiautonomous province of Puntland had left after they were reportedly threatened by telephone calls and the Puntland administrators warned that the agency which leaves would not be granted to return.
Ali Abdi Aware, the minister of municipal offices, told Shabelle by phone that his regional government was ready to prtect the aid agencies.
The administration's warning was given in a meeting the authorities held in the province, but the groups that threatened the aid agencies remained unknown.
9 August 2007
http://www.shabelle.net/news/ne3505.htm
A delegation led by Eric Laroche, UN humanitarian coordinator for the Horn of African country, has reached Jawhar, the main town of Middle Shabelle province in south-central Somalia.
The delegation making up 9 have toured impoverished shelters on the outskirt of the town where hundreds of internally displaced people have been living.
Our correspondent, Omar Kiyow, in Jawhar said the UN led delegation also traveled around the Chinese Channel which recently was renamed with the Channel of Peace.
"The channel was repaired by the United Nations a couple of months ago," he said.
Laroche and his delegation have seen Congo army camp where Somali government troops were training. A large number of Mogadishu residents fled to Jawhar lately fleeing the violence.
Meanwhile some of relief agencies in the semiautonomous province of Puntland had left after they were reportedly threatened by telephone calls and the Puntland administrators warned that the agency which leaves would not be granted to return.
Ali Abdi Aware, the minister of municipal offices, told Shabelle by phone that his regional government was ready to prtect the aid agencies.
The administration's warning was given in a meeting the authorities held in the province, but the groups that threatened the aid agencies remained unknown.
AI Petitions Somaliland Over Opposition Arrests
Afrol News
9 August 2007
http://www.afrol.com/articles/26358
Amnesty International (AI) has petitioned the government of Somaliland over the arrest of three officials of an emergent opposition party. The human rights body called for the “immediate and unconditional release” of the opposition figures. They were arrested in the capital Hargeisa on 28 July.
The officials are Mohamed Abdi Gabose, a neurologist and former minister in the Somaliland and Somalia Governments; Mohamed Hashi Elmi, a civil engineer and former Mayor of Hargeisa; and Jamal Aideed, a telecommunications businessperson.
They are respectively the chairperson, the vice-chairperson and the second vice-chairperson of the newly coined Qaran party (The Nation), which is not so far legally registered but had begun informal political activities in advance of the local elections expected to take place in December this year.
Shortly before their arrest, the Interior Minister had accused Qaran leaders of “fuelling unrest” through holding public meetings. They were asked to stop holding public meetings or else face serious criminal charges.
But Amnesty International could not see an iota of justification in the minister’s threats because “there have been no demonstrations or violent incidents involving Qaran supporters.”
The three men have since been detained in Mandera prison, some 70 km east of Hargeisa. Though they were remanded after appearing before the court, Qaran leaders are yet to be charged with any offence, with authorities claiming they are still investigation their "unlawful political activities."
The AI described the political leaders as prisoners of conscience and raised fears that they might become victims of prolong detention without trial or unfair trial.
Journalist of ‘Haatuf’ were the previous prisoners of conscience in Somaliland. After their arrest and detention in January this year, the journalists were subjected to unfair trial which led to their imprisonment for years. They were pardoned by the President in March.
Only two political parties were allowed to participate in the last elections in 2002, though there was proliferation of parties at the time. The government’s excuse was to prevent the formation of parties based on clan affiliations. And with the disband of the registration in 2002, there is currently no mechanism for registering new political parties in Somaliland.
The Republic of Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991, but it has since then been battling to gain international recognition. It is the only part of the former Somali Republic to have established security and functioning institutions of governance and a multi-party system of government.
9 August 2007
http://www.afrol.com/articles/26358
Amnesty International (AI) has petitioned the government of Somaliland over the arrest of three officials of an emergent opposition party. The human rights body called for the “immediate and unconditional release” of the opposition figures. They were arrested in the capital Hargeisa on 28 July.
The officials are Mohamed Abdi Gabose, a neurologist and former minister in the Somaliland and Somalia Governments; Mohamed Hashi Elmi, a civil engineer and former Mayor of Hargeisa; and Jamal Aideed, a telecommunications businessperson.
They are respectively the chairperson, the vice-chairperson and the second vice-chairperson of the newly coined Qaran party (The Nation), which is not so far legally registered but had begun informal political activities in advance of the local elections expected to take place in December this year.
Shortly before their arrest, the Interior Minister had accused Qaran leaders of “fuelling unrest” through holding public meetings. They were asked to stop holding public meetings or else face serious criminal charges.
But Amnesty International could not see an iota of justification in the minister’s threats because “there have been no demonstrations or violent incidents involving Qaran supporters.”
The three men have since been detained in Mandera prison, some 70 km east of Hargeisa. Though they were remanded after appearing before the court, Qaran leaders are yet to be charged with any offence, with authorities claiming they are still investigation their "unlawful political activities."
The AI described the political leaders as prisoners of conscience and raised fears that they might become victims of prolong detention without trial or unfair trial.
Journalist of ‘Haatuf’ were the previous prisoners of conscience in Somaliland. After their arrest and detention in January this year, the journalists were subjected to unfair trial which led to their imprisonment for years. They were pardoned by the President in March.
Only two political parties were allowed to participate in the last elections in 2002, though there was proliferation of parties at the time. The government’s excuse was to prevent the formation of parties based on clan affiliations. And with the disband of the registration in 2002, there is currently no mechanism for registering new political parties in Somaliland.
The Republic of Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991, but it has since then been battling to gain international recognition. It is the only part of the former Somali Republic to have established security and functioning institutions of governance and a multi-party system of government.
UPDF Now Heads to Darfur
Daily Monitor
9 August 2007
AL-MAHDI SSENKABIRWA & AGENCIES
Months after sending peacekeepers to Somalia, the Ugandan government has now pledged more soldiers for yet another peacekeeping mission in the region.
Uganda has pledged to contribute a contingent of infantry soldiers for the new “hybrid” UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Sudan’s troubled Darfur region.
“UPDF is committed to such a mission because they have a pan-African obligation to help other African states,” Defence and Army Spokesman Felix Kulayigye said. “UPDF has the capability to handle such matters. This has already been exhibited in Somalia.”
The UPDF publicist said, however, that the deployment issue is still at policy level and no firm decision had been made, a position echoed by Defence Minister Crispus Kiyonga.
“As government, we have not yet made a decision to that effect,” he said, declining further elaboration.
The UN lists Uganda as one of many African countries that have either offered or pledged peacekeepers.
If Uganda’s deployment in Darfur comes to pass, it would be yet another demonstration of the country’s desire to project itself as a regional power capable of doing good. In the 1990s, Uganda actively supported the assumption of power by the RPF in Rwanda, and the ouster of then-Zaire’s dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. It then went to play a part in negotiating peace in Southern Sudan and in Somalia, where some of its troops are presently deployed as peacekeepers.
News agencies quoted UN officials saying on Tuesday that the largest offers of new infantry troops have come from Rwanda, Ethiopia and Egypt, with pledges from Burkina Faso, Djibouti, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda as well as the Asian countries of Bangladesh, Jordan, Malaysia, Nepal and Thailand.
Police units are pledged from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Egypt, Nigeria, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Nepal and Pakistan.
"We are meeting the objective of a predominantly African force," said Ms Jane Holl Lute, the UN assistant secretary-general in peacekeeping. Maj. Kulayigye said that the nature of deployment in Darfur “will depend on the nature of the request [from the UN and AU]”.
He said at the moment the army does not know whether the request will be for the UPDF to conduct observer, peacekeeping, or training operations.
The initial list of troop contributors included no industrial nations, although Ms Lute said she had received "initial expressions of willingness".
Uganda’s pledge of troops to the Darfur mission follows a March 2007 deployment in Somalia of some 1,500 UPDF soldiers as the vanguard of a projected 8,000-strong African peacekeeping force to try to stabilise the country and allow Ethiopian troops who helped oust the Islamists to leave.
The troops, serving under the flagship of Amisom, or the African Union Mission in Somalia, are the only peacekeepers there to-date.
Ghana, Nigeria and Burundi, the other countries that promised to contribute troops, have since delayed to do so. Each African peacekeeper in Somalia is earning $400 (about Shs660,000) on top of his or her normal salary. Uganda, as a contributing government, is paid $100 for each soldier.
The Darfur force, UN officials said on Tuesday, needs specialists and attack helicopters from rich nations.
Boots on the ground, Ms Lute said, were not a problem but the operation needed attack helicopters, engineers and people who could supply and drive huge rigs of cargo from Port Sudan in the northeast to Darfur in the west.
The United States will not send military personnel. America’s UN Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad said Washington would help with hiring companies to build barracks for the peacekeepers and transport to get troops to Darfur.
The conflict in Darfur began in 2003 after rebel groups began attacking government targets, saying their communities were being discriminated against in favour of Arabs.
Darfur, which means land of the Fur, has faced many years of tension over land and grazing rights between the mostly nomadic Arabs, and farmers from the Fur, Massaleet and Zagawa communities.
The UN Security Council last month authorised deployment of 19,555 military personnel and 6,432 civilian police, which would be the world's largest peacekeeping force. Another 4,000 to 5,000 local and international civilians are anticipated for a hybrid force of more than 30,000 personnel in Darfur. That would mean a total of about 40,000 peacekeepers in Sudan because a UN force is already deployed in the south of the country to monitor a peace agreement between Khartoum and former rebels.
The Security Council's July resolution invokes Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, under which the UN can authorise force. The measure allows the use of force by peacekeepers for self-defence, to ensure the free movement of humanitarian workers and to protect civilians under attack, but acknowledges Sudan's sovereignty.
But the watered-down resolution did not allow the new force to seize and dispose of illegal arms, saying it can only monitor such weapons.
The hybrid UN-AU operation aims to protect civilians in Darfur, a region where more than 2.1 million people have been driven into camps and an estimated 200,000 have died in the past four years.
The operation is expected to cost more than $2 billion a year plus start-up costs.
9 August 2007
AL-MAHDI SSENKABIRWA & AGENCIES
Months after sending peacekeepers to Somalia, the Ugandan government has now pledged more soldiers for yet another peacekeeping mission in the region.
Uganda has pledged to contribute a contingent of infantry soldiers for the new “hybrid” UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Sudan’s troubled Darfur region.
“UPDF is committed to such a mission because they have a pan-African obligation to help other African states,” Defence and Army Spokesman Felix Kulayigye said. “UPDF has the capability to handle such matters. This has already been exhibited in Somalia.”
The UPDF publicist said, however, that the deployment issue is still at policy level and no firm decision had been made, a position echoed by Defence Minister Crispus Kiyonga.
“As government, we have not yet made a decision to that effect,” he said, declining further elaboration.
The UN lists Uganda as one of many African countries that have either offered or pledged peacekeepers.
If Uganda’s deployment in Darfur comes to pass, it would be yet another demonstration of the country’s desire to project itself as a regional power capable of doing good. In the 1990s, Uganda actively supported the assumption of power by the RPF in Rwanda, and the ouster of then-Zaire’s dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. It then went to play a part in negotiating peace in Southern Sudan and in Somalia, where some of its troops are presently deployed as peacekeepers.
News agencies quoted UN officials saying on Tuesday that the largest offers of new infantry troops have come from Rwanda, Ethiopia and Egypt, with pledges from Burkina Faso, Djibouti, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda as well as the Asian countries of Bangladesh, Jordan, Malaysia, Nepal and Thailand.
Police units are pledged from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Egypt, Nigeria, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Nepal and Pakistan.
"We are meeting the objective of a predominantly African force," said Ms Jane Holl Lute, the UN assistant secretary-general in peacekeeping. Maj. Kulayigye said that the nature of deployment in Darfur “will depend on the nature of the request [from the UN and AU]”.
He said at the moment the army does not know whether the request will be for the UPDF to conduct observer, peacekeeping, or training operations.
The initial list of troop contributors included no industrial nations, although Ms Lute said she had received "initial expressions of willingness".
Uganda’s pledge of troops to the Darfur mission follows a March 2007 deployment in Somalia of some 1,500 UPDF soldiers as the vanguard of a projected 8,000-strong African peacekeeping force to try to stabilise the country and allow Ethiopian troops who helped oust the Islamists to leave.
The troops, serving under the flagship of Amisom, or the African Union Mission in Somalia, are the only peacekeepers there to-date.
Ghana, Nigeria and Burundi, the other countries that promised to contribute troops, have since delayed to do so. Each African peacekeeper in Somalia is earning $400 (about Shs660,000) on top of his or her normal salary. Uganda, as a contributing government, is paid $100 for each soldier.
The Darfur force, UN officials said on Tuesday, needs specialists and attack helicopters from rich nations.
Boots on the ground, Ms Lute said, were not a problem but the operation needed attack helicopters, engineers and people who could supply and drive huge rigs of cargo from Port Sudan in the northeast to Darfur in the west.
The United States will not send military personnel. America’s UN Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad said Washington would help with hiring companies to build barracks for the peacekeepers and transport to get troops to Darfur.
The conflict in Darfur began in 2003 after rebel groups began attacking government targets, saying their communities were being discriminated against in favour of Arabs.
Darfur, which means land of the Fur, has faced many years of tension over land and grazing rights between the mostly nomadic Arabs, and farmers from the Fur, Massaleet and Zagawa communities.
The UN Security Council last month authorised deployment of 19,555 military personnel and 6,432 civilian police, which would be the world's largest peacekeeping force. Another 4,000 to 5,000 local and international civilians are anticipated for a hybrid force of more than 30,000 personnel in Darfur. That would mean a total of about 40,000 peacekeepers in Sudan because a UN force is already deployed in the south of the country to monitor a peace agreement between Khartoum and former rebels.
The Security Council's July resolution invokes Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, under which the UN can authorise force. The measure allows the use of force by peacekeepers for self-defence, to ensure the free movement of humanitarian workers and to protect civilians under attack, but acknowledges Sudan's sovereignty.
But the watered-down resolution did not allow the new force to seize and dispose of illegal arms, saying it can only monitor such weapons.
The hybrid UN-AU operation aims to protect civilians in Darfur, a region where more than 2.1 million people have been driven into camps and an estimated 200,000 have died in the past four years.
The operation is expected to cost more than $2 billion a year plus start-up costs.
08 August, 2007
Neocon 101: What do neoconservatives believe?
Some basic questions answered.
Global Research, August 7, 2007
Christian Science Monitor
"Neocons" believe that the United States should not be ashamed to use its unrivaled power – forcefully if necessary – to promote its values around the world. Some even speak of the need to cultivate a US empire. Neoconservatives believe modern threats facing the US can no longer be reliably contained and therefore must be prevented, sometimes through preemptive military action.
Most neocons believe that the US has allowed dangers to gather by not spending enough on defense and not confronting threats aggressively enough. One such threat, they contend, was Saddam Hussein and his pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. Since the 1991 Gulf War, neocons relentlessly advocated Mr. Hussein's ouster.
Most neocons share unwavering support for Israel, which they see as crucial to US military sufficiency in a volatile region. They also see Israel as a key outpost of democracy in a region ruled by despots. Believing that authoritarianism and theocracy have allowed anti-Americanism to flourish in the Middle East, neocons advocate the democratic transformation of the region, starting with Iraq. They also believe the US is unnecessarily hampered by multilateral institutions, which they do not trust to effectively neutralize threats to global security.
What are the roots of neoconservative beliefs?
The original neocons were a small group of mostly Jewish liberal intellectuals who, in the 1960s and 70s, grew disenchanted with what they saw as the American left's social excesses and reluctance to spend adequately on defense. Many of these neocons worked in the 1970s for Democratic Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson, a staunch anti-communist. By the 1980s, most neocons had become Republicans, finding in President Ronald Reagan an avenue for their aggressive approach of confronting the Soviet Union with bold rhetoric and steep hikes in military spending. After the Soviet Union's fall, the neocons decried what they saw as American complacency. In the 1990s, they warned of the dangers of reducing both America's defense spending and its role in the world.
Unlike their predecessors, most younger neocons never experienced being left of center. They've always been "Reagan" Republicans.
What is the difference between a neoconservative and a conservative?
Liberals first applied the "neo" prefix to their comrades who broke ranks to become more conservative in the 1960s and 70s. The defectors remained more liberal on some domestic policy issues. But foreign policy stands have always defined neoconservatism. Where other conservatives favored détente and containment of the Soviet Union, neocons pushed direct confrontation, which became their raison d'etre during the 1970s and 80s.
Today, both conservatives and neocons favor a robust US military. But most conservatives express greater reservations about military intervention and so-called nation building. Neocons share no such reluctance. The post 9/11-campaigns against regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate that the neocons are not afraid to force regime change and reshape hostile states in the American image. Neocons believe the US must do to whatever it takes to end state-supported terrorism. For most, this means an aggressive push for democracy in the Middle East. Even after 9/11, many other conservatives, particularly in the isolationist wing, view this as an overzealous dream with nightmarish consequences.
How have neoconservatives influenced US foreign policy?
Finding a kindred spirit in President Reagan, neocons greatly influenced US foreign policy in the 1980s.
But in the 1990s, neocon cries failed to spur much action. Outside of Reaganite think tanks and Israel's right-wing Likud Party, their calls for regime change in Iraq were deemed provocative and extremist by the political mainstream. With a few notable exceptions, such as President Bill Clinton's decision to launch isolated strikes at suspected terrorist targets in Afghanistan and Sudan in 1998, their talk of preemptive military action was largely dismissed as overkill.
Despite being muted by a president who called for restraint and humility in foreign affairs, neocons used the 1990s to hone their message and craft their blueprint for American power. Their forward thinking and long-time ties to Republican circles helped many neocons win key posts in the Bush administration.
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 moved much of the Bush administration closer than ever to neoconservative foreign policy. Only days after 9/11, one of the top neoconservative think tanks in Washington, the Project for a New American Century, wrote an open letter to President Bush calling for regime change in Iraq. Before long, Bush, who campaigned in 2000 against nation building and excessive military intervention overseas, also began calling for regime change in Iraq. In a highly significant nod to neocon influence, Bush chose the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) as the venue for a key February 2003 speech in which he declared that a US victory in Iraq "could begin a new stage for Middle Eastern peace." AEI – the de facto headquarters for neconservative policy – had been calling for democratization of the Arab world for more than a decade.
What does a neoconservative dream world look like?
Neocons envision a world in which the United States is the unchallenged superpower, immune to threats. They believe that the US has a responsibility to act as a "benevolent global hegemon." In this capacity, the US would maintain an empire of sorts by helping to create democratic, economically liberal governments in place of "failed states" or oppressive regimes they deem threatening to the US or its interests. In the neocon dream world the entire Middle East would be democratized in the belief that this would eliminate a prime breeding ground for terrorists. This approach, they claim, is not only best for the US; it is best for the world. In their view, the world can only achieve peace through strong US leadership backed with credible force, not weak treaties to be disrespected by tyrants.
Any regime that is outwardly hostile to the US and could pose a threat would be confronted aggressively, not "appeased" or merely contained. The US military would be reconfigured around the world to allow for greater flexibility and quicker deployment to hot spots in the Middle East, as well as Central and Southeast Asia. The US would spend more on defense, particularly for high-tech, precision weaponry that could be used in preemptive strikes. It would work through multilateral institutions such as the United Nations when possible, but must never be constrained from acting in its best interests whenever necessary.
Global Research, August 7, 2007
Christian Science Monitor
"Neocons" believe that the United States should not be ashamed to use its unrivaled power – forcefully if necessary – to promote its values around the world. Some even speak of the need to cultivate a US empire. Neoconservatives believe modern threats facing the US can no longer be reliably contained and therefore must be prevented, sometimes through preemptive military action.
Most neocons believe that the US has allowed dangers to gather by not spending enough on defense and not confronting threats aggressively enough. One such threat, they contend, was Saddam Hussein and his pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. Since the 1991 Gulf War, neocons relentlessly advocated Mr. Hussein's ouster.
Most neocons share unwavering support for Israel, which they see as crucial to US military sufficiency in a volatile region. They also see Israel as a key outpost of democracy in a region ruled by despots. Believing that authoritarianism and theocracy have allowed anti-Americanism to flourish in the Middle East, neocons advocate the democratic transformation of the region, starting with Iraq. They also believe the US is unnecessarily hampered by multilateral institutions, which they do not trust to effectively neutralize threats to global security.
What are the roots of neoconservative beliefs?
The original neocons were a small group of mostly Jewish liberal intellectuals who, in the 1960s and 70s, grew disenchanted with what they saw as the American left's social excesses and reluctance to spend adequately on defense. Many of these neocons worked in the 1970s for Democratic Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson, a staunch anti-communist. By the 1980s, most neocons had become Republicans, finding in President Ronald Reagan an avenue for their aggressive approach of confronting the Soviet Union with bold rhetoric and steep hikes in military spending. After the Soviet Union's fall, the neocons decried what they saw as American complacency. In the 1990s, they warned of the dangers of reducing both America's defense spending and its role in the world.
Unlike their predecessors, most younger neocons never experienced being left of center. They've always been "Reagan" Republicans.
What is the difference between a neoconservative and a conservative?
Liberals first applied the "neo" prefix to their comrades who broke ranks to become more conservative in the 1960s and 70s. The defectors remained more liberal on some domestic policy issues. But foreign policy stands have always defined neoconservatism. Where other conservatives favored détente and containment of the Soviet Union, neocons pushed direct confrontation, which became their raison d'etre during the 1970s and 80s.
Today, both conservatives and neocons favor a robust US military. But most conservatives express greater reservations about military intervention and so-called nation building. Neocons share no such reluctance. The post 9/11-campaigns against regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate that the neocons are not afraid to force regime change and reshape hostile states in the American image. Neocons believe the US must do to whatever it takes to end state-supported terrorism. For most, this means an aggressive push for democracy in the Middle East. Even after 9/11, many other conservatives, particularly in the isolationist wing, view this as an overzealous dream with nightmarish consequences.
How have neoconservatives influenced US foreign policy?
Finding a kindred spirit in President Reagan, neocons greatly influenced US foreign policy in the 1980s.
But in the 1990s, neocon cries failed to spur much action. Outside of Reaganite think tanks and Israel's right-wing Likud Party, their calls for regime change in Iraq were deemed provocative and extremist by the political mainstream. With a few notable exceptions, such as President Bill Clinton's decision to launch isolated strikes at suspected terrorist targets in Afghanistan and Sudan in 1998, their talk of preemptive military action was largely dismissed as overkill.
Despite being muted by a president who called for restraint and humility in foreign affairs, neocons used the 1990s to hone their message and craft their blueprint for American power. Their forward thinking and long-time ties to Republican circles helped many neocons win key posts in the Bush administration.
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 moved much of the Bush administration closer than ever to neoconservative foreign policy. Only days after 9/11, one of the top neoconservative think tanks in Washington, the Project for a New American Century, wrote an open letter to President Bush calling for regime change in Iraq. Before long, Bush, who campaigned in 2000 against nation building and excessive military intervention overseas, also began calling for regime change in Iraq. In a highly significant nod to neocon influence, Bush chose the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) as the venue for a key February 2003 speech in which he declared that a US victory in Iraq "could begin a new stage for Middle Eastern peace." AEI – the de facto headquarters for neconservative policy – had been calling for democratization of the Arab world for more than a decade.
What does a neoconservative dream world look like?
Neocons envision a world in which the United States is the unchallenged superpower, immune to threats. They believe that the US has a responsibility to act as a "benevolent global hegemon." In this capacity, the US would maintain an empire of sorts by helping to create democratic, economically liberal governments in place of "failed states" or oppressive regimes they deem threatening to the US or its interests. In the neocon dream world the entire Middle East would be democratized in the belief that this would eliminate a prime breeding ground for terrorists. This approach, they claim, is not only best for the US; it is best for the world. In their view, the world can only achieve peace through strong US leadership backed with credible force, not weak treaties to be disrespected by tyrants.
Any regime that is outwardly hostile to the US and could pose a threat would be confronted aggressively, not "appeased" or merely contained. The US military would be reconfigured around the world to allow for greater flexibility and quicker deployment to hot spots in the Middle East, as well as Central and Southeast Asia. The US would spend more on defense, particularly for high-tech, precision weaponry that could be used in preemptive strikes. It would work through multilateral institutions such as the United Nations when possible, but must never be constrained from acting in its best interests whenever necessary.
Drilling Into the Land of Snows
International Campaign for Tibet
Press Release
10 January 2007
"Given the harmful effects of the gas and oil extraction projects on the Tibetan plateau, BP, AGIP, and Enron are hereby requested to immediately halt the construction of the Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline, and the increases in drilling for oil and gas on the Tibetan plateau. These corporations are further urged to withdraw investments from Chinese entities engaged in these activities, as a way of ensuring that the destruction of the Tibetan environment and the disenfranchisement of the Tibetan people does not proceed with Western support. These investments are clearly harmful to Tibetans and will be actively opposed."
--Statement of Opposition, Tibetan Government in Exile, September 22, 2000
For the first time, western corporations are involved in a major resource extraction project in Tibet. BP and ENI/Agip are both assisting PetroChina in drilling for oil and gas on the Tibetan plateau and the construction of the Sebei-Lanzhou gas pipeline. BP is the largest foreign investor in PetroChina, and their money is fueling this project. The Italian oil and gas company ENI/Agip is the only foreign oil company operating today on the Tibetan plateau.
The 953-km pipeline and the gas fields being developed to supply it are a significant escalation of China's ongoing strategy of developing Tibet into a resource extraction colony. If allowed to continue, this project will remove petroleum from Tibet without any benefit for Tibetans. Reportedly begun in March of 2000, this project could implicate western corporations in ongoing human rights violations in Tibet. Most importantly, it would serve to consolidate China's control of the region the Chinese army occupied in 1949 and further marginalize Tibetans in their own land.
Although drilling for oil and gas is described by China as essential to the economic development of the region, a top oil industry insider recently admitted that "this is not a commercial project. The purpose of this project at this time is clearly political."
Like the recently defeated World Bank project, oil and gas development in Amdo (Qinghai) appears to have much more to do with consolidating Chinese control over Tibet than with any notion of development for Tibetans living in the area. In both cases, funding from the U.S and Europe intended for "development" will be used to further the Chinese government's colonization of Tibet. Like the Bank project, both the construction of the pipeline and increased oil and gas drilling in the region will involve the resettlement of large numbers of Chinese into the area. Like the Bank project, the entry of the oil and gas industry into Tibet threatens the cultural integrity of Tibetan and Mongolian nomads in the area. Like the Bank project, oil and gas development promises little or no benefits to Tibetans.
Project overview
The Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline is the key to a large-scale, long-term effort to develop the petroleum reserves of the Tibetan plateau to serve the energy needs of China's East Coast. Although the Chinese began developing the Tsaidam basin in 1954, production has to date been relatively limited by its remote location and lack of infrastructure.
The Sebei gas fields are at the eastern edge of the Tsaidam (Qaidam) basin in Amdo (Qinghai) - and make up approximately 11% of China's natural gas reserves. The area is a customary winter grazing ground of Tibetan and Mongolian nomads. If Chinese planners get their way, production in the area will drastically increase over the next several years.
The Chinese government is aggressively courting western corporations to invest in this Tibetan region as well as in the predominantly Uighur region of Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang) and in Inner Mongolia. The non-Chinese peoples of all three regions challenge the legitimacy of Chinese rule as they watch the steady influx of Han Chinese turn them into minorities in their own land.
Even the limited industrial activity in the region has already taken a significant toll on the environment. A recent independent report on the region indicated that half of the area's primitive forest has already been destroyed. In addition, toxic wastes from drilling and other sources are often poured directly into rivers, and oil pipelines in the area are chronically leaking. Existing Chinese laws designed to protect the environment are not enforced.
"With abundant natural resources, comparatively low costs, huge market potential, certain industry infrastructure and technology forces, the vast west region of China will become the new favorite of the foreign investors," said Chinese Vice-President Hu Jintao recently. China has slashed the corporate tax on investments in the west from 33% to 15%, and is aggressively courting new foreign investors.
Corporate cash in Tibet
Seizing on this opportunity, the Italian company ENI, entered into an agreement with the China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) and PetroChina to explore for gas and oil in the Sebei region in late May of 2000. ENI is 35% owned by the Italian government - and no other investor holds more than a 2% share. Through its subsidiary, Agip China BV, the Italians are providing capital and expertise to enable PetroChina to drastically increase its production on the Tibetan plateau. The project is the only foreign direct investment in the oil industry in Tibet - and is in direct violation of the wishes of the Tibetan Government-In-Exile.
BP, a company that has recently placed a premium on cleaning up its corporate image, is also ignoring the will of His Holiness' government. In April of 2000 BP bailed out PetroChina from a near disastrous initial showing on the New York Stock Exchange, and invested $600 million in the Chinese oil company. This cash infusion makes BP the largest foreign investor in PetroChina, and covers the estimated $530 million needed to construct the Tibet pipeline. After pressure from human rights groups and Tibet supporters worldwide, BP elected not to directly invest in the Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline, but their money still fuels the project.
BP is now the largest investor in China's oil industry, and they are considering even larger investments - particularly a $14 billion pipeline that would remove petroleum from the Uighur areas of East Turkestan (Xinjiang) and pipe it to Shanghai - 2,500 miles to the southeast. Although the final route has not yet been determined, it is possible that this pipeline too, may cross through Tibet
BP makes much of their supposed commitment to human rights, yet their willingness to underwrite Beijing's economic occupation of Tibet and East Turkestan (Xinjiang) makes it clear that their profits come before their principles.
What does this really mean for Tibetans?
"The Tibetan Government-in-Exile position with respect to development and investment in Tibet is clear: it supports projects which benefit the Tibetan people and opposes those which cause harm to them."
--Statement of Opposition, Sebei-Lanzhou pipeline, Tibetan Government in Exile, September 22, 2000
In other parts of the world, oil, gas and mineral extraction projects have often exacerbated political tensions and led to bloody conflicts. Tragic events in the Niger Delta, in Indonesia and in Colombia amply illustrate this. Tension between a poor and repressed local population and a wealthy foreign corporation also often leads to violent confrontation. Even where open conflict does not break out, oil, gas and mineral extraction projects - and the money and outsiders that they bring - bring fundamental changes in the social, cultural, economic and political landscape. As the US State Department recently noted:
"Where indigenous peoples clash with development projects, the developers almost always win."
Tibetans want development. They want an end to decades of poverty and deprivation that the Chinese occupation has brought. But the oil and gas projects currently planned in Tibet, and particularly the Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline, are not designed for the benefit of Tibetans. They are designed for the consolidation of Chinese control over the region, and for the benefit of Chinese in the east.
Press Release
10 January 2007
"Given the harmful effects of the gas and oil extraction projects on the Tibetan plateau, BP, AGIP, and Enron are hereby requested to immediately halt the construction of the Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline, and the increases in drilling for oil and gas on the Tibetan plateau. These corporations are further urged to withdraw investments from Chinese entities engaged in these activities, as a way of ensuring that the destruction of the Tibetan environment and the disenfranchisement of the Tibetan people does not proceed with Western support. These investments are clearly harmful to Tibetans and will be actively opposed."
--Statement of Opposition, Tibetan Government in Exile, September 22, 2000
For the first time, western corporations are involved in a major resource extraction project in Tibet. BP and ENI/Agip are both assisting PetroChina in drilling for oil and gas on the Tibetan plateau and the construction of the Sebei-Lanzhou gas pipeline. BP is the largest foreign investor in PetroChina, and their money is fueling this project. The Italian oil and gas company ENI/Agip is the only foreign oil company operating today on the Tibetan plateau.
The 953-km pipeline and the gas fields being developed to supply it are a significant escalation of China's ongoing strategy of developing Tibet into a resource extraction colony. If allowed to continue, this project will remove petroleum from Tibet without any benefit for Tibetans. Reportedly begun in March of 2000, this project could implicate western corporations in ongoing human rights violations in Tibet. Most importantly, it would serve to consolidate China's control of the region the Chinese army occupied in 1949 and further marginalize Tibetans in their own land.
Although drilling for oil and gas is described by China as essential to the economic development of the region, a top oil industry insider recently admitted that "this is not a commercial project. The purpose of this project at this time is clearly political."
Like the recently defeated World Bank project, oil and gas development in Amdo (Qinghai) appears to have much more to do with consolidating Chinese control over Tibet than with any notion of development for Tibetans living in the area. In both cases, funding from the U.S and Europe intended for "development" will be used to further the Chinese government's colonization of Tibet. Like the Bank project, both the construction of the pipeline and increased oil and gas drilling in the region will involve the resettlement of large numbers of Chinese into the area. Like the Bank project, the entry of the oil and gas industry into Tibet threatens the cultural integrity of Tibetan and Mongolian nomads in the area. Like the Bank project, oil and gas development promises little or no benefits to Tibetans.
Project overview
The Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline is the key to a large-scale, long-term effort to develop the petroleum reserves of the Tibetan plateau to serve the energy needs of China's East Coast. Although the Chinese began developing the Tsaidam basin in 1954, production has to date been relatively limited by its remote location and lack of infrastructure.
The Sebei gas fields are at the eastern edge of the Tsaidam (Qaidam) basin in Amdo (Qinghai) - and make up approximately 11% of China's natural gas reserves. The area is a customary winter grazing ground of Tibetan and Mongolian nomads. If Chinese planners get their way, production in the area will drastically increase over the next several years.
The Chinese government is aggressively courting western corporations to invest in this Tibetan region as well as in the predominantly Uighur region of Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang) and in Inner Mongolia. The non-Chinese peoples of all three regions challenge the legitimacy of Chinese rule as they watch the steady influx of Han Chinese turn them into minorities in their own land.
Even the limited industrial activity in the region has already taken a significant toll on the environment. A recent independent report on the region indicated that half of the area's primitive forest has already been destroyed. In addition, toxic wastes from drilling and other sources are often poured directly into rivers, and oil pipelines in the area are chronically leaking. Existing Chinese laws designed to protect the environment are not enforced.
"With abundant natural resources, comparatively low costs, huge market potential, certain industry infrastructure and technology forces, the vast west region of China will become the new favorite of the foreign investors," said Chinese Vice-President Hu Jintao recently. China has slashed the corporate tax on investments in the west from 33% to 15%, and is aggressively courting new foreign investors.
Corporate cash in Tibet
Seizing on this opportunity, the Italian company ENI, entered into an agreement with the China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) and PetroChina to explore for gas and oil in the Sebei region in late May of 2000. ENI is 35% owned by the Italian government - and no other investor holds more than a 2% share. Through its subsidiary, Agip China BV, the Italians are providing capital and expertise to enable PetroChina to drastically increase its production on the Tibetan plateau. The project is the only foreign direct investment in the oil industry in Tibet - and is in direct violation of the wishes of the Tibetan Government-In-Exile.
BP, a company that has recently placed a premium on cleaning up its corporate image, is also ignoring the will of His Holiness' government. In April of 2000 BP bailed out PetroChina from a near disastrous initial showing on the New York Stock Exchange, and invested $600 million in the Chinese oil company. This cash infusion makes BP the largest foreign investor in PetroChina, and covers the estimated $530 million needed to construct the Tibet pipeline. After pressure from human rights groups and Tibet supporters worldwide, BP elected not to directly invest in the Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline, but their money still fuels the project.
BP is now the largest investor in China's oil industry, and they are considering even larger investments - particularly a $14 billion pipeline that would remove petroleum from the Uighur areas of East Turkestan (Xinjiang) and pipe it to Shanghai - 2,500 miles to the southeast. Although the final route has not yet been determined, it is possible that this pipeline too, may cross through Tibet
BP makes much of their supposed commitment to human rights, yet their willingness to underwrite Beijing's economic occupation of Tibet and East Turkestan (Xinjiang) makes it clear that their profits come before their principles.
What does this really mean for Tibetans?
"The Tibetan Government-in-Exile position with respect to development and investment in Tibet is clear: it supports projects which benefit the Tibetan people and opposes those which cause harm to them."
--Statement of Opposition, Sebei-Lanzhou pipeline, Tibetan Government in Exile, September 22, 2000
In other parts of the world, oil, gas and mineral extraction projects have often exacerbated political tensions and led to bloody conflicts. Tragic events in the Niger Delta, in Indonesia and in Colombia amply illustrate this. Tension between a poor and repressed local population and a wealthy foreign corporation also often leads to violent confrontation. Even where open conflict does not break out, oil, gas and mineral extraction projects - and the money and outsiders that they bring - bring fundamental changes in the social, cultural, economic and political landscape. As the US State Department recently noted:
"Where indigenous peoples clash with development projects, the developers almost always win."
Tibetans want development. They want an end to decades of poverty and deprivation that the Chinese occupation has brought. But the oil and gas projects currently planned in Tibet, and particularly the Sebei to Lanzhou pipeline, are not designed for the benefit of Tibetans. They are designed for the consolidation of Chinese control over the region, and for the benefit of Chinese in the east.
Somali Officials Deny Selling Oil Rights
Voice of America
Nick Wadhams
8 August 2007
http://www.voanews.com/english/2007-08-08-voa16.cfm
Officials with Somalia's transitional government are promising not to begin searching for oil until after parliament adopts a new petroleum law and their shattered country achieves peace. But as Nick Wadhams reports from Nairobi, new evidence suggests they are looking to carve up oil rights.
Somali PM Ali Mohamed Gedi listens to his special advisor Daniel Bourzat before giving a press conference on the final day of AU summit in Accra.
Last month, the Financial Times reported that President Abdullahi Yusuf had awarded Prime Minister Gedi and his staff are promising not to sign any deals until a natural resources law is enacted. Parliament is scheduled to consider the bill this week.
Somalia's ambassador to Kenya, Mohamed Ali Nur, denies there is a split within the Somali government. He tells VOA that officials understand peace must come to the turbulent country before exploration begins.
"I do not believe that any deals have been signed and even the one by the Chinese company I think the prime minister gave an interview to a news agency saying that it is annulled and he was not aware of it and nothing can be signed until the law is passed," said Nur. "The reports that we have been getting from different sources is that we have a lot of resources we can explore, but peace should come first."
The priority that officials are putting on oil, despite Somalia's turbulence, is another sign that many African leaders are looking to oil to jump-start their economies.
Neighboring Ethiopia's battle with a rebel group in the east is believed to be partly the result of its desire to protect what it believes are natural resources there. The rebel group, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, has warned oil companies to stay away, and killed 74 people in a raid on a Chinese-run oil facility in April.
Oil experts say the previous estimates about Somalia's small reserves are based on outdated technology. Dianne Sutherland, the editor of Petroleum Africa magazine, says Somali officials have quietly been laying the groundwork for a potential oil boom.
"Until they actually get in there and start utilizing this new technology to have a new look, you do not really know. Oil exploration will definitely get underway in Somalia. 'When?', is the question. They have already signed quite a few contracts with various smaller independent exploration companies," said Sutherland.
Any new concessions will no doubt raise questions for the companies that had exploration rights in Somalia before the 1991 civil war began.
Nick Wadhams
8 August 2007
http://www.voanews.com/english/2007-08-08-voa16.cfm
Officials with Somalia's transitional government are promising not to begin searching for oil until after parliament adopts a new petroleum law and their shattered country achieves peace. But as Nick Wadhams reports from Nairobi, new evidence suggests they are looking to carve up oil rights.
Somali PM Ali Mohamed Gedi listens to his special advisor Daniel Bourzat before giving a press conference on the final day of AU summit in Accra.
Last month, the Financial Times reported that President Abdullahi Yusuf had awarded Prime Minister Gedi and his staff are promising not to sign any deals until a natural resources law is enacted. Parliament is scheduled to consider the bill this week.
Somalia's ambassador to Kenya, Mohamed Ali Nur, denies there is a split within the Somali government. He tells VOA that officials understand peace must come to the turbulent country before exploration begins.
"I do not believe that any deals have been signed and even the one by the Chinese company I think the prime minister gave an interview to a news agency saying that it is annulled and he was not aware of it and nothing can be signed until the law is passed," said Nur. "The reports that we have been getting from different sources is that we have a lot of resources we can explore, but peace should come first."
The priority that officials are putting on oil, despite Somalia's turbulence, is another sign that many African leaders are looking to oil to jump-start their economies.
Neighboring Ethiopia's battle with a rebel group in the east is believed to be partly the result of its desire to protect what it believes are natural resources there. The rebel group, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, has warned oil companies to stay away, and killed 74 people in a raid on a Chinese-run oil facility in April.
Oil experts say the previous estimates about Somalia's small reserves are based on outdated technology. Dianne Sutherland, the editor of Petroleum Africa magazine, says Somali officials have quietly been laying the groundwork for a potential oil boom.
"Until they actually get in there and start utilizing this new technology to have a new look, you do not really know. Oil exploration will definitely get underway in Somalia. 'When?', is the question. They have already signed quite a few contracts with various smaller independent exploration companies," said Sutherland.
Any new concessions will no doubt raise questions for the companies that had exploration rights in Somalia before the 1991 civil war began.
Somali parliament debates oil law this week – envoy
Reuters
8 August 2007
Editor's Note: This comes right after the Somali Government signs a security agreement with the oil-rich semi-autonomous region of Puntland. As in Sudan, the US is loosing out on the Somalia concessions while the Asian companies, who aren't bothered by regimes that are guilty of human rights abuses, grab up all they can. The security deal will be a relief to the oil firms in Puntland. But what about the former British Somaliland and the unrest next door in the Ogaden Region of Ethiopia...
Somalia's parliament is to debate a new national hydrocarbon law this week, a government envoy said on Wednesday, amid controversy and questions over the status of past and future contracts with foreign explorers.
"The hydrocarbon law is going to be debated today or tomorrow in the parliament in Baidoa," Somalia's ambassador to Kenya, Mohamed Ali Nur, told a news conference.
"And I believe after the debate, it will pass."
Details of the new legislation have not yet been made public, but industry and Somali sources believe it will include the creation of a state oil company and aim to clarify the legal status of deals with foreign explorers.
Somalia remains a speculative bet for exploration with no proven oil reserves, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, and only 200 billion cubic feet of proven natural gas reserves.
However, in the 1980s Western oil majors including ConocoPhilips, Chevron and Total held exploration concessions there. They left when the nation descended into chaos in 1991.
A World Bank and U.N. survey that year of eight northeast African countries' petroleum potential ranked Somalia second only to Sudan as the top prospective commercial producer due to lying in a regional oil window across the Gulf of Aden.
NEWS SOMALI STATE COMPANY
A new U.N.-backed administration, the Transitional Federal Government, is seeking to restore central rule to Somalia, but faces an insurgency in the capital Mogadishu and has little real authority yet over the rest of the country.
Experts say the interim government's "national" oil law may face resistance from breakaway enclave Somaliland and semi-autonomous Puntland which have both signed separate deals -- with South Africa's Ophir and Australia's Range Resources respectively.
TFG documents seen by Reuters this week show Somalia is considering creating a state firm -- the Somalia Petroleum Corporation -- to oversee the sector. It would give a 49 percent stake to Indonesia's PT Medco Energi Internasional Tbk and Kuwait Energy Company, the papers said.
Asked about the documents, envoy Nur said: "Yes, that's in the law. We are going to have our own Somali petroleum company."
But he declined comment on Indonesian and Kuwaiti participation. "I don't want to predict. We will wait until the law is passed," he said.
Oil has become a controversial subject in Somalia where experts say a power struggle has emerged between President Abdullahi Yusuf and Prime Minister Gedi over exploration rights.
Last month, the Financial Times said Yusuf had signed a production-sharing deal with China's largest offshore oil and gas producer CNOOC Ltd..
But Nur said no new agreement could be struck until the national hydrocarbon law was passed by parliament.
"Regarding the Chinese company signing an agreement with the president, I think the prime minister has talked about that. We have not seen officially any agreement that was signed by the president," he said.
"The government's decision was that until the law is passed, the government will not sign any agreement with any company."
8 August 2007
Editor's Note: This comes right after the Somali Government signs a security agreement with the oil-rich semi-autonomous region of Puntland. As in Sudan, the US is loosing out on the Somalia concessions while the Asian companies, who aren't bothered by regimes that are guilty of human rights abuses, grab up all they can. The security deal will be a relief to the oil firms in Puntland. But what about the former British Somaliland and the unrest next door in the Ogaden Region of Ethiopia...
Somalia's parliament is to debate a new national hydrocarbon law this week, a government envoy said on Wednesday, amid controversy and questions over the status of past and future contracts with foreign explorers.
"The hydrocarbon law is going to be debated today or tomorrow in the parliament in Baidoa," Somalia's ambassador to Kenya, Mohamed Ali Nur, told a news conference.
"And I believe after the debate, it will pass."
Details of the new legislation have not yet been made public, but industry and Somali sources believe it will include the creation of a state oil company and aim to clarify the legal status of deals with foreign explorers.
Somalia remains a speculative bet for exploration with no proven oil reserves, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, and only 200 billion cubic feet of proven natural gas reserves.
However, in the 1980s Western oil majors including ConocoPhilips, Chevron and Total held exploration concessions there. They left when the nation descended into chaos in 1991.
A World Bank and U.N. survey that year of eight northeast African countries' petroleum potential ranked Somalia second only to Sudan as the top prospective commercial producer due to lying in a regional oil window across the Gulf of Aden.
NEWS SOMALI STATE COMPANY
A new U.N.-backed administration, the Transitional Federal Government, is seeking to restore central rule to Somalia, but faces an insurgency in the capital Mogadishu and has little real authority yet over the rest of the country.
Experts say the interim government's "national" oil law may face resistance from breakaway enclave Somaliland and semi-autonomous Puntland which have both signed separate deals -- with South Africa's Ophir and Australia's Range Resources respectively.
TFG documents seen by Reuters this week show Somalia is considering creating a state firm -- the Somalia Petroleum Corporation -- to oversee the sector. It would give a 49 percent stake to Indonesia's PT Medco Energi Internasional Tbk and Kuwait Energy Company, the papers said.
Asked about the documents, envoy Nur said: "Yes, that's in the law. We are going to have our own Somali petroleum company."
But he declined comment on Indonesian and Kuwaiti participation. "I don't want to predict. We will wait until the law is passed," he said.
Oil has become a controversial subject in Somalia where experts say a power struggle has emerged between President Abdullahi Yusuf and Prime Minister Gedi over exploration rights.
Last month, the Financial Times said Yusuf had signed a production-sharing deal with China's largest offshore oil and gas producer CNOOC Ltd..
But Nur said no new agreement could be struck until the national hydrocarbon law was passed by parliament.
"Regarding the Chinese company signing an agreement with the president, I think the prime minister has talked about that. We have not seen officially any agreement that was signed by the president," he said.
"The government's decision was that until the law is passed, the government will not sign any agreement with any company."
African Union Ambassadors Visit Enterprise
Shabelle News Network
8 August 2007
Editor's Note: Ambassador Courville has a long history of intelligence work for the DIA and DOD and was involved with Rwanda when she was with the National Security Council's Africa Desk. She supported Paul Kagame's award bestowed by the African-American Institute at their 21st Award Gala dinner, attended by Andrew Young, a consultant of the Rwandan Government reportedly paid to promote investment. Diamond magnate Maurice Tempelsman is a Director of the AAI.
USS ENTERPRISE, At sea – USS Enterprise hosted the Ethiopian Ambassador to the African Union (A.U.), Zewdie Sahle-Work; Ugandan Ambassador to Ethiopia and the A.U., Edith Ssempala; Permanent Representative to the A.U., Gabriel Branzaru; and the U.S. Ambassador to the A.U., Cindy L. Courville Aug. 5 while operating off the coast of Djibouti.
The visitors toured several ship’s spaces, met Sailors and watched flight operations from the flight deck and the flag bridge. The guests also observed the guided-missile cruiser USS Gettysburg pull alongside Enterprise.
According to Courville this was a very important diplomatic opportunity for Coalition and African Union relations. “It’s fabulous what the crew does,” Courville said. “An opportunity to demonstrate to our African Union partners the abilities and capabilities of the United States’ peace keeping is the first and most important thing we do together,” she continued. “It’s also an opportunity for them to see how Sailors and Marines work together on your floating city on the sea, providing protection not just for the U.S., but global protection, global security and most importantly global peace.”
USS Enterprise Carrier Strike Group (CSG) departed its Norfolk, Va. homeport July 7 for a routine scheduled deployment. The Enterprise CSG entered the Central Command area of responsibility Aug. 1 and is conducting Maritime Security Operations in the region. Enterprise is headed toward the Arabian Sea and the Arabian Gulf and will demonstrate the strike group’s ability to plan and conduct multi-task force operations as part of the U.S.’s long-standing commitment to maintaining maritime security and stability in the region.
Maritime Security Operations help set the conditions for security and stability in the maritime environment, as well as complement the counter-terrorism and security efforts of regional nations. These operations deny international terrorists the use of the maritime environment as a venue for attack or to transport personnel, weapons or other materials.
U.S. 5th Fleet, headquartered in Manama, Bahrain, is responsible for an area encompassing approximately 2.5 million square miles of water including the Arabian Gulf, Arabian Sea, Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Gulf of Oman and parts of the Indian Ocean.
By Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Jamica C. Johnson
USS Enterprise Public Affairs
For further questions, please contact Commander, U.S. Naval Forces Central Command,
Commander, U.S. 5th Fleet Public Affairs Office at 011-973-1785-4027 or pao@me.navy.mil.
8 August 2007
Editor's Note: Ambassador Courville has a long history of intelligence work for the DIA and DOD and was involved with Rwanda when she was with the National Security Council's Africa Desk. She supported Paul Kagame's award bestowed by the African-American Institute at their 21st Award Gala dinner, attended by Andrew Young, a consultant of the Rwandan Government reportedly paid to promote investment. Diamond magnate Maurice Tempelsman is a Director of the AAI.
USS ENTERPRISE, At sea – USS Enterprise hosted the Ethiopian Ambassador to the African Union (A.U.), Zewdie Sahle-Work; Ugandan Ambassador to Ethiopia and the A.U., Edith Ssempala; Permanent Representative to the A.U., Gabriel Branzaru; and the U.S. Ambassador to the A.U., Cindy L. Courville Aug. 5 while operating off the coast of Djibouti.
The visitors toured several ship’s spaces, met Sailors and watched flight operations from the flight deck and the flag bridge. The guests also observed the guided-missile cruiser USS Gettysburg pull alongside Enterprise.
According to Courville this was a very important diplomatic opportunity for Coalition and African Union relations. “It’s fabulous what the crew does,” Courville said. “An opportunity to demonstrate to our African Union partners the abilities and capabilities of the United States’ peace keeping is the first and most important thing we do together,” she continued. “It’s also an opportunity for them to see how Sailors and Marines work together on your floating city on the sea, providing protection not just for the U.S., but global protection, global security and most importantly global peace.”
USS Enterprise Carrier Strike Group (CSG) departed its Norfolk, Va. homeport July 7 for a routine scheduled deployment. The Enterprise CSG entered the Central Command area of responsibility Aug. 1 and is conducting Maritime Security Operations in the region. Enterprise is headed toward the Arabian Sea and the Arabian Gulf and will demonstrate the strike group’s ability to plan and conduct multi-task force operations as part of the U.S.’s long-standing commitment to maintaining maritime security and stability in the region.
Maritime Security Operations help set the conditions for security and stability in the maritime environment, as well as complement the counter-terrorism and security efforts of regional nations. These operations deny international terrorists the use of the maritime environment as a venue for attack or to transport personnel, weapons or other materials.
U.S. 5th Fleet, headquartered in Manama, Bahrain, is responsible for an area encompassing approximately 2.5 million square miles of water including the Arabian Gulf, Arabian Sea, Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Gulf of Oman and parts of the Indian Ocean.
By Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Jamica C. Johnson
USS Enterprise Public Affairs
For further questions, please contact Commander, U.S. Naval Forces Central Command,
Commander, U.S. 5th Fleet Public Affairs Office at 011-973-1785-4027 or pao@me.navy.mil.
Force Must Be Applied On Extremist Rebels - Foreign Minister Charles Murigande
Editor's note: Rwandan military officials openly declared FOCA was no longer a threat to them back in 2005, but now the Rwandan Government is beating the war drums again for the next invasion of North Kivu under the pretext of neutralizing FOCA. It's a safe bet they will make a move to take control of the Bisie mine in Walikale Territory.
Rwanda News Agency/Agence Rwandaise d'Information (Kigali)
7 August 2007
Rwanda believes the D R Congo rebels - the Forces Democratique de liberation du Rwanda (FDLR) still pose a threat that the only lasting solution is through a multilateral military force, RNA reports.
In a wide ranging interview with The Washington Post, Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Dr Charles Murigande said various scenarios are available for ending the rebels but are all dependant on the cooperation of the Kinshasa government.
"We contemplated MONUC . . . but the U.N. has been categorical that they will not give that mandate to MONUC. Another option is Congo, because they have the legitimacy and duty to do it. . . . But the problem is the Congolese army is not yet very strong, not very well trained, or very well motivated to do it", Murigande said in the interview yesterday.
"Another option is for Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda to mount a joint operation against the forces. But there is an unwillingness by Congo to allow that. They are saying the people of Congo are not yet at the psychological point to allow Rwanda or neighboring countries into their territory."
Rwanda's top diplomat said option four is that of appealing to friendly [non-bordering] countries to support the Congolese army but there have been mixed signals from Kinshasa.
"This last option is most feasible if the government is willing. The Congolese do not reject the option outright but they are not forcefully pursuing it. This option is viable in the short and medium term", Murigande said.
DRC foreign affairs Minister Mbusa Nyamwisi invited his Rwandan counterpart last month to Kinshasa but reports now indicate Dr. Murigande pushed the meeting to later this year. No explanation has been put forward for the rescheduling.
"There is a steady improvement in the relationship between the two countries. Our two presidents speak regularly. . . . However, I would also say it's a very fragile relationship because the very cause that affected that relationship in the past, the ex-FAR, the presence of that force that committed the genocide, is still present", Murigande said in the interview.
He said as long as the rebels still remain in the DRC, there was a possibility for tensions should they move closer to the Rwandan border. Rwanda is also concerned about the increasing number of the rebels.
"According to our intelligence and MONUC [the U.N. mission in Congo], these are people who are still armed, in military formation, and have commanders at the level of division, brigade, company and battalion. It is a very well organized army, estimated to be from 6,000 to 10,000 strong. . . . We also have information that they've been recruiting and training. . . .", Murigande said.
The Rwandan diplomat however told the US daily that the problem of renegade General Laurent Nkunda can only be solved through a political solution not force.
Rwanda News Agency/Agence Rwandaise d'Information (Kigali)
7 August 2007
Rwanda believes the D R Congo rebels - the Forces Democratique de liberation du Rwanda (FDLR) still pose a threat that the only lasting solution is through a multilateral military force, RNA reports.
In a wide ranging interview with The Washington Post, Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Dr Charles Murigande said various scenarios are available for ending the rebels but are all dependant on the cooperation of the Kinshasa government.
"We contemplated MONUC . . . but the U.N. has been categorical that they will not give that mandate to MONUC. Another option is Congo, because they have the legitimacy and duty to do it. . . . But the problem is the Congolese army is not yet very strong, not very well trained, or very well motivated to do it", Murigande said in the interview yesterday.
"Another option is for Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda to mount a joint operation against the forces. But there is an unwillingness by Congo to allow that. They are saying the people of Congo are not yet at the psychological point to allow Rwanda or neighboring countries into their territory."
Rwanda's top diplomat said option four is that of appealing to friendly [non-bordering] countries to support the Congolese army but there have been mixed signals from Kinshasa.
"This last option is most feasible if the government is willing. The Congolese do not reject the option outright but they are not forcefully pursuing it. This option is viable in the short and medium term", Murigande said.
DRC foreign affairs Minister Mbusa Nyamwisi invited his Rwandan counterpart last month to Kinshasa but reports now indicate Dr. Murigande pushed the meeting to later this year. No explanation has been put forward for the rescheduling.
"There is a steady improvement in the relationship between the two countries. Our two presidents speak regularly. . . . However, I would also say it's a very fragile relationship because the very cause that affected that relationship in the past, the ex-FAR, the presence of that force that committed the genocide, is still present", Murigande said in the interview.
He said as long as the rebels still remain in the DRC, there was a possibility for tensions should they move closer to the Rwandan border. Rwanda is also concerned about the increasing number of the rebels.
"According to our intelligence and MONUC [the U.N. mission in Congo], these are people who are still armed, in military formation, and have commanders at the level of division, brigade, company and battalion. It is a very well organized army, estimated to be from 6,000 to 10,000 strong. . . . We also have information that they've been recruiting and training. . . .", Murigande said.
The Rwandan diplomat however told the US daily that the problem of renegade General Laurent Nkunda can only be solved through a political solution not force.
Opposition Rejects Nuclear Accord With US
MISNA
8 August 2007
The left wing parties have formally rejected Accord 123 on nuclear energy signed about ten days ago between New Delhi and Washington, which is still being examined by the US Congress. The politicians also announced that they would put pressure to amend the Constitution such as to ensure that similar accords be subjected to a parliamentary vote. The nationalist Bharatitya Janata Party (BJO) has also reiterated its criticisms of the accord. The BJP says the Accord does not respect India’s nuclear sovereignty signs it provides for Washington’s evaluation of tests.
8 August 2007
The left wing parties have formally rejected Accord 123 on nuclear energy signed about ten days ago between New Delhi and Washington, which is still being examined by the US Congress. The politicians also announced that they would put pressure to amend the Constitution such as to ensure that similar accords be subjected to a parliamentary vote. The nationalist Bharatitya Janata Party (BJO) has also reiterated its criticisms of the accord. The BJP says the Accord does not respect India’s nuclear sovereignty signs it provides for Washington’s evaluation of tests.
Street Rallies Against Violence
MISNA
8 August 2007
Hundreds of people, from NGO’s, religious groups, party delegations and ordinary citizens took to the streets in Freetown to protest against violence, while the country gets ready to head to the polls next Saturday in what are the first elections since the end of the civil war. The non-violence theme has marked much of the political campaign, but some local observers fear violence may break out after the election results. In recent days the UN office in Sierra Leone had denounced the multiplying since the start of the electoral campaign of cases of violence and intimidation, described as a “a threat for the democratic process and it goes against the interests of Sierra Leone, which wants peaceful, free and credible elections”. The UN also said that it was ‘encouraged and impressed’ by the degree of participation from citizens and the work of the electoral commission. The violence among political rivals has occurred largely in Bo, in the district of Kailahun (southeast) and in Freetown, leaving several wounded.
Editor's Note: Elections are on August 11th, but according to the Sierra Leoneans I spoke to, they aren't expecting any change from the kleptocracy of old, regardless of who wins.
8 August 2007
Hundreds of people, from NGO’s, religious groups, party delegations and ordinary citizens took to the streets in Freetown to protest against violence, while the country gets ready to head to the polls next Saturday in what are the first elections since the end of the civil war. The non-violence theme has marked much of the political campaign, but some local observers fear violence may break out after the election results. In recent days the UN office in Sierra Leone had denounced the multiplying since the start of the electoral campaign of cases of violence and intimidation, described as a “a threat for the democratic process and it goes against the interests of Sierra Leone, which wants peaceful, free and credible elections”. The UN also said that it was ‘encouraged and impressed’ by the degree of participation from citizens and the work of the electoral commission. The violence among political rivals has occurred largely in Bo, in the district of Kailahun (southeast) and in Freetown, leaving several wounded.
Editor's Note: Elections are on August 11th, but according to the Sierra Leoneans I spoke to, they aren't expecting any change from the kleptocracy of old, regardless of who wins.
Rival Clans Clash in South
MISNA
8 August 2007
Calm appears to have returned yesterday, thanks to the mediation efforts of the local elders in the village of Qode-Qode, near Bur Hakaba (about 200 km. south of Mogadishu), where there was fighting between militiamen of the rival clans yesterday, leaving at least 12 dead and as many wounded. According to Abdi Hussein Awqarey, head of the district of Bur Hakaba, there are civilians among the victims also. The fighting started, said witnesses, because of a dispute over land and water sources. Last Sunday, five people were killed in similar clashes in Jilib, about 400 km. south of the capital.
8 August 2007
Calm appears to have returned yesterday, thanks to the mediation efforts of the local elders in the village of Qode-Qode, near Bur Hakaba (about 200 km. south of Mogadishu), where there was fighting between militiamen of the rival clans yesterday, leaving at least 12 dead and as many wounded. According to Abdi Hussein Awqarey, head of the district of Bur Hakaba, there are civilians among the victims also. The fighting started, said witnesses, because of a dispute over land and water sources. Last Sunday, five people were killed in similar clashes in Jilib, about 400 km. south of the capital.
Mogadishu: Target Killings and Attacks Against Police
MISNA
8 August 2007
A man was shot dead this morning outside Mogadishu’s central Bakara market, after a series of attacks overnight against government forces in the same area of the capital. As referred by local sources, the body of a businessman was left for hours in the middle of the street outside the market. According to some witnesses, two men armed with pistols shot his dead before fleeing the scene. Authorities disclosed the man’s identity, though for the moment it appears that he had no connections with the Somali political scene. Target killings take place almost on a daily basis in Mogadishu, mainly targeting public officials, soldiers, police officers and anyone that collaborates in some way with the Somali transitional federal government (TFG). The local media reports that overnight unknown gunmen conducted at least two attacks against police posts in the city, wounding at least three people, based on a preliminary toll. In the first attack, grenades were hurled at a police station in the Hawlwadag neighbourhood, not far from the Bakara market, resulting in the injury of a policeman and a civilian. In an analogous attack in the north of the city, a man was wounded.
8 August 2007
A man was shot dead this morning outside Mogadishu’s central Bakara market, after a series of attacks overnight against government forces in the same area of the capital. As referred by local sources, the body of a businessman was left for hours in the middle of the street outside the market. According to some witnesses, two men armed with pistols shot his dead before fleeing the scene. Authorities disclosed the man’s identity, though for the moment it appears that he had no connections with the Somali political scene. Target killings take place almost on a daily basis in Mogadishu, mainly targeting public officials, soldiers, police officers and anyone that collaborates in some way with the Somali transitional federal government (TFG). The local media reports that overnight unknown gunmen conducted at least two attacks against police posts in the city, wounding at least three people, based on a preliminary toll. In the first attack, grenades were hurled at a police station in the Hawlwadag neighbourhood, not far from the Bakara market, resulting in the injury of a policeman and a civilian. In an analogous attack in the north of the city, a man was wounded.
Darfur: "Gross Violations of Human Rights" By All Sides
MISNA
8 August 2007
“Gross violations” of human rights, including killings, disappearances, torture and sexual violence, continue being carried out in the western Sudanese Darfur region by all parties to the conflict that broke out four years ago. The statement was made by Sima Samar, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Sudan, in a report presented in the past days on return from a visit to Sudan. Ms. Samar, who called on all sides for greater action to protect civilians, pointed a finger at both the Sudanese government that in regard “has the primary responsibility”, and the rebels.
“I have recently received allegations of serious violations of human rights in areas under SLA-M (Sudan Liberation Army-Movement) control”, said the UN Rapporteur, referring to cases of harassment, extortion, torture and sexual violence. Accusations rejected by the SLA-M leaders in Khartoum –only the faction of the movement headed by Minni Minnawi last year signed a peace accord with the government – defining them “baseless”. Ms. Samar also indicated cases of forced disappearances and killings in the town of Gerida, in South Darfur (one of three States that make up the region). “These cases should be investigated and the perpetrators brought to justice”, emphasised the UN Rapporteur, underlining that the human rights situation is also delicate in South Sudan. The full text of the report drawn up by Sima Samar will be presented in September to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.
8 August 2007
“Gross violations” of human rights, including killings, disappearances, torture and sexual violence, continue being carried out in the western Sudanese Darfur region by all parties to the conflict that broke out four years ago. The statement was made by Sima Samar, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Sudan, in a report presented in the past days on return from a visit to Sudan. Ms. Samar, who called on all sides for greater action to protect civilians, pointed a finger at both the Sudanese government that in regard “has the primary responsibility”, and the rebels.
“I have recently received allegations of serious violations of human rights in areas under SLA-M (Sudan Liberation Army-Movement) control”, said the UN Rapporteur, referring to cases of harassment, extortion, torture and sexual violence. Accusations rejected by the SLA-M leaders in Khartoum –only the faction of the movement headed by Minni Minnawi last year signed a peace accord with the government – defining them “baseless”. Ms. Samar also indicated cases of forced disappearances and killings in the town of Gerida, in South Darfur (one of three States that make up the region). “These cases should be investigated and the perpetrators brought to justice”, emphasised the UN Rapporteur, underlining that the human rights situation is also delicate in South Sudan. The full text of the report drawn up by Sima Samar will be presented in September to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.
Prosecutors in France Will Not Appeal the Decision to Release Munyeshyaka and Bucyibaruta
Hirondelle News Agency
8 August 2007
The prosecution in France will not appeal the decision in the case of two Rwandans accused of genocide released last Wednesday by the Court of Appeals of Paris, AFP reported.
Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka and the former prefect Bucyibaruta had been held since 20 July at the request of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
The ICTR wished that they be maintained in detention until a chamber, designated for this purpose, comes to a conclusion about the transfer, or not, of their cases to French courts.
The UN tribunal, which must finish its first instance trials by December 2008, has chosen to transfer certain cases to national courts.
France agreed to try the two accused but it is awaiting the go ahead of the ICTR judges.
By releasing Munyeshyaka and Bucyibaruta, the Court of Appeal had estimated that their arrest and their detention violated, in particular, the principle of presumption of innocence.
At the office of the prosecutor of the ICTR, they are pointing out that an appeal can be filed until 8 August.
Munyeshyaka and Bucyibaruta have been for some years under judicial supervision in France. This measure remains in force.
8 August 2007
The prosecution in France will not appeal the decision in the case of two Rwandans accused of genocide released last Wednesday by the Court of Appeals of Paris, AFP reported.
Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka and the former prefect Bucyibaruta had been held since 20 July at the request of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
The ICTR wished that they be maintained in detention until a chamber, designated for this purpose, comes to a conclusion about the transfer, or not, of their cases to French courts.
The UN tribunal, which must finish its first instance trials by December 2008, has chosen to transfer certain cases to national courts.
France agreed to try the two accused but it is awaiting the go ahead of the ICTR judges.
By releasing Munyeshyaka and Bucyibaruta, the Court of Appeal had estimated that their arrest and their detention violated, in particular, the principle of presumption of innocence.
At the office of the prosecutor of the ICTR, they are pointing out that an appeal can be filed until 8 August.
Munyeshyaka and Bucyibaruta have been for some years under judicial supervision in France. This measure remains in force.
Raila Preferred ODM Flagbearer, Poll Shows
East African Standard (Nairobi)
8 August 2007
By Lucianne Limo And Caroline Mango
Nairobi
Lang'ata MP Mr Raila Odinga is the man to watch in this year's General Election, if opinion poll results released by the Centre for Multiparty Democracy (CMD) are anything to go by.
According to the poll - conducted by Infotrak Research and Consulting and US-based Harris Interactive Global - majority of Kenyans polled prefer the former Roads minister as ODM-Kenya's flag bearer at the December election.
The poll also ranks ODM-Kenya as the most popular political party.
Although President Kibaki remains the most popular presidential candidate, he has dropped by three percentage points since last month when a different poll by a different company placed him at the top.
The poll then by Steadman Group gave the President a 45 per cent popularity rating while the CMD one yesterday gave Kibaki 42 per cent.
Raila maintained a 25 per cent popularity rating in both polls.
Kibaki and Raila were again confirmed as the most likely combatants in the December battle for the presidency.
Raila's key rival in ODM-Kenya, Mr Kalonzo Musyoka (at 11 per cent in both polls), continues to trail the two in what is emerging as a confirmation that the battle finale may pit Kibaki versus Raila.
But the results will rattle all presidential candidates with a clincher that none of them, so far, is capable of meeting the 25 per cent of voters requirement in at least five provinces in order to win.
MPs to be voted out
The new opinion poll results released on Tuesday also slammed sitting MPs with a shocker that 90 per cent of them would not come back to the House if elections were held today.
Another of ODM-Kenya's presidential aspirant, Mr Musalia Mudavadi has 8 per cent, followed by Mr William Ruto (6 per cent), while Mrs Charity Ngilu and Mr Najib Balala tie at 2 per cent each. Dr Julia Ojiambo and Mr Uhuru Kenyatta tailed with one per cent each.
The poll result could stir ODM-Kenya into fresh impetus to try to stick together as Kenyans said they still prefer the party over the others.
The poll shows that 26 per cent of those sampled prefer ODM-Kenya, while 13 per cent are for Narc-Kenya.
The poll, which showed that political parties are key determinants in elections, also rated the best-known political parties (political party awareness).
In the category of best-known political parties, ODM-Kenya led with 99 per cent as the party most known by Kenyans, followed by Kanu which bagged 98 per cent, Narc-Kenya at 92 per cent, Narc at 80 per cent, LDP at 72 per cent and DP at 72 per cent.
Behind ODM-Kenya in the party support column, 12 per cent expressed their support for Narc, 11 per cent for Kanu while nine per cent are for LDP.
The Democratic Party bagged 8 per cent from Kenyans interviewed, while Ford People, SDP and LPK managed 3 per cent each.
The National Party of Kenya (NPK) and the Shirikisho Party of Kenya (SPK) were polled at 2 per cent each.
For the first time, Kenyans said in the poll that they would prefer a presidential candidate with a running mate.
Seventy-one per cent of those polled would like a presidential candidate with a running mate while 29 per cent would not.
President Kibaki and his Vice-President, Mr Moody Awori, remain the most popular duo in this regard, polling 21 per cent.
Other pairs polled as follows: Raila and Musalia (17 per cent), Kalonzo and Ruto (14 per cent), Raila and Kalonzo (10 per cent), Kalonzo and Musalia (four per cent), Kibaki and Dr Mukhisa Kituyi (four per cent), Kibaki and Raila (four per cent), Ruto and Kalonzo (three per cent), Mr Uhuru Kenyatta and Musalia (three per cent) and Ruto and Musalia (one per cent).
Those who did not prefer a presidential candidate with a running mate cited fear of a break-up and untrustworthy leadership as reasons for their apprehension.
Kenyans unhappy with politicians
They also said most of the presidential candidates have incompatible personalities.
MPs will sit jittery with just five months to go as they learn that only one out of every 10 of them stand a chance of going back to Parliament.
The results show that 54 per cent of Kenyans are generally not happy with the current breed of political leaders while 46 said they were happy.
According to the poll, 81 per cent of Kenyans say they are unhappy with their leaders because of corruption, 74 per cent of Kenyans say political leaders in the country are power hungry, 68 per cent think leaders are ineffective, 56 per cent believe politicians are tribal, while 54 per cent distaste the fact that Kenyan politicians are old guards.
The poll, which featured a wide-range of political perceptions, also confirmed that Kenyans have not written off a woman presidential candidate.
This perception index will put a smile on Ngilu's face who emerged the most popular of other preferences, including Mrs Lucy Kibaki, Ms Martha Karua and Ms Wangari Maathai.
Kenya's Infotrak, which became the newest affiliate member of the Harris Interactive Global Network of market research companies, conducted its first poll over the last week.
The polls affirmed largely the same perception reflected in another poll released by the Steadman Group mid last month.
8 August 2007
By Lucianne Limo And Caroline Mango
Nairobi
Lang'ata MP Mr Raila Odinga is the man to watch in this year's General Election, if opinion poll results released by the Centre for Multiparty Democracy (CMD) are anything to go by.
According to the poll - conducted by Infotrak Research and Consulting and US-based Harris Interactive Global - majority of Kenyans polled prefer the former Roads minister as ODM-Kenya's flag bearer at the December election.
The poll also ranks ODM-Kenya as the most popular political party.
Although President Kibaki remains the most popular presidential candidate, he has dropped by three percentage points since last month when a different poll by a different company placed him at the top.
The poll then by Steadman Group gave the President a 45 per cent popularity rating while the CMD one yesterday gave Kibaki 42 per cent.
Raila maintained a 25 per cent popularity rating in both polls.
Kibaki and Raila were again confirmed as the most likely combatants in the December battle for the presidency.
Raila's key rival in ODM-Kenya, Mr Kalonzo Musyoka (at 11 per cent in both polls), continues to trail the two in what is emerging as a confirmation that the battle finale may pit Kibaki versus Raila.
But the results will rattle all presidential candidates with a clincher that none of them, so far, is capable of meeting the 25 per cent of voters requirement in at least five provinces in order to win.
MPs to be voted out
The new opinion poll results released on Tuesday also slammed sitting MPs with a shocker that 90 per cent of them would not come back to the House if elections were held today.
Another of ODM-Kenya's presidential aspirant, Mr Musalia Mudavadi has 8 per cent, followed by Mr William Ruto (6 per cent), while Mrs Charity Ngilu and Mr Najib Balala tie at 2 per cent each. Dr Julia Ojiambo and Mr Uhuru Kenyatta tailed with one per cent each.
The poll result could stir ODM-Kenya into fresh impetus to try to stick together as Kenyans said they still prefer the party over the others.
The poll shows that 26 per cent of those sampled prefer ODM-Kenya, while 13 per cent are for Narc-Kenya.
The poll, which showed that political parties are key determinants in elections, also rated the best-known political parties (political party awareness).
In the category of best-known political parties, ODM-Kenya led with 99 per cent as the party most known by Kenyans, followed by Kanu which bagged 98 per cent, Narc-Kenya at 92 per cent, Narc at 80 per cent, LDP at 72 per cent and DP at 72 per cent.
Behind ODM-Kenya in the party support column, 12 per cent expressed their support for Narc, 11 per cent for Kanu while nine per cent are for LDP.
The Democratic Party bagged 8 per cent from Kenyans interviewed, while Ford People, SDP and LPK managed 3 per cent each.
The National Party of Kenya (NPK) and the Shirikisho Party of Kenya (SPK) were polled at 2 per cent each.
For the first time, Kenyans said in the poll that they would prefer a presidential candidate with a running mate.
Seventy-one per cent of those polled would like a presidential candidate with a running mate while 29 per cent would not.
President Kibaki and his Vice-President, Mr Moody Awori, remain the most popular duo in this regard, polling 21 per cent.
Other pairs polled as follows: Raila and Musalia (17 per cent), Kalonzo and Ruto (14 per cent), Raila and Kalonzo (10 per cent), Kalonzo and Musalia (four per cent), Kibaki and Dr Mukhisa Kituyi (four per cent), Kibaki and Raila (four per cent), Ruto and Kalonzo (three per cent), Mr Uhuru Kenyatta and Musalia (three per cent) and Ruto and Musalia (one per cent).
Those who did not prefer a presidential candidate with a running mate cited fear of a break-up and untrustworthy leadership as reasons for their apprehension.
Kenyans unhappy with politicians
They also said most of the presidential candidates have incompatible personalities.
MPs will sit jittery with just five months to go as they learn that only one out of every 10 of them stand a chance of going back to Parliament.
The results show that 54 per cent of Kenyans are generally not happy with the current breed of political leaders while 46 said they were happy.
According to the poll, 81 per cent of Kenyans say they are unhappy with their leaders because of corruption, 74 per cent of Kenyans say political leaders in the country are power hungry, 68 per cent think leaders are ineffective, 56 per cent believe politicians are tribal, while 54 per cent distaste the fact that Kenyan politicians are old guards.
The poll, which featured a wide-range of political perceptions, also confirmed that Kenyans have not written off a woman presidential candidate.
This perception index will put a smile on Ngilu's face who emerged the most popular of other preferences, including Mrs Lucy Kibaki, Ms Martha Karua and Ms Wangari Maathai.
Kenya's Infotrak, which became the newest affiliate member of the Harris Interactive Global Network of market research companies, conducted its first poll over the last week.
The polls affirmed largely the same perception reflected in another poll released by the Steadman Group mid last month.
Intwari-Partnership Press Release
Editor's Note: While I do not necessarily endorse any Rwandese political party (or their views) in exile or in the country because it is not my place to do so as a muzungu, I post this press release here for informational purposes and for my Diaspora political community readers to view.
Intwari-Partnership
Partenariat- Intwari
--------------------------------
Press Release
Concluding the meeting held by its political Office in Brussels from 23rd through 24th July 2007, Intwari-Partnership reinforced its decision previously taken in March 2007 with regard to the issue of the elections scheduled to take place in Rwanda next year.
For Intwari-Partneship, in order for the elections to result in the establishment of strong administrative institutions that are steady and beneficial to all citizens, these elections shall be organized so as to include all political opponents of the RPF Government, whether they be armed or not. Hence, before these elections can take place, Intwari-Partnership finds it necessary to organize an open and non exclusive dialogue in view of determining better proceeding ways, thus allowing Rwandans to have true elections and not farce ones like those held in 2003.
Instead of listening to our proposals, Mr. Karangwa Chrysologue, Chairman of the electoral commission of the RPF Government, chose to ignore us as this has become a common habit within the RPF and he claimed that refugees cannot have any rights with regard to the governing ways of their Nation. He loudly laughed at them saying: “They have choose, either they come back home or they remain refugees for ever if they wish!” At this point, Mr. Karangwa Chrysologue seemed to be unaware of that the Rwandan constitution recognizes two nationalities and that Intwari- Partnership is not only composed of refugees, but that it has also members who are not refugees and who are outside like inside the country. In addition, any Rwandan citizen has the right to live wherever he pleases provided that he has the means and reasons to do so.
In order for the Rwandans and the international community to be better informed that the decisions taken by Intwari- Partnership with regard to the elections issue and to other related pertinent questions are valid and not to be ignored, we would like to inform ou of the following :
a) About the elections:
1. It is well known that during the 2003 elections, the elections boxes were exchanged. Those boxes were kept in the Kabuga building at Muhima, where people were assigned to do the thumb-printing job day and night in such a way that, until today, many of them still bear permanent scars resulting from such a titanic job.
2. It is well known that the counting of votes was made by people from the RPF, and due to the dictatorship and terrorism which are the basis of the RPF governance, the election representatives preferred to go out and set themselves aside, thus allowing the RPF representatives to proceed with the counting as they pleased. The names and identities of those who preferred to go out and set themselves aside are well known to us, and so are the sectors and districts where they conducted the elections. Likewise, citizens whose votes were stolen are aware of it too.
3. It is known that the communes which did not elect for Kagame underwent many problems subsequent to those elections; their leaders were called in to explain why their communes did not vote well. And yet, the counting of votes, as it was done by people from RPF, had already shown that those communes had voted for Kagame a hundred per cent!!!
4. It is quite obvious that no strong governing institutions that really defend the interest of all citizens could come out of such elections, characterized by untruthfulness, dictatorship and corruption. The problem of plot spoliation that has been being raised for many days in the Mutara district (called the Eastern District) can serve as an example. This plot spoliation issue constitutes a crucial problem for the citizens living in that District, has been kept secret for a long time, because those who are supposed to alleviate the burden of the people are the same ones who are oppressing them. And even when the problem was brought to the attention of Major General Kagame as President of the Republic, he chose to assign it to a commission directed by some of the high ranked military officers, who too were strongly involved in that plot spoliation process. At this point, one might wonder what Deputies and Senators in Rwanda are paid for and why? If it is true that Tutsis in Mutara have been oppressed years and after years, and that those who were oppressing them are the same people whom they lived with during their exile in Uganda and whom they came with to Rwanda, one might wonder, who then is going to address issues raised by Rwandan citizens living in other Districts of the country? Regarding this plot spoliation issue, President Kagame should give an example, because he too has confiscated plots in other places out of Ruhango, where he is from. If not, then all his actions of combating those involved in plot spoliation will be just a masquerade aimed at campaigning for the forthcoming elections, especially that among people who refused to vote for Kagame, the inhabitants of Mutara, who yet fought with him while they were leaving in Uganda, came in front. They were accusing Kagame and his gang of having brought them in Rwanda to “eat” them herein.
5. There is another difficult problem which sticks to be hidden and which can destroy the country as a whole. It is the problem of Gacaca courts. The Gacaca tribunals have divided Rwandans into groups that are more conflicting than those related to ethnic groups and regions that we already know. Every Rwandan is currently aware of the existence of other three ethnic groups. The latter are more conflicting than those of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa that we already know. In the Rwanda of RPF, Gacaca tribunals have given birth to three new ethnic groups: the group of the accusers, mainly composed of Tutsi, the group of the witnesses, mainly composed of prisoners who pleaded guilty of genocide, and the group of the accused, mainly composed of Hutus who did not commit the genocide, even though you may still find few among them who were involved in the genocide. Keeping these new groups into a continuous conflicting situation constitutes the macabre plan of the RPF, aimed at maintaining Rwandans in a continuous confrontation, while the RPF continues to distribute the war spoils among itself and medals for having stopped the genocide, and yet the truth is that the Kagame gang and the powerful countries supporting it are the main cause of all the evil that happened in Rwanda, as Intwari-Partnership is committed to prove it once for all in the near future.
6. The other thing that we would like to remind the Rwandans and the International community of is that no one bequeathed to Rwanda the fact of being governed by killers. Hence, we have committed ourselves to do all that is possible so that Kagame and his followers, accused of having committed heavy crimes against humanity in Rwanda and in the Africa Region of Great Lakes, understand that it is absolute that they justify themselves before the court first, before rushing to campaigning for the governance of the country, which they are not entitled to. Kagame and its gang cannot continue to refuse to appeal in front of the court and explain their involvement (or not) in the attempt against the plane carrying President Habyarimana Juvenal and his colleague President of Burundi on April 06, 1994, and in other war crimes and crimes against humanity which they are accused of.
b) About the problem of refugees
1. Intwari-Partnership is fully aware of the fact that many of the Rwandan refugees want to go back to their home country, but they want to return in a country where there is peace and security. In fact, when they went away, they were mainly fleeing from the dictatorship and terrorism from the RPF, the insecurity climate it continues to maintain within the country and in the region, the war and other various killings that are spoiling the Rwanda image and the famine which the RPF gang keeps on spreading among the population through the spoliation of non arable plots to itself in order to keep some of the people in a kind of serfdom.
2. Let’s remind RPF, - if it has forgotten -, that it too was composed of refugees and that they too exacted the establishment of a state of law before they could come back home. In addition, taking into account the way things are evolving now, no one shall ignore that RPF is supported by those who are against the establishment of a state of law in Rwanda.
3. All Rwandans and the international community shall be aware of the fact that the RPF behaviors are among things which hindered the concretization of the Arusha Peace Agreement.
Intwari-Partnership is convinced that no lasting peace will be possible in Rwanda and in the Africa Region of Great lakes as long as no concrete and true political solution to the Rwandan refugee problem will be found.
C) About the Commission for Elections
1. As it is strengthened in our written document about “The Rwanda Charter of Rights and Freedoms” that we adopted on July 24, 2007, we cannot continue supporting the bad practices of RPF and its followers while we are fully aware of the masquerade which characterized the 2003 elections and consisting in stealing votes of its opponent candidates.
2. The Commission for the elections shall not continue to be like a private field of RPF. We want the commission to be composed of members commonly agreed upon by all parties who have accepted to participate in the elections.
3. With regard to the preparation of the next year elections and the search for a true solution to the conflicting situation existing between the Rwandan people, the Chairman of Intwari-Partneship wrote an open letter to Major General Paul Kagame, President on the Republic, informing him about our determination in having an open and non exclusive dialogue with the RPF Government.
4. So we have to agree upon ways that are convenient to all in conducting campaigns so that the bad habits of calumniating tradesmen and preventing them from their trade rights, simply because they support people who do not speak the same language as RPF, can be uprooted once for all. Intwari-Partneship has strong proofs on the RPF acts on the way it ill-treated the candidates who were opposed to it in the 2003 elections to such extent that some of them could not even get water to drink in their own country. Additionally, we shall agree upon countries that will be supervising the elections, not like those who came in just as an accomplice of the RPF gang.
Made in Brussels on July 30th 2007
On Behalf of Intwari-Partneship
Déogratias Mushayidi(Signed)
Secretary General & Spokesperson
Intwari-Partnership
Partenariat- Intwari
--------------------------------
Press Release
Concluding the meeting held by its political Office in Brussels from 23rd through 24th July 2007, Intwari-Partnership reinforced its decision previously taken in March 2007 with regard to the issue of the elections scheduled to take place in Rwanda next year.
For Intwari-Partneship, in order for the elections to result in the establishment of strong administrative institutions that are steady and beneficial to all citizens, these elections shall be organized so as to include all political opponents of the RPF Government, whether they be armed or not. Hence, before these elections can take place, Intwari-Partnership finds it necessary to organize an open and non exclusive dialogue in view of determining better proceeding ways, thus allowing Rwandans to have true elections and not farce ones like those held in 2003.
Instead of listening to our proposals, Mr. Karangwa Chrysologue, Chairman of the electoral commission of the RPF Government, chose to ignore us as this has become a common habit within the RPF and he claimed that refugees cannot have any rights with regard to the governing ways of their Nation. He loudly laughed at them saying: “They have choose, either they come back home or they remain refugees for ever if they wish!” At this point, Mr. Karangwa Chrysologue seemed to be unaware of that the Rwandan constitution recognizes two nationalities and that Intwari- Partnership is not only composed of refugees, but that it has also members who are not refugees and who are outside like inside the country. In addition, any Rwandan citizen has the right to live wherever he pleases provided that he has the means and reasons to do so.
In order for the Rwandans and the international community to be better informed that the decisions taken by Intwari- Partnership with regard to the elections issue and to other related pertinent questions are valid and not to be ignored, we would like to inform ou of the following :
a) About the elections:
1. It is well known that during the 2003 elections, the elections boxes were exchanged. Those boxes were kept in the Kabuga building at Muhima, where people were assigned to do the thumb-printing job day and night in such a way that, until today, many of them still bear permanent scars resulting from such a titanic job.
2. It is well known that the counting of votes was made by people from the RPF, and due to the dictatorship and terrorism which are the basis of the RPF governance, the election representatives preferred to go out and set themselves aside, thus allowing the RPF representatives to proceed with the counting as they pleased. The names and identities of those who preferred to go out and set themselves aside are well known to us, and so are the sectors and districts where they conducted the elections. Likewise, citizens whose votes were stolen are aware of it too.
3. It is known that the communes which did not elect for Kagame underwent many problems subsequent to those elections; their leaders were called in to explain why their communes did not vote well. And yet, the counting of votes, as it was done by people from RPF, had already shown that those communes had voted for Kagame a hundred per cent!!!
4. It is quite obvious that no strong governing institutions that really defend the interest of all citizens could come out of such elections, characterized by untruthfulness, dictatorship and corruption. The problem of plot spoliation that has been being raised for many days in the Mutara district (called the Eastern District) can serve as an example. This plot spoliation issue constitutes a crucial problem for the citizens living in that District, has been kept secret for a long time, because those who are supposed to alleviate the burden of the people are the same ones who are oppressing them. And even when the problem was brought to the attention of Major General Kagame as President of the Republic, he chose to assign it to a commission directed by some of the high ranked military officers, who too were strongly involved in that plot spoliation process. At this point, one might wonder what Deputies and Senators in Rwanda are paid for and why? If it is true that Tutsis in Mutara have been oppressed years and after years, and that those who were oppressing them are the same people whom they lived with during their exile in Uganda and whom they came with to Rwanda, one might wonder, who then is going to address issues raised by Rwandan citizens living in other Districts of the country? Regarding this plot spoliation issue, President Kagame should give an example, because he too has confiscated plots in other places out of Ruhango, where he is from. If not, then all his actions of combating those involved in plot spoliation will be just a masquerade aimed at campaigning for the forthcoming elections, especially that among people who refused to vote for Kagame, the inhabitants of Mutara, who yet fought with him while they were leaving in Uganda, came in front. They were accusing Kagame and his gang of having brought them in Rwanda to “eat” them herein.
5. There is another difficult problem which sticks to be hidden and which can destroy the country as a whole. It is the problem of Gacaca courts. The Gacaca tribunals have divided Rwandans into groups that are more conflicting than those related to ethnic groups and regions that we already know. Every Rwandan is currently aware of the existence of other three ethnic groups. The latter are more conflicting than those of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa that we already know. In the Rwanda of RPF, Gacaca tribunals have given birth to three new ethnic groups: the group of the accusers, mainly composed of Tutsi, the group of the witnesses, mainly composed of prisoners who pleaded guilty of genocide, and the group of the accused, mainly composed of Hutus who did not commit the genocide, even though you may still find few among them who were involved in the genocide. Keeping these new groups into a continuous conflicting situation constitutes the macabre plan of the RPF, aimed at maintaining Rwandans in a continuous confrontation, while the RPF continues to distribute the war spoils among itself and medals for having stopped the genocide, and yet the truth is that the Kagame gang and the powerful countries supporting it are the main cause of all the evil that happened in Rwanda, as Intwari-Partnership is committed to prove it once for all in the near future.
6. The other thing that we would like to remind the Rwandans and the International community of is that no one bequeathed to Rwanda the fact of being governed by killers. Hence, we have committed ourselves to do all that is possible so that Kagame and his followers, accused of having committed heavy crimes against humanity in Rwanda and in the Africa Region of Great Lakes, understand that it is absolute that they justify themselves before the court first, before rushing to campaigning for the governance of the country, which they are not entitled to. Kagame and its gang cannot continue to refuse to appeal in front of the court and explain their involvement (or not) in the attempt against the plane carrying President Habyarimana Juvenal and his colleague President of Burundi on April 06, 1994, and in other war crimes and crimes against humanity which they are accused of.
b) About the problem of refugees
1. Intwari-Partnership is fully aware of the fact that many of the Rwandan refugees want to go back to their home country, but they want to return in a country where there is peace and security. In fact, when they went away, they were mainly fleeing from the dictatorship and terrorism from the RPF, the insecurity climate it continues to maintain within the country and in the region, the war and other various killings that are spoiling the Rwanda image and the famine which the RPF gang keeps on spreading among the population through the spoliation of non arable plots to itself in order to keep some of the people in a kind of serfdom.
2. Let’s remind RPF, - if it has forgotten -, that it too was composed of refugees and that they too exacted the establishment of a state of law before they could come back home. In addition, taking into account the way things are evolving now, no one shall ignore that RPF is supported by those who are against the establishment of a state of law in Rwanda.
3. All Rwandans and the international community shall be aware of the fact that the RPF behaviors are among things which hindered the concretization of the Arusha Peace Agreement.
Intwari-Partnership is convinced that no lasting peace will be possible in Rwanda and in the Africa Region of Great lakes as long as no concrete and true political solution to the Rwandan refugee problem will be found.
C) About the Commission for Elections
1. As it is strengthened in our written document about “The Rwanda Charter of Rights and Freedoms” that we adopted on July 24, 2007, we cannot continue supporting the bad practices of RPF and its followers while we are fully aware of the masquerade which characterized the 2003 elections and consisting in stealing votes of its opponent candidates.
2. The Commission for the elections shall not continue to be like a private field of RPF. We want the commission to be composed of members commonly agreed upon by all parties who have accepted to participate in the elections.
3. With regard to the preparation of the next year elections and the search for a true solution to the conflicting situation existing between the Rwandan people, the Chairman of Intwari-Partneship wrote an open letter to Major General Paul Kagame, President on the Republic, informing him about our determination in having an open and non exclusive dialogue with the RPF Government.
4. So we have to agree upon ways that are convenient to all in conducting campaigns so that the bad habits of calumniating tradesmen and preventing them from their trade rights, simply because they support people who do not speak the same language as RPF, can be uprooted once for all. Intwari-Partneship has strong proofs on the RPF acts on the way it ill-treated the candidates who were opposed to it in the 2003 elections to such extent that some of them could not even get water to drink in their own country. Additionally, we shall agree upon countries that will be supervising the elections, not like those who came in just as an accomplice of the RPF gang.
Made in Brussels on July 30th 2007
On Behalf of Intwari-Partneship
Déogratias Mushayidi(Signed)
Secretary General & Spokesperson
07 August, 2007
Autographed Photo of Paul Kagame for Sale on Ebay-Deutchland by a German User.
http://cgi.ebay.com/RWANDA-Paul-Kagame-RARE-signed-German-press-photo-TOP_W0QQitemZ150133601671QQihZ005QQcategoryZ14430QQcmdZViewItem
Some German Ebay user is trying to sell an (supposedly authentic) autographed photograph of Paul Kagame and is asking $570.00 (U.S.) for it. I wonder how the Diaspora feels about someone trying to make money off his autograph in light of what he has done.
A Revealing Broadcast by the Washington Post.
Editor's Note: While I do not support the Washington Post, there are a few important things to note in this video. Notice the Congolese displaced villagers describing General Nkundabatware's men brandishing machetes to attack the villagers, a perfect misdirection to blame the "Interahammwe" for their deaths. The tactic of calling villagers to meetings, herding them into a building, then killing them all (Fagia) is a classic RPA counterinsurgency (relative to the RPA) tactic used by General Paul Kagame during the 1990-1994 civil war and genocide in Rwanda, particularly in the former Byumba and Ruhengeri Prefectures.
05 August, 2007
Caution at the ICTR Following the Release of Two Accused in France
Hirondelle News Agency
3 August 2007
Caution was the keyword at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) after the release this week in France of two persons accused genocide. The Court of Appeals of Paris released Wednesday the former prefect of Gikongoro (southern Rwanda) and Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka arrested on 20 July at the request of the ICTR prosecutor. Whereas the Rwandan authorities immediately, and unambiguously, condemned this decision, it took the ICTR several hours and pressure by the journalists to release a short official statement filled with caution.
This eight line statement indicates that “the reports that the French court of appeals has released concerning the two accused are being reviewed by the office of the prosecutor which is also consulting with the French Ministry of Justice about the matter”. The Ministry of Justice is the department which was the privileged partner of the prosecutor in negotiations which led to the arrest of the accused. The two men have been indicted in 2005. The ICTR prosecutor is, moreover, following with attention the new developments of this case.
“The office of the prosecutor has learned that the decision of the court of appeals is subject to review”, the statement says. "The office of the prosecutor would like to wait for the review process to run its course before commenting further", the text concludes.
The accused were released, in particular, on the basis of the principle of presumption of innocence. The prosecution wished that they be maintained in detention until the ICTR comes to a conclusion about the possible transfer of their cases to French courts. Within the framework of its completion strategy, due to end by December 2008, the ICTR plans to transfer some cases to national courts, including those of Rwanda.
France agreed to try Munyeshyaka and Bucyibaruta but it needs the approval of an ICTR chamber. The ad hoc bench has been constituted but has yet to rule on the motion. Besides this release, the news of the week was marked by the arrest of a witness accused of perjury, a first at the ICTR in its thirteen year history. This Rwandan witness, known under the pseudonym GAA, testified in the trial of the former Minister Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda, initially for the prosecution then for defence. Kamuhanda was convicted to life in prison. Explaining his reversal, GAA declared that he had been induced into error by another witness for the prosecution. The appeals chamber ordered an investigation which led to the indictment and arrest. He will be tried for contempt of the tribunal. The maximum penalty that may be imposed on a person found to be in contempt of the tribunal shall be a term of imprisonment not exceeding five years, or a fine not exceeding 10,000 US dollars, or both, according to the rules.
3 August 2007
Caution was the keyword at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) after the release this week in France of two persons accused genocide. The Court of Appeals of Paris released Wednesday the former prefect of Gikongoro (southern Rwanda) and Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka arrested on 20 July at the request of the ICTR prosecutor. Whereas the Rwandan authorities immediately, and unambiguously, condemned this decision, it took the ICTR several hours and pressure by the journalists to release a short official statement filled with caution.
This eight line statement indicates that “the reports that the French court of appeals has released concerning the two accused are being reviewed by the office of the prosecutor which is also consulting with the French Ministry of Justice about the matter”. The Ministry of Justice is the department which was the privileged partner of the prosecutor in negotiations which led to the arrest of the accused. The two men have been indicted in 2005. The ICTR prosecutor is, moreover, following with attention the new developments of this case.
“The office of the prosecutor has learned that the decision of the court of appeals is subject to review”, the statement says. "The office of the prosecutor would like to wait for the review process to run its course before commenting further", the text concludes.
The accused were released, in particular, on the basis of the principle of presumption of innocence. The prosecution wished that they be maintained in detention until the ICTR comes to a conclusion about the possible transfer of their cases to French courts. Within the framework of its completion strategy, due to end by December 2008, the ICTR plans to transfer some cases to national courts, including those of Rwanda.
France agreed to try Munyeshyaka and Bucyibaruta but it needs the approval of an ICTR chamber. The ad hoc bench has been constituted but has yet to rule on the motion. Besides this release, the news of the week was marked by the arrest of a witness accused of perjury, a first at the ICTR in its thirteen year history. This Rwandan witness, known under the pseudonym GAA, testified in the trial of the former Minister Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda, initially for the prosecution then for defence. Kamuhanda was convicted to life in prison. Explaining his reversal, GAA declared that he had been induced into error by another witness for the prosecution. The appeals chamber ordered an investigation which led to the indictment and arrest. He will be tried for contempt of the tribunal. The maximum penalty that may be imposed on a person found to be in contempt of the tribunal shall be a term of imprisonment not exceeding five years, or a fine not exceeding 10,000 US dollars, or both, according to the rules.
President Kagame's Speech: Murambi Genocide Memorial (13th Anniversary). 7 April 2007.
Photo courtesy of the Office of the President of the Republic of Rwanda.http://www.gov.rw/government/president/photo/murambi_memorial3.html
I received some requests from members of the Diaspora for this. I finally have located a copy of the aforementioned speech. It is in mp3 format recorded at a rate of 128 kbps. It is 26.3 MB and almost 30 minutes long. Naturally, it is in iKinyarwanda. Those of you in the Diaspora know this speech's content very well and it needs no introduction. Also note, for comparison, that the Official Website of President Kagame has posted what is the official Rwandan Government transcript of the speech.
In English:
In iKinyarwanda:
After clicking on the link provided below, you will be taken to a new website. At the bottom of the page is a grey border box with the file name and a button in the lower right-hand corner. Simply click on the button to download the file. You must have mp3 playing software to utilize the file.
Editor's Note: The link to the recording of the speech has expired. Please contact WNJ and a copy can be e-mailed to you.
A New Compendium of RPF Massacres
This compendium of RPF massacres of Hutu civilians, researched, compiled and written by Mr. Gaspard Musabyimana, includes key details about the specific military units involved and who their respective commanding officers were. I also highly recommend Mr. Musabyimana's book "La Vraie Nature du FPR."
Please note the document is in French. Adobe Reader is required to open the document.
http://webpages.charter.net/jabdmb/LesCriminalesduFPRMusabyimana.pdf.
Please note the document is in French. Adobe Reader is required to open the document.
http://webpages.charter.net/jabdmb/LesCriminalesduFPRMusabyimana.pdf.
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