Mining Weekly Online
By: Martin Creamer
Published: 17 August 07
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Colombia could prove a “very good gold frontier” for the company in the near future, retiring AngloGold Ashanti COO Roberto Carvalho Silva said in Brazil on Thursday.
Carvalho Silva said that the company’s two promising exploration-drilling projects in Colombia were at Gramalote and La Colosa.
“We are expecting the first metallurgical results at the end of August for both,” AngloGold Ashanti geologist Leonardo de Souza reported.
“The chances are good for those two projects. Everyone who knows about exploration knows that we are in a very early stage there.
“However, we believe that Colombia could be a very good gold frontier for us in the near future”, Carvalho Silva said.
Thirty holes had been drilled at Gramalote and four at La Colosa.
Carvalho Silva said, however, that with greenfields exploration, it was not only a question of finding a sufficient resource through drilling, but also one of establishing whether or not the resource was mineable and whether the ore from it was treatable.
He said that AngloGold Ashanti required a minimum size of two-million mineable ounces in order to go ahead with a project.
De Souza estimated that there was indeed a two-million-ounce inferred resource at Gramalote and an even bigger one at La Colosa.
If all criteria were met, it would take six years to develop the projects, Carvalho Silva estimated.
“We need time at Colombia. A programme of this nature will require nothing less than six years,” Carvalho Silva said.
Drilling of bulk-tonnage gold targets had continued at Gramalote, in the second quarter of this year and additional infill drilling would be undertaken there in the second half.
'We established a strategy for Colombia at a time when nobody else wanted to go there'
The results of first-pass drilling at the La Colosa gold-copper porphyry were described as “encouraging”, and it was pointed out that the polymetallic deposit offered the possibility of by-product credits.
Carvalho Silva said that general conditions in Colombia were good, the government effective and “we are in that sea and swimming quite well”.
He said that the company had been on the ground in Colombia since 2003.
It had chosen Colombia because of other South American countries being “too mature” from an exploration perspective, which had resulted in AngloGold Ashanti becoming the “first kid on the block”.
“We established a strategy for Colombia at a time when nobody else wanted to go there, assuming country risk and so many other things,” said Carvalho Silva, who leaves the company next month.
18 August, 2007
Rwandan Refugees ‘Disappear.’
16th August, 2007
The New Vision
By Kyomuhendo Muhanga
Several Rwandans who have been living in Kibati village in Isingiro district have abandoned the village for an unknown destination. This followed an agreement between the Government and Rwandan authorities to have the Rwandans returned home, security sources at Nakivale said on Saturday.
The refugees are part of a group of over 5,000 Rwandans who were expelled from Tanzania over two years ago but were denied asylum in Uganda on grounds that their Country of origin had been declared peaceful. The group had camped at Kibati, about 2km outside Nakivale Refugee camp for over two years.
An official from the Prime Minister’s office in charge of the refugees’ desk in Mbarara, Walter Omondi, confirmed that the group had moved on, but declined to give details saying they were out of his jurisdiction.
“Some make shift houses have been abandoned. We have seen some families moving towards Mbarara possibly to Kiboga, Kibale or Kampala,” a refugee who identified herself as Mukamariza said on Monday.
Motserrat Feixas Vihe, the acting United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) representative, in Uganda said: “UNHCR is aware that there is a group of Rwandans who are not refugees living in close vicinity to Nakivale refugee camp, in an area known as Kibati.” However, he declined to discuss the matter.
During a tripartite commission in Kigali recently, the Rwandan and Ugandan governments agreed to repatriate 5,000 Rwandan refugees this month.
According to statistics at UNHCR, Uganda still hosts about 20,000 Rwandan refugees most of them in Nakivale and Oruchinga in Isingiro district and Kyaka II in Kyenjojo district.
The New Vision
By Kyomuhendo Muhanga
Several Rwandans who have been living in Kibati village in Isingiro district have abandoned the village for an unknown destination. This followed an agreement between the Government and Rwandan authorities to have the Rwandans returned home, security sources at Nakivale said on Saturday.
The refugees are part of a group of over 5,000 Rwandans who were expelled from Tanzania over two years ago but were denied asylum in Uganda on grounds that their Country of origin had been declared peaceful. The group had camped at Kibati, about 2km outside Nakivale Refugee camp for over two years.
An official from the Prime Minister’s office in charge of the refugees’ desk in Mbarara, Walter Omondi, confirmed that the group had moved on, but declined to give details saying they were out of his jurisdiction.
“Some make shift houses have been abandoned. We have seen some families moving towards Mbarara possibly to Kiboga, Kibale or Kampala,” a refugee who identified herself as Mukamariza said on Monday.
Motserrat Feixas Vihe, the acting United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) representative, in Uganda said: “UNHCR is aware that there is a group of Rwandans who are not refugees living in close vicinity to Nakivale refugee camp, in an area known as Kibati.” However, he declined to discuss the matter.
During a tripartite commission in Kigali recently, the Rwandan and Ugandan governments agreed to repatriate 5,000 Rwandan refugees this month.
According to statistics at UNHCR, Uganda still hosts about 20,000 Rwandan refugees most of them in Nakivale and Oruchinga in Isingiro district and Kyaka II in Kyenjojo district.
Askaris in Iraq Ripped Off.
New Vision
17 August 2007
By Felix Osike
New details have emerged on how Ugandan guards in Iraq are being fleeced and exploited by recruiting agencies. Not only are the desperate job-seekers forced to pay for fees and air tickets already paid for by the receiving company in Iraq, the recruiting agencies reportedly also take control of their bank accounts.
"This office has received complaints that you have forced every worker to have an account in a bank of your choice in which you have control," Dr. David Ogaram, the Commissioner for Labour, Employment and Industrial Relations, wrote in a letter of February 27, to the 12 recruiting agencies.
He expressed concern that the agencies were withdrawing any amount of money "as and when they wish," were making foreign exchange transfers "at their convenience" and were making deductions without informing the owners.
"Evidence availed to the office supports these complaints. The main concern here is that you are unilaterally accessing money, which is not yours, from the accounts of private clients to the bank," Ogaram wrote.
"You are deducting money from the accounts on trivial reasons without the consent of the owners of the accounts. This cannot happen without the collusion of the bank management. This is tantamount to a syndicate designed to tamper with personal accounts in the bank and is illegal."
He demanded that the agencies provide the ministry with a list of wage remittances and that money wrongfully withheld be paid back within a month.
Tampering with bank accounts is not the only thing recruiting agencies are accused of. Over 40 guards employed by Askar Security Services have sent petitions to the Speaker of Parliament and the US ambassador in Kampala complaining of exploitative practices.
"We were charged a registration fee of sh200,000. All of us paid this money. We realised afterwards that Beowulf (the receiving company in Iraq) had paid for the costs of registration to have us ready for deployment", the petition read.
"Kellen (Kayonga, MD of Askar) captures our passports and keeps them in her custody in order for us not to seek other opportunities with other companies. Kellen has also been charging some of us, who travel, replacement flight costs. Beowulf made it clear that that cost was catered for also."
They also complained that two of their colleagues were shot while on duty and were supposed to be compensated through Askar to the tune of $80,000 each. "They have never seen the money to date."
When asked for a reaction, Kayonga told Saturday Vision the sh200,000 was for a medical examination, fingerprints, immunisation and training, which was not covered by Beowulf. On the casualties, she said one got shot when testing his gun and no compensation was paid.
She denied allegations that their passports were being confiscated. The company only deducts money when somebody is sacked, she said.
"What we did when signing the contract is that in case of dismissal, we have to pay for the ticket back. I pay for the ticket and then deduct from their money," she said.
A letter by Donald F. Rector, the director of Beowulf International, gives an insight into the bitter fight over the lucrative job market in Iraq.
Beowulf had been contacted in January 2006 by EOD Technologies, an American company working for the Department of Defence, to provide security guards for Camp Victory in Baghdad, Rector explained in a memo to labour minister Mwesigwa Rukutana.
He said he travelled to Kampala to sign a contract with Askar. "In February, I brought 400 Ugandans to Iraq. The guards began working and quickly impressed the US Army with their professional skills and discipline."
However, problems started when the guards found that their $1,000 monthly salary did not reach their bank accounts. "Beowulf wired the correct funds to Askar but in many cases, the personnel did not receive the correct amounts," the memo says.
Another problem Rector found was that unqualified personnel were sent to Iraq. "A number of the men admitted to having no military or police experience when the contract with Askar required all guards to have that experience."
Some did not know how to hold a gun, according to Rector. "One man even showed the client his 'Rambo' one-armed pose on how he thought his weapon should be handled. This embarrassed Beowulf and hurt Uganda's image."
The problems with pay continued. In addition, Rector wrote, "I learned that some men had been charged for their air ticket to Iraq from Uganda even after Beowulf had paid for the flight."
The US company's ordeal became worse when, behind its back, Askar signed a new contract directly with EODT.
"On September 27, my fears became true. EODT ended our business relationship and advised me that they were dealing directly with Askar. They told me that they were taking over all the guards in Iraq."
The guards tried to resist but were told to accept it or be sent home, Rector said. According to his memo, approximately 15 Ugandans were sent home for still keeping contact with Beowulf.
"All the guards have been told that if they speak to Beowulf, they will immediately be fired and sent home."
A total of 12 Ugandan companies have been licensed to recruit staff for Iraq. Of those, only three have actually provided personnel. Askar has sent about 1,700 guards so far, Dresak International 3,000 while Connect Financial Services has signed a contract to provide 2,500 guards to protect foreign missions in Baghdad, of whom 380 have already left.
But unlicensed companies have also been sending personnel to Iraq. African Skies is one of them. According to Migral Opportunities, a rival company, African Skies has sent dog handlers and also got a contract for static guards.
"Some of the companies African Skies has already supplied Ugandan labour to include Armor Group, Babylon Gates and Global Securities," the company wrote in a letter to the minister, dated June 6, 2007.
Some of the 'undeclared' personnel are reportedly transported by bus through the eastern border of Busia or Malaba to Nairobi, from where they are flown to Iraq. When asked for clarification by Beowulf, labour minister Rukutana confirmed that the company was not among those licensed.
"I wish to inform you that African Skies is not among the licensed external employment agencies in Uganda and would like to advise that you deal with them at your own risk," Rukutana wrote.
Lured by pay of as much as $2,000 (about sh3m) per month, many Ugandans have been jamming the gates of the security firms to sign in for deployment in Iraq.
Some have lifted themselves from the shackles of poverty after working in Iraq for less than a year.
For others, however, the risky job of guarding Americans in Iraq has proven to be an unrewarding nightmare.
17 August 2007
By Felix Osike
New details have emerged on how Ugandan guards in Iraq are being fleeced and exploited by recruiting agencies. Not only are the desperate job-seekers forced to pay for fees and air tickets already paid for by the receiving company in Iraq, the recruiting agencies reportedly also take control of their bank accounts.
"This office has received complaints that you have forced every worker to have an account in a bank of your choice in which you have control," Dr. David Ogaram, the Commissioner for Labour, Employment and Industrial Relations, wrote in a letter of February 27, to the 12 recruiting agencies.
He expressed concern that the agencies were withdrawing any amount of money "as and when they wish," were making foreign exchange transfers "at their convenience" and were making deductions without informing the owners.
"Evidence availed to the office supports these complaints. The main concern here is that you are unilaterally accessing money, which is not yours, from the accounts of private clients to the bank," Ogaram wrote.
"You are deducting money from the accounts on trivial reasons without the consent of the owners of the accounts. This cannot happen without the collusion of the bank management. This is tantamount to a syndicate designed to tamper with personal accounts in the bank and is illegal."
He demanded that the agencies provide the ministry with a list of wage remittances and that money wrongfully withheld be paid back within a month.
Tampering with bank accounts is not the only thing recruiting agencies are accused of. Over 40 guards employed by Askar Security Services have sent petitions to the Speaker of Parliament and the US ambassador in Kampala complaining of exploitative practices.
"We were charged a registration fee of sh200,000. All of us paid this money. We realised afterwards that Beowulf (the receiving company in Iraq) had paid for the costs of registration to have us ready for deployment", the petition read.
"Kellen (Kayonga, MD of Askar) captures our passports and keeps them in her custody in order for us not to seek other opportunities with other companies. Kellen has also been charging some of us, who travel, replacement flight costs. Beowulf made it clear that that cost was catered for also."
They also complained that two of their colleagues were shot while on duty and were supposed to be compensated through Askar to the tune of $80,000 each. "They have never seen the money to date."
When asked for a reaction, Kayonga told Saturday Vision the sh200,000 was for a medical examination, fingerprints, immunisation and training, which was not covered by Beowulf. On the casualties, she said one got shot when testing his gun and no compensation was paid.
She denied allegations that their passports were being confiscated. The company only deducts money when somebody is sacked, she said.
"What we did when signing the contract is that in case of dismissal, we have to pay for the ticket back. I pay for the ticket and then deduct from their money," she said.
A letter by Donald F. Rector, the director of Beowulf International, gives an insight into the bitter fight over the lucrative job market in Iraq.
Beowulf had been contacted in January 2006 by EOD Technologies, an American company working for the Department of Defence, to provide security guards for Camp Victory in Baghdad, Rector explained in a memo to labour minister Mwesigwa Rukutana.
He said he travelled to Kampala to sign a contract with Askar. "In February, I brought 400 Ugandans to Iraq. The guards began working and quickly impressed the US Army with their professional skills and discipline."
However, problems started when the guards found that their $1,000 monthly salary did not reach their bank accounts. "Beowulf wired the correct funds to Askar but in many cases, the personnel did not receive the correct amounts," the memo says.
Another problem Rector found was that unqualified personnel were sent to Iraq. "A number of the men admitted to having no military or police experience when the contract with Askar required all guards to have that experience."
Some did not know how to hold a gun, according to Rector. "One man even showed the client his 'Rambo' one-armed pose on how he thought his weapon should be handled. This embarrassed Beowulf and hurt Uganda's image."
The problems with pay continued. In addition, Rector wrote, "I learned that some men had been charged for their air ticket to Iraq from Uganda even after Beowulf had paid for the flight."
The US company's ordeal became worse when, behind its back, Askar signed a new contract directly with EODT.
"On September 27, my fears became true. EODT ended our business relationship and advised me that they were dealing directly with Askar. They told me that they were taking over all the guards in Iraq."
The guards tried to resist but were told to accept it or be sent home, Rector said. According to his memo, approximately 15 Ugandans were sent home for still keeping contact with Beowulf.
"All the guards have been told that if they speak to Beowulf, they will immediately be fired and sent home."
A total of 12 Ugandan companies have been licensed to recruit staff for Iraq. Of those, only three have actually provided personnel. Askar has sent about 1,700 guards so far, Dresak International 3,000 while Connect Financial Services has signed a contract to provide 2,500 guards to protect foreign missions in Baghdad, of whom 380 have already left.
But unlicensed companies have also been sending personnel to Iraq. African Skies is one of them. According to Migral Opportunities, a rival company, African Skies has sent dog handlers and also got a contract for static guards.
"Some of the companies African Skies has already supplied Ugandan labour to include Armor Group, Babylon Gates and Global Securities," the company wrote in a letter to the minister, dated June 6, 2007.
Some of the 'undeclared' personnel are reportedly transported by bus through the eastern border of Busia or Malaba to Nairobi, from where they are flown to Iraq. When asked for clarification by Beowulf, labour minister Rukutana confirmed that the company was not among those licensed.
"I wish to inform you that African Skies is not among the licensed external employment agencies in Uganda and would like to advise that you deal with them at your own risk," Rukutana wrote.
Lured by pay of as much as $2,000 (about sh3m) per month, many Ugandans have been jamming the gates of the security firms to sign in for deployment in Iraq.
Some have lifted themselves from the shackles of poverty after working in Iraq for less than a year.
For others, however, the risky job of guarding Americans in Iraq has proven to be an unrewarding nightmare.
U.S. May Add Eritrea to List of Nations Backing Terrorists
New York Times
18 August 2007
The Bush administration is considering designating Eritrea as a state sponsor of terrorism, accusing it of running arms to Islamic insurgents in Somalia, the State Department's top official for Africa said Friday.
American officials say Eritrea, on the Red Sea, has been trying to destabilize the fragile government in the Somali capital, Mogadishu. That government came to power after Ethiopian troops, backed by the United States, invaded Somalia and toppled an administration run by radical Islamic militias.
Censuring Eritrea would place severe economic sanctions on it and add to a State Department terrorist list that contains just five other nations: Iran, Syria, North Korea, Sudan and Cuba.
A United Nations report made public last month said Eritrea was secretly shipping large amounts of arms to Islamist fighters in Somalia, possibly including explosive belts used by suicide bombers and surface-to-air missiles. It said Somalia "is literally awash with arms."
Jendayi E. Frazer, the assistant secretary of state for African affairs, told reporters Friday that the United States had been gathering intelligence that proved Eritrea had repeatedly shipped arms into Somalia to aid insurgents there.
Ms. Frazer said the Eritrean government still had a chance to change its behavior and avoid the terrorism designation.
"We are not looking to go down this route," she said. "But if they continue their behavior and we put together the file that's necessary, I think it would be fairly convincing."
Countries designated as state sponsors of terrorism are prohibited from purchasing any arms from the United States and are subject to strict economic sanctions. The United States also opposes any loans by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to countries on the list.
The United Nations report also criticized actions by Ethiopian troops in Somalia, accusing them of using white phosphorous bombs that killed both insurgents and civilians in Mogadishu in April.
Both Eritrea and Ethiopia have denied the United Nations allegations, but American intelligence officials believe that the fighting in Somalia has in some ways turned into a proxy war for the two bitter enemies, which fought a border war during the 1990s.
In December, Ethiopia moved to unseat Islamist militias who had wrested control of Mogadishu from Somali warlords backed by the Central Intelligence Agency. Ethiopian troops quickly drove Islamist troops out of Mogadishu, but over the past year, a rear guard insurgency has gathered strength.
18 August 2007
The Bush administration is considering designating Eritrea as a state sponsor of terrorism, accusing it of running arms to Islamic insurgents in Somalia, the State Department's top official for Africa said Friday.
American officials say Eritrea, on the Red Sea, has been trying to destabilize the fragile government in the Somali capital, Mogadishu. That government came to power after Ethiopian troops, backed by the United States, invaded Somalia and toppled an administration run by radical Islamic militias.
Censuring Eritrea would place severe economic sanctions on it and add to a State Department terrorist list that contains just five other nations: Iran, Syria, North Korea, Sudan and Cuba.
A United Nations report made public last month said Eritrea was secretly shipping large amounts of arms to Islamist fighters in Somalia, possibly including explosive belts used by suicide bombers and surface-to-air missiles. It said Somalia "is literally awash with arms."
Jendayi E. Frazer, the assistant secretary of state for African affairs, told reporters Friday that the United States had been gathering intelligence that proved Eritrea had repeatedly shipped arms into Somalia to aid insurgents there.
Ms. Frazer said the Eritrean government still had a chance to change its behavior and avoid the terrorism designation.
"We are not looking to go down this route," she said. "But if they continue their behavior and we put together the file that's necessary, I think it would be fairly convincing."
Countries designated as state sponsors of terrorism are prohibited from purchasing any arms from the United States and are subject to strict economic sanctions. The United States also opposes any loans by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to countries on the list.
The United Nations report also criticized actions by Ethiopian troops in Somalia, accusing them of using white phosphorous bombs that killed both insurgents and civilians in Mogadishu in April.
Both Eritrea and Ethiopia have denied the United Nations allegations, but American intelligence officials believe that the fighting in Somalia has in some ways turned into a proxy war for the two bitter enemies, which fought a border war during the 1990s.
In December, Ethiopia moved to unseat Islamist militias who had wrested control of Mogadishu from Somali warlords backed by the Central Intelligence Agency. Ethiopian troops quickly drove Islamist troops out of Mogadishu, but over the past year, a rear guard insurgency has gathered strength.
US Congressional Delegation in Liberia
The Analyst
18 August 2007
Members of a seven-member Congressional delegation say the United States Congress and government remain committed to the reconstruction and development of Liberia.
Speaking at a meeting on Thursday with President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, the US Lawmakers acknowledged the challenges facing the country and spoke of the need for Congress to step up efforts to ensure that the government responds to the needs of the people.
“We will work as hard as we can to ensure that this country succeeds,” an Executive Mansion release quotes the Head of the delegation, Congresswoman Nita Lowey of New York as saying.
Congresswoman Nita said the United States Congress understood the urgency and the need to step up its efforts to move the process forward.
In separate remarks, members of the Congressional delegation praised the Liberian leader for setting into motion a program that would enhance national reconciliation and development.
The US Lawmakers said their support remains unshaken because President Johnson-Sirleaf provides a strong vision for the country.
President Johnson-Sirleaf, in response, thanked the Congressional delegation, the government and people of the United States for the support and friendship Liberia continues to enjoy.
The President lauded US support for the nation’s recovery program, particularly toward the rehabilitation of infrastructure, security sector reform and debt relief.
The President said government will continue to count on the leadership of the United States Treasury in tackling the remaining hurdles in the country’s debt relief, now put at more than four-billion United States dollars.
The President said the influence of the US Treasury department would be most welcoming in soliciting the cooperation of non-G-8 members towards Liberia’s debt relief initiatives.
During brief presentations Pillar Heads of government’s development agenda spoke of the progress and challenges as government tackles the needs of the country.
The Ministers of Defense, Finance, Planning and Public Works highlighted the crucial role of the United States and other development partners and said there was a need to fill in the funding gap which continues to affect the timely implementation of government programs.
The delegation was later hosted to a luncheon at the C. Cecil Dennis a uditorium in Monrovia. The Congressional delegation, on a one day visit, also inspected US-funded programs, including the Capitol building, Binyah Kesselly military barracks, and the Liberia Energy Assistance Program.
Accompanied by their spouses, Congressman Jesse Jackson Jr. (D-IL); Congresswoman Barbara Lee (D-CA) and Congressman Maurice Hinchey (D-NY); were part of the delegation, which also included Congresswoman Susan Davis (D-CA); Congressman Brad Miller (D-NC); and Congresswoman, Gwen Moore (D-WI).
18 August 2007
Members of a seven-member Congressional delegation say the United States Congress and government remain committed to the reconstruction and development of Liberia.
Speaking at a meeting on Thursday with President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, the US Lawmakers acknowledged the challenges facing the country and spoke of the need for Congress to step up efforts to ensure that the government responds to the needs of the people.
“We will work as hard as we can to ensure that this country succeeds,” an Executive Mansion release quotes the Head of the delegation, Congresswoman Nita Lowey of New York as saying.
Congresswoman Nita said the United States Congress understood the urgency and the need to step up its efforts to move the process forward.
In separate remarks, members of the Congressional delegation praised the Liberian leader for setting into motion a program that would enhance national reconciliation and development.
The US Lawmakers said their support remains unshaken because President Johnson-Sirleaf provides a strong vision for the country.
President Johnson-Sirleaf, in response, thanked the Congressional delegation, the government and people of the United States for the support and friendship Liberia continues to enjoy.
The President lauded US support for the nation’s recovery program, particularly toward the rehabilitation of infrastructure, security sector reform and debt relief.
The President said government will continue to count on the leadership of the United States Treasury in tackling the remaining hurdles in the country’s debt relief, now put at more than four-billion United States dollars.
The President said the influence of the US Treasury department would be most welcoming in soliciting the cooperation of non-G-8 members towards Liberia’s debt relief initiatives.
During brief presentations Pillar Heads of government’s development agenda spoke of the progress and challenges as government tackles the needs of the country.
The Ministers of Defense, Finance, Planning and Public Works highlighted the crucial role of the United States and other development partners and said there was a need to fill in the funding gap which continues to affect the timely implementation of government programs.
The delegation was later hosted to a luncheon at the C. Cecil Dennis a uditorium in Monrovia. The Congressional delegation, on a one day visit, also inspected US-funded programs, including the Capitol building, Binyah Kesselly military barracks, and the Liberia Energy Assistance Program.
Accompanied by their spouses, Congressman Jesse Jackson Jr. (D-IL); Congresswoman Barbara Lee (D-CA) and Congressman Maurice Hinchey (D-NY); were part of the delegation, which also included Congresswoman Susan Davis (D-CA); Congressman Brad Miller (D-NC); and Congresswoman, Gwen Moore (D-WI).
16 August, 2007
Appointment of AU-UN Deputy Envoy and Deputy Force Commander for Darfur.
Sudan Tribune
16 August 2007
Editor's Note: Ghanian General Anyidoho was UNAMIR's Deputy Force Commander. Should be an interesting reunion.
African Union and United nations have announced today the appointment of the Joint Deputy Special Representative and Joint Deputy Force Commander for AU/UN Hybrid Operation In Darfur (UNAMID), the AU said in a press statement.
The Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union (AU), Alpha Oumar Konare, has jointly appointed, today, with the UN Secretary General, General Henry Anyidoho (rtd) as Joint Deputy Special Representative and Major General Emmanuel Karake Karenzi as Joint Deputy Force Commander for the AU/UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID).
“In accordance with the Framework of the AU/UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur, dated 6 March 2007, the Joint Deputy Special Representative and the Joint Deputy Force Commander are jointly appointed by the Chairperson of the AU Commission and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and will assist the Joint Special Representative and the Joint Force Commander in Darfur, respectively.”
General Anyidoho (rtd) from Ghana was born on 13 July 1940. During his career, he held several senior positions in the Ghanaian Army. He also served, from December 1993 to July 1995, as Deputy Force Commander and Chief of Staff in the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda. Since January 2005, he has been leader of the UN Assistance Mission for the African Union.
Major General Karenzi from Rwanda was born on 23 December 1960 in Rwanda. He has been Chairman of the Military Tribunal of Rwanda since January 2006. Before that, he held several senior positions in the Rwandan Army, including Commander of the 3rd and 4th Divisions.
16 August 2007
Editor's Note: Ghanian General Anyidoho was UNAMIR's Deputy Force Commander. Should be an interesting reunion.
African Union and United nations have announced today the appointment of the Joint Deputy Special Representative and Joint Deputy Force Commander for AU/UN Hybrid Operation In Darfur (UNAMID), the AU said in a press statement.
The Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union (AU), Alpha Oumar Konare, has jointly appointed, today, with the UN Secretary General, General Henry Anyidoho (rtd) as Joint Deputy Special Representative and Major General Emmanuel Karake Karenzi as Joint Deputy Force Commander for the AU/UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID).
“In accordance with the Framework of the AU/UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur, dated 6 March 2007, the Joint Deputy Special Representative and the Joint Deputy Force Commander are jointly appointed by the Chairperson of the AU Commission and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and will assist the Joint Special Representative and the Joint Force Commander in Darfur, respectively.”
General Anyidoho (rtd) from Ghana was born on 13 July 1940. During his career, he held several senior positions in the Ghanaian Army. He also served, from December 1993 to July 1995, as Deputy Force Commander and Chief of Staff in the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda. Since January 2005, he has been leader of the UN Assistance Mission for the African Union.
Major General Karenzi from Rwanda was born on 23 December 1960 in Rwanda. He has been Chairman of the Military Tribunal of Rwanda since January 2006. Before that, he held several senior positions in the Rwandan Army, including Commander of the 3rd and 4th Divisions.
The Prosecutor of the ICTR Requests Cancellation of the Transfer of Bagaragaza to the Netherlands.
Hirondelle News Agency
15 August 2007
The prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Hassan Bubacar Jallow, has requested that the judges of the tribunal to annul the decision to transfer to the Netherlands a former important Rwandan economic figure, Michel Bagaragaza, it was learned Tuesday from an official source.
The transfer of Bagaragaza to Dutch courts had been authorized by an ICTR court order on 13 April.
In a motion dated 8 August, and that the Hirondelle agency obtained a copy Tuesday, Jallow asks the judges to annul this decision and to render an order “asking the Kingdom of the Netherlands to transfer the defendant to the seat of the tribunal".
The ICTR prosecutor filed his motion on the advice of the Ministry of Justice and the crown of the Netherlands.
According to the Jallow’s motion, these two Dutch institutions estimate, in the light of a recent decision rendered by the Court of the district of The Hague in the case of another Rwandan accused of genocide, Joseph Mpambara, that the project to try Bagaragaza in the Netherlands has little chance of thriving.
In this 24 July decision of the Court of the district of The Hague, the judges affirm that their jurisdiction is not qualified to hear allegations of genocide in cases transferred from the ICTR to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
M.Bagaragaza was managing director of the controlling organisation for the tea industry in Rwanda during the1994 genocide. After his surrender in August 2005, he had agreed to collaborate with the prosecutor in exchange of a transfer towards a European country. A first motion aiming at transferring his case to Norway had been rejected and the prosecutor had then turned to the Netherlands.
He has since become a "key witness" for the prosecutor, testifying against other ICTR accused. For safety reasons, he has been held since his surrender in The Hague.
The transfers of accused to national courts, including those of Rwanda, form part of "the completion strategy" of the ICTR.
This tribunal, which the Security Council has asked to finish its first instance trials by the end of next year, is obligated, in order to respect this deadline, to transfer certain cases to national courts.
15 August 2007
The prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Hassan Bubacar Jallow, has requested that the judges of the tribunal to annul the decision to transfer to the Netherlands a former important Rwandan economic figure, Michel Bagaragaza, it was learned Tuesday from an official source.
The transfer of Bagaragaza to Dutch courts had been authorized by an ICTR court order on 13 April.
In a motion dated 8 August, and that the Hirondelle agency obtained a copy Tuesday, Jallow asks the judges to annul this decision and to render an order “asking the Kingdom of the Netherlands to transfer the defendant to the seat of the tribunal".
The ICTR prosecutor filed his motion on the advice of the Ministry of Justice and the crown of the Netherlands.
According to the Jallow’s motion, these two Dutch institutions estimate, in the light of a recent decision rendered by the Court of the district of The Hague in the case of another Rwandan accused of genocide, Joseph Mpambara, that the project to try Bagaragaza in the Netherlands has little chance of thriving.
In this 24 July decision of the Court of the district of The Hague, the judges affirm that their jurisdiction is not qualified to hear allegations of genocide in cases transferred from the ICTR to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
M.Bagaragaza was managing director of the controlling organisation for the tea industry in Rwanda during the1994 genocide. After his surrender in August 2005, he had agreed to collaborate with the prosecutor in exchange of a transfer towards a European country. A first motion aiming at transferring his case to Norway had been rejected and the prosecutor had then turned to the Netherlands.
He has since become a "key witness" for the prosecutor, testifying against other ICTR accused. For safety reasons, he has been held since his surrender in The Hague.
The transfers of accused to national courts, including those of Rwanda, form part of "the completion strategy" of the ICTR.
This tribunal, which the Security Council has asked to finish its first instance trials by the end of next year, is obligated, in order to respect this deadline, to transfer certain cases to national courts.
An Aquaintance of Former President Habyarimana Fears Being Transferred to Rwanda.
Hirondelle News Agency
15 August 2007.
A person accused of genocide and war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), the former managing director of the controlling organisation for the tea industry in Rwanda during the 1994 genocide, Michel Bagaragaza, which the case had been transferred to the Netherlands, fears being transferred to a Rwandan court.
On 8 August, the ICTR prosecutor, Hassan Bubacar Jallow, after having noted that the project to try Bagaragaza in the Netherlands was likely to fail, asked the judges of the ICTR to annul the decision of transfer so that the defendant could be handed over to the United Nations tribunal.
And yet, "the prosecutor recently confirmed to the defence that the ICTR cannot judge the defendant", affirms his lawyer, Geert Jan Alexander Knoops. "The prosecutor indicated to the defence that it would ask that the Bagaragaza case be tried by a Rwandan court in Kigali, and that it would be the single possible option for Bagaragaza, unless he signs a plea agreement", the lawyer wrote Monday in response to the motion of the prosecutor.
"Seeing that there is not another option for the prosecutor but to ask that the case to be transferred to Rwanda when it will have been transferred to the ICTR, the defence anticipates that Mr. Bagaragaza will not have a fair trial", states Knoops.
The defender also invokes "questions of safety", insofar as, according to him, "Mr. Bagaragaza made several statements to the prosecutor, in which he openly accused the governing party in Rwanda and several individuals of having committed serious crimes".
"Bagaragaza made these statements after having received from the prosecutor the promise that he would not be tried on the African continent. Transferring Bagaragaza to Rwanda would result almost certainly in his death ", explains the statement in English.
"The fact that Rwanda has now abolished the death penalty does not indicate that the defendant will have a fair trial", adds Knoops.
The ICTR prosecutor filed his motion on the advice of the Ministry of Justice and the crown of the Netherlands.
According to Jallow’s motion, these two Dutch institutions estimate, in the light of a recent decision rendered by the Court of the district of The Hague in the case of another Rwandan accused of genocide, Joseph Mpambara, that the project to try Bagaragaza in the Netherlands has little chance of thriving.
In this 24 July decision by the Court of the district of The Hague, the judges affirm that their jurisdiction is not qualified to hear allegations of genocide in cases transferred from the ICTR to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Described at the time of his surrender as a "key witness" for the prosecutor, Bagaragaza has already testified against other ICTR accused. Heard several times in closed session, he was publicly revealed in the trial of Protais Zigiranyirazo, the brother-in-law of President Habyarimana, obligating the tribunal to go to The Hague to hear him.
Since his surrender in August 2005, he has been held in The Hague, for safety reasons, under the terms of an agreement made with the prosecutor.
15 August 2007.
A person accused of genocide and war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), the former managing director of the controlling organisation for the tea industry in Rwanda during the 1994 genocide, Michel Bagaragaza, which the case had been transferred to the Netherlands, fears being transferred to a Rwandan court.
On 8 August, the ICTR prosecutor, Hassan Bubacar Jallow, after having noted that the project to try Bagaragaza in the Netherlands was likely to fail, asked the judges of the ICTR to annul the decision of transfer so that the defendant could be handed over to the United Nations tribunal.
And yet, "the prosecutor recently confirmed to the defence that the ICTR cannot judge the defendant", affirms his lawyer, Geert Jan Alexander Knoops. "The prosecutor indicated to the defence that it would ask that the Bagaragaza case be tried by a Rwandan court in Kigali, and that it would be the single possible option for Bagaragaza, unless he signs a plea agreement", the lawyer wrote Monday in response to the motion of the prosecutor.
"Seeing that there is not another option for the prosecutor but to ask that the case to be transferred to Rwanda when it will have been transferred to the ICTR, the defence anticipates that Mr. Bagaragaza will not have a fair trial", states Knoops.
The defender also invokes "questions of safety", insofar as, according to him, "Mr. Bagaragaza made several statements to the prosecutor, in which he openly accused the governing party in Rwanda and several individuals of having committed serious crimes".
"Bagaragaza made these statements after having received from the prosecutor the promise that he would not be tried on the African continent. Transferring Bagaragaza to Rwanda would result almost certainly in his death ", explains the statement in English.
"The fact that Rwanda has now abolished the death penalty does not indicate that the defendant will have a fair trial", adds Knoops.
The ICTR prosecutor filed his motion on the advice of the Ministry of Justice and the crown of the Netherlands.
According to Jallow’s motion, these two Dutch institutions estimate, in the light of a recent decision rendered by the Court of the district of The Hague in the case of another Rwandan accused of genocide, Joseph Mpambara, that the project to try Bagaragaza in the Netherlands has little chance of thriving.
In this 24 July decision by the Court of the district of The Hague, the judges affirm that their jurisdiction is not qualified to hear allegations of genocide in cases transferred from the ICTR to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Described at the time of his surrender as a "key witness" for the prosecutor, Bagaragaza has already testified against other ICTR accused. Heard several times in closed session, he was publicly revealed in the trial of Protais Zigiranyirazo, the brother-in-law of President Habyarimana, obligating the tribunal to go to The Hague to hear him.
Since his surrender in August 2005, he has been held in The Hague, for safety reasons, under the terms of an agreement made with the prosecutor.
Chevron to Face Trial in U.S. Over Nigeria Killings
This Day (Lagos)
16 August 2007
By Constance Ikokwu
Washington, DC
In a landmark development which could open the door for a flood of lawsuits against oil companies operating in the country, Chevron Nigeria Ltd is to stand trial later this year in the United States for the alleged murder of villagers in the Niger Delta region in two separate incidents in 1998 and 1999.
In a series of ruling issued yesterday, the United States (US) District Court Judge in San Francisco, Susan Illston, ruled that Chevron was directly involved in the alleged attacks by acting in consonance with Nigerian government security forces, paving the way for a trial which the company had made spirited attempts to avoid for eight years.
The lawsuit was brought against Chevron eight years ago in San Francisco Federal Court by nine Nigerian plaintiffs for alleged deaths and other abuses in the two incidents in 1998 and 1999. The plaintiffs assert claims ranging from torture to wrongful death.
According to information made available to THISDAY, Judge Illston "found evidence that CNL [Chevron Nigeria Limited] personnel were directly involved in the attacks; CNL transported the GSF [Nigerian government security forces], CNL paid the GSF; and CNL knew that GSF were prone to use excessive force."
The report alleged that the crime occurred when the Nigerian Military and Police were paid by Chevron to shoot and torture protesters opposed to the company's activities in the troubled region. Chevron helicopters and boats were used by the security forces, resulting in torture and wrongful death, it further alleged.
The said evidence, the Judge said, will allow a jury to find that Chevron knew the attacks would happen and supported the military's plan.
"We're pleased that our clients will finally get justice for Chevron's crimes," said the plaintiffs' counsel Theresa Traber, partner at Traber & Voorhees.
Continuing, she said, "Chevron conspired with and paid the notorious Nigerian military to attack our clients and their loved ones, murdering at least seven people, torturing others and burning two villages to the ground. The court correctly refused to let narrow legalistic excuses allow Chevron to escape responsibility for these brutal attacks."
In his statement, the Litigation Co-ordinator for EarthRights International, Rick Herz said that "the court's ruling reaffirmed that corporations who are complicit in human rights abuses can be held accountable, regardless of where those abuses occur."
Asked to comment on how a case involving a huge and powerful multinational like Chevron would play out, the Legal Director of EarthsRights International told THISDAY in Washington DC that "Chevron has very expensive legal counsel, there's no doubt about that. But they've been trying for eight years now to dismiss this case and they failed. So their expensive lawyers so far have not been able to get them off, to avoid accountability for their action and at this point it's going to be a jury that decides Chevron's faith. And all of Chevron's money and power won't necessarily have much impact on a jury."
Mr. Oronto Douglas, Deputy Director of Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria and one of the lawyers representing the case here in Nigeria, told THISDAY last night that the decision is a "demonstration that there is no hiding place for corporate criminals." He saluted "the courage, the forthrightness, the clarity and the firmness of the pronouncements of the judge. This is a lesson to other corporations who think they can ride roughshod over defenceless communities who live on lands where vital resources are in abundance. The judgment also indicates that there is hope for other communities in other parts of the Niger Delta where environmental vandalism and human rights abuses have gone on without redress."
Chevron officials in Nigeria did not make any comments when contacted last night.
Trial in the case, Bowoto v. Chevron Corp., No 99-2506 is expected within the year. In addition to ERI and Traber &Voorhees, the plaintiffs are represented by the private law firms of Hadsell & Stormer and Siegel & Yee, the Center for Constitutional Rights and the Electronic Frontier Foundation, and Paul Hoffman, Michael Sorgen, Robert Newman, Anthony DiCaprio, Elizabeth Gu-arnieri, and Richard Wiebe.
16 August 2007
By Constance Ikokwu
Washington, DC
In a landmark development which could open the door for a flood of lawsuits against oil companies operating in the country, Chevron Nigeria Ltd is to stand trial later this year in the United States for the alleged murder of villagers in the Niger Delta region in two separate incidents in 1998 and 1999.
In a series of ruling issued yesterday, the United States (US) District Court Judge in San Francisco, Susan Illston, ruled that Chevron was directly involved in the alleged attacks by acting in consonance with Nigerian government security forces, paving the way for a trial which the company had made spirited attempts to avoid for eight years.
The lawsuit was brought against Chevron eight years ago in San Francisco Federal Court by nine Nigerian plaintiffs for alleged deaths and other abuses in the two incidents in 1998 and 1999. The plaintiffs assert claims ranging from torture to wrongful death.
According to information made available to THISDAY, Judge Illston "found evidence that CNL [Chevron Nigeria Limited] personnel were directly involved in the attacks; CNL transported the GSF [Nigerian government security forces], CNL paid the GSF; and CNL knew that GSF were prone to use excessive force."
The report alleged that the crime occurred when the Nigerian Military and Police were paid by Chevron to shoot and torture protesters opposed to the company's activities in the troubled region. Chevron helicopters and boats were used by the security forces, resulting in torture and wrongful death, it further alleged.
The said evidence, the Judge said, will allow a jury to find that Chevron knew the attacks would happen and supported the military's plan.
"We're pleased that our clients will finally get justice for Chevron's crimes," said the plaintiffs' counsel Theresa Traber, partner at Traber & Voorhees.
Continuing, she said, "Chevron conspired with and paid the notorious Nigerian military to attack our clients and their loved ones, murdering at least seven people, torturing others and burning two villages to the ground. The court correctly refused to let narrow legalistic excuses allow Chevron to escape responsibility for these brutal attacks."
In his statement, the Litigation Co-ordinator for EarthRights International, Rick Herz said that "the court's ruling reaffirmed that corporations who are complicit in human rights abuses can be held accountable, regardless of where those abuses occur."
Asked to comment on how a case involving a huge and powerful multinational like Chevron would play out, the Legal Director of EarthsRights International told THISDAY in Washington DC that "Chevron has very expensive legal counsel, there's no doubt about that. But they've been trying for eight years now to dismiss this case and they failed. So their expensive lawyers so far have not been able to get them off, to avoid accountability for their action and at this point it's going to be a jury that decides Chevron's faith. And all of Chevron's money and power won't necessarily have much impact on a jury."
Mr. Oronto Douglas, Deputy Director of Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria and one of the lawyers representing the case here in Nigeria, told THISDAY last night that the decision is a "demonstration that there is no hiding place for corporate criminals." He saluted "the courage, the forthrightness, the clarity and the firmness of the pronouncements of the judge. This is a lesson to other corporations who think they can ride roughshod over defenceless communities who live on lands where vital resources are in abundance. The judgment also indicates that there is hope for other communities in other parts of the Niger Delta where environmental vandalism and human rights abuses have gone on without redress."
Chevron officials in Nigeria did not make any comments when contacted last night.
Trial in the case, Bowoto v. Chevron Corp., No 99-2506 is expected within the year. In addition to ERI and Traber &Voorhees, the plaintiffs are represented by the private law firms of Hadsell & Stormer and Siegel & Yee, the Center for Constitutional Rights and the Electronic Frontier Foundation, and Paul Hoffman, Michael Sorgen, Robert Newman, Anthony DiCaprio, Elizabeth Gu-arnieri, and Richard Wiebe.
ICTR Defense Lawyer Dies in Kenya.
Élisabeth Fleury
Cyberpresse
Quebec
15 August 2007
A well-known lawyer in Quebec, Me Pierre Gaudreau, died suddenly Monday evening in a hospital of Nairobi, in Kenya. Me Gaudreau was to present its defense in the lawsuit of a Rwandan ex-minister in front of the international penal Court for Rwanda (TPIR).
The cause of the death of Me Gaudreau was not yet known at the time to write these lines. One knows only that the 62 year old lawyer would have been taken of a faintness and that it would have been transported urgently to the hospital of Nairobi, where it would have succumbed to a cardiorespiratory stop.
Me Gaudreau was in Africa since August 7 and was to remain there during six weeks. It ensured, with another prosecutor of Quebec, Me Michel Croteau, the defense of Jerome Bicamumpaka, a Rwandan ex-minister shown to have taken part in the development of a plan aiming at the extermination of Tutsis and to have ordered the massacres. Let us recall that several Québécois lawyers, whose Me Micheline the St. Lawrence, accepted mandates of the TPIR during last years.
It was not possible to discuss yesterday with Me Michel Croteau, who is always on the African continent. At the office of Me Gaudreau, one let us know yesterday that the body of late was going to be repatriated in Quebec once the practised autopsy.
“It was in full health when it left, a colleague of work of Me Gaudreau, the lawyer Sophie Gauthier mentioned. It is really a large loss, not only for our office, but for all the community of lawyers. It was the joy in life incarnated, a jovial fellow. ”
With the law courts of Quebec, all the lawyers with whom we spoke qualified to Me Gaudreau of anybody “jovial” and “gracious”. Estimated its confer, Me Gaudreau was, according to Me Herman Bédard, “a lawyer of most qualified”.
At the beginning of his career, Me Pierre Gaudreau in particular worked with coloured the lawyer Lawrence Corriveau. During last years, one saw it defending George Radwanli, one of shown youthful network of prostitution, just as the parents of small Antony Carrier-Bolduc in the business of the use of the funds of the foundation.
At the beginning of the Nineties, Me Pierre Gaudreau made known himself like one of the instigators, with Rémy Of Anjou, Medieval of Quebec. He was also already implied in the organization of the Festival of summer.
Cyberpresse
Quebec
15 August 2007
A well-known lawyer in Quebec, Me Pierre Gaudreau, died suddenly Monday evening in a hospital of Nairobi, in Kenya. Me Gaudreau was to present its defense in the lawsuit of a Rwandan ex-minister in front of the international penal Court for Rwanda (TPIR).
The cause of the death of Me Gaudreau was not yet known at the time to write these lines. One knows only that the 62 year old lawyer would have been taken of a faintness and that it would have been transported urgently to the hospital of Nairobi, where it would have succumbed to a cardiorespiratory stop.
Me Gaudreau was in Africa since August 7 and was to remain there during six weeks. It ensured, with another prosecutor of Quebec, Me Michel Croteau, the defense of Jerome Bicamumpaka, a Rwandan ex-minister shown to have taken part in the development of a plan aiming at the extermination of Tutsis and to have ordered the massacres. Let us recall that several Québécois lawyers, whose Me Micheline the St. Lawrence, accepted mandates of the TPIR during last years.
It was not possible to discuss yesterday with Me Michel Croteau, who is always on the African continent. At the office of Me Gaudreau, one let us know yesterday that the body of late was going to be repatriated in Quebec once the practised autopsy.
“It was in full health when it left, a colleague of work of Me Gaudreau, the lawyer Sophie Gauthier mentioned. It is really a large loss, not only for our office, but for all the community of lawyers. It was the joy in life incarnated, a jovial fellow. ”
With the law courts of Quebec, all the lawyers with whom we spoke qualified to Me Gaudreau of anybody “jovial” and “gracious”. Estimated its confer, Me Gaudreau was, according to Me Herman Bédard, “a lawyer of most qualified”.
At the beginning of his career, Me Pierre Gaudreau in particular worked with coloured the lawyer Lawrence Corriveau. During last years, one saw it defending George Radwanli, one of shown youthful network of prostitution, just as the parents of small Antony Carrier-Bolduc in the business of the use of the funds of the foundation.
At the beginning of the Nineties, Me Pierre Gaudreau made known himself like one of the instigators, with Rémy Of Anjou, Medieval of Quebec. He was also already implied in the organization of the Festival of summer.
Two Members of the late Serge Maheshe's Family Were Assaulted
Bukavu : Agression de Deux Membres de la Famille de Serge Maheshe
15 Août 2007
Radio Okapi
Les deux jeunes gens ont été agressés mercredi soir. Les 8 agresseurs ont tenté de violer la jeune fille, puis ont tabassé le garçon, qu'ils ont ensuite jeté dans le lac Kivu. La police dit avoir ouvert une enquête, rapporte radiookapi.net
Selon l'une des victimes, l’agression a eu lieu aux environs de 17 heures. Les jeunes gens se promenaient alors non loin de la plage proche du Collège Alfajiri, en commune d'Ibanda. 2 hommes les ont d’abord attaqués. Un autre groupe de 6 à 8 personnes en vêtements civils a rejoint les premiers. Ils ont manifesté l'intention de violer la jeune fille, après l'avoir déshabillée. Lorsque le jeune homme a essayé défendre sa compagne, il a été copieusement tabassé à l'aide de bâtons et de boucles de ceintures, puis jeté dans le lac Kivu.
Toujours selon les victimes, la fille n'a pas été violée grâce à l'arrivée de quelques habitants des alentours. Quant au jeune homme, il est actuellement interné dans un centre hospitalier de la place, avec des blessures à la tête et aux côtes, selon ses médecins traitants.
La famille Maheshe a annoncé l'intention de porter plainte pour cette agression. Elle se demande s'il s'agit d'une intimidation ayant trait avec le procès sur le meurtre de Serge Maheshe. Pour l'instant, il n'y a pas d'éléments concrets sur les mobiles des agresseurs. La police dit avoir diligenté une enquête.
15 Août 2007
Radio Okapi
Les deux jeunes gens ont été agressés mercredi soir. Les 8 agresseurs ont tenté de violer la jeune fille, puis ont tabassé le garçon, qu'ils ont ensuite jeté dans le lac Kivu. La police dit avoir ouvert une enquête, rapporte radiookapi.net
Selon l'une des victimes, l’agression a eu lieu aux environs de 17 heures. Les jeunes gens se promenaient alors non loin de la plage proche du Collège Alfajiri, en commune d'Ibanda. 2 hommes les ont d’abord attaqués. Un autre groupe de 6 à 8 personnes en vêtements civils a rejoint les premiers. Ils ont manifesté l'intention de violer la jeune fille, après l'avoir déshabillée. Lorsque le jeune homme a essayé défendre sa compagne, il a été copieusement tabassé à l'aide de bâtons et de boucles de ceintures, puis jeté dans le lac Kivu.
Toujours selon les victimes, la fille n'a pas été violée grâce à l'arrivée de quelques habitants des alentours. Quant au jeune homme, il est actuellement interné dans un centre hospitalier de la place, avec des blessures à la tête et aux côtes, selon ses médecins traitants.
La famille Maheshe a annoncé l'intention de porter plainte pour cette agression. Elle se demande s'il s'agit d'une intimidation ayant trait avec le procès sur le meurtre de Serge Maheshe. Pour l'instant, il n'y a pas d'éléments concrets sur les mobiles des agresseurs. La police dit avoir diligenté une enquête.
15 August, 2007
Uganda to Send More Soldiers to Somalia
The New Vision
15th August, 2007
By Joyce Namutebi
Uganda is to send an additional 250 soldiers to Mogadishu to train Somali soldiers, the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Aronda Nyakairima, said yesterday.
“We are in high preparations to send a team of about 250 to undertake the training of Somalis,” Aronda told the parliamentary committee on defence and internal affairs.
Responding to questions raised by MPs, he said helping Somalia create the capacity of its armed forces was part of the African Union mandate.
In addition, the peacekeeping force is charged with protecting the Transitional Federal Government and helping distribute relief supplies to the population.
The additional troops leave within a month, defence minister Crispus Kiyonga added later. He said the training might be for one year.
The UPDF mandate in Somalia was extended on July 19 for another six months, the committee, chaired by Nakaseke district MP, Rosemary Namayanja (NRM), heard.
The army boss said the Ugandan contingent had limited itself to protecting the Transitional Federal Government, the president, the prime minister and critical institutions such as the airport and the seaport.
Asked if the AU had secured money for the six additional months, the Joint Chief of Staff, Robert Rusoke, said: “The donors have committed themselves for another six months as they prepare for the UN to take over the mission.”
On the allowances of the present Ugandan contingent of 1,500 soldiers, Kiyonga said the money had been slow in coming.
“The soldiers have been paid for two months. We expect that by early next month, they will be paid the balance of three months,” he added.
Five Ugandans have been killed in the violence in the lawless Somali capital.
Six months after the arrival of the peacekeepers, consisting of only Ugandans, Mogadishu still remains one of the most dangerous places on earth.
Yesterday, a remote-controlled landmine blew up a government vehicle, killing at least five police officers and wounding three others, according to Reuters.
The blast near a hospital in north Mogadishu - a stronghold of Islamists waging war against the Ethiopian-backed interim government - destroyed an armoured vehicle as it transported officers on duty.
The government usually blames such attacks on Islamist insurgents, who it says are increasingly using Iraq-style remote-controlled bombs to kill government officials and destroy vehicles and buildings.
Hundreds have been killed by mortar and rocket attacks and fire fights in Mogadishu since Somalia’s government ousted Islamist fighters in December, sparking an insurgency that has forced hundreds of thousands to flee.
The latest attack on the police officers came a day after heavy fighting between Ethiopian troops and insurgents in Mogadishu killed at least 31 Somalis and wounded 60, according to a local human rights group.
In a separate attack yesterday, an unknown assailant lobbed a grenade at soldiers in a town 30km west of Mogadishu, killing two people and wounding 16.
“Two grenades were thrown at local council soldiers patrolling the livestock market. One soldier and a civilian died. They wounded 16 civilians,” shopkeeper Said Nur told Reuters.
A national reconciliation conference started almost a month ago, assembling hundreds of clan leaders, but the Islamic Courts, the main armed opposition group, have refused to attend, demanding the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops first.
This article can be found on-line at: http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/12/581568
15th August, 2007
By Joyce Namutebi
Uganda is to send an additional 250 soldiers to Mogadishu to train Somali soldiers, the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Aronda Nyakairima, said yesterday.
“We are in high preparations to send a team of about 250 to undertake the training of Somalis,” Aronda told the parliamentary committee on defence and internal affairs.
Responding to questions raised by MPs, he said helping Somalia create the capacity of its armed forces was part of the African Union mandate.
In addition, the peacekeeping force is charged with protecting the Transitional Federal Government and helping distribute relief supplies to the population.
The additional troops leave within a month, defence minister Crispus Kiyonga added later. He said the training might be for one year.
The UPDF mandate in Somalia was extended on July 19 for another six months, the committee, chaired by Nakaseke district MP, Rosemary Namayanja (NRM), heard.
The army boss said the Ugandan contingent had limited itself to protecting the Transitional Federal Government, the president, the prime minister and critical institutions such as the airport and the seaport.
Asked if the AU had secured money for the six additional months, the Joint Chief of Staff, Robert Rusoke, said: “The donors have committed themselves for another six months as they prepare for the UN to take over the mission.”
On the allowances of the present Ugandan contingent of 1,500 soldiers, Kiyonga said the money had been slow in coming.
“The soldiers have been paid for two months. We expect that by early next month, they will be paid the balance of three months,” he added.
Five Ugandans have been killed in the violence in the lawless Somali capital.
Six months after the arrival of the peacekeepers, consisting of only Ugandans, Mogadishu still remains one of the most dangerous places on earth.
Yesterday, a remote-controlled landmine blew up a government vehicle, killing at least five police officers and wounding three others, according to Reuters.
The blast near a hospital in north Mogadishu - a stronghold of Islamists waging war against the Ethiopian-backed interim government - destroyed an armoured vehicle as it transported officers on duty.
The government usually blames such attacks on Islamist insurgents, who it says are increasingly using Iraq-style remote-controlled bombs to kill government officials and destroy vehicles and buildings.
Hundreds have been killed by mortar and rocket attacks and fire fights in Mogadishu since Somalia’s government ousted Islamist fighters in December, sparking an insurgency that has forced hundreds of thousands to flee.
The latest attack on the police officers came a day after heavy fighting between Ethiopian troops and insurgents in Mogadishu killed at least 31 Somalis and wounded 60, according to a local human rights group.
In a separate attack yesterday, an unknown assailant lobbed a grenade at soldiers in a town 30km west of Mogadishu, killing two people and wounding 16.
“Two grenades were thrown at local council soldiers patrolling the livestock market. One soldier and a civilian died. They wounded 16 civilians,” shopkeeper Said Nur told Reuters.
A national reconciliation conference started almost a month ago, assembling hundreds of clan leaders, but the Islamic Courts, the main armed opposition group, have refused to attend, demanding the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops first.
This article can be found on-line at: http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/12/581568
General Kabarebe Reports for EA Standby Brigade Meeting
The New Times
Felly Kimenyi
15 August 2007
The Chief of General Staff Gen. James Kabarebe is today expected in fly to Nairobi, Kenya for a meeting of the Eastern African Standby Brigade (EASBRIG).
The meeting to be attended by defence chiefs from member countries of the regional body will take place on Thursday. It will be followed by another meeting of defence ministers from member states.
A source in Nairobi, said yesterday that the military chiefs meeting would be attended by all the eight signatories to EASBRIG.
The source said that other officials from other countries would also attend.
The meeting comes four months after the setting up of the new implementation mechanism of the brigade.
“So far, two army chiefs that have arrived for the meeting are those from Burundi and Comoros. We expect most of others to have come by tomorrow (today),” the source confirmed on phone from Nairobi yesterday.
The two countries whose defense chiefs arrived have not yet become full members as they have not yet signed to join EASBRIG.
The new mechanism which is called EASBRIG coordination mechanism was approved by the council of ministers in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in January and subsequently, the Secretariat was set up in Nairobi in April.
Leaders from Rwanda, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Comoros, Eritrea, Madagascar, Kenya and the Seychelles signed the agreement to in 2004. Madagascar, Comoros, Burundi and Tanzania are also expected to join soon.
The meeting will take place under the chairmanship of Uganda, which is the current chair of the organisation.
Following the establishment of the body it had been agreed that a 3,000-strong East African brigade will soon be on standby to carry out peacekeeping operations under the flag of the African Union (AU).
However it is said that the members have hitherto only pledged the troops.
Felly Kimenyi
15 August 2007
The Chief of General Staff Gen. James Kabarebe is today expected in fly to Nairobi, Kenya for a meeting of the Eastern African Standby Brigade (EASBRIG).
The meeting to be attended by defence chiefs from member countries of the regional body will take place on Thursday. It will be followed by another meeting of defence ministers from member states.
A source in Nairobi, said yesterday that the military chiefs meeting would be attended by all the eight signatories to EASBRIG.
The source said that other officials from other countries would also attend.
The meeting comes four months after the setting up of the new implementation mechanism of the brigade.
“So far, two army chiefs that have arrived for the meeting are those from Burundi and Comoros. We expect most of others to have come by tomorrow (today),” the source confirmed on phone from Nairobi yesterday.
The two countries whose defense chiefs arrived have not yet become full members as they have not yet signed to join EASBRIG.
The new mechanism which is called EASBRIG coordination mechanism was approved by the council of ministers in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in January and subsequently, the Secretariat was set up in Nairobi in April.
Leaders from Rwanda, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Comoros, Eritrea, Madagascar, Kenya and the Seychelles signed the agreement to in 2004. Madagascar, Comoros, Burundi and Tanzania are also expected to join soon.
The meeting will take place under the chairmanship of Uganda, which is the current chair of the organisation.
Following the establishment of the body it had been agreed that a 3,000-strong East African brigade will soon be on standby to carry out peacekeeping operations under the flag of the African Union (AU).
However it is said that the members have hitherto only pledged the troops.
ODM Party Finally Splits
The Nation (Nairobi)
15 August 2007
By Bernard Namunane and Sam Kiplagat
ODM Kenya finally split on Tuesday as Lang'ata MP Raila Odinga led his group to take over another party, parting ways with Mwingi North MP Kalonzo Musyoka.
Mr Odinga received certificates of the original Orange Democratic Movement Party from the lawyer who had initially registered the orange brand as a political outfit after the 2005 referendum victory by the lobby group.
Elsewhere, Mr Musyoka led a group of ODM Kenya supporters, mainly from Eastern Province to Machakos Town, where they held a strategy meeting. In a manner resembling the fate which befell the original Ford movement in 1992, Mr Musyoka's group is now effectively in control of ODM-K while Mr Odinga's team has taken control of ODM.
Mr Odinga's group, which includes fellow ODM presidential aspirants William Ruto, Musalia Mudavadi, Najib Balala and Joseph Nyagah, said they would still pursue court orders to take over ODM-K from Mr Musyoka.
But in Machakos, Mr Musyoka branded Mr Odinga "a coward who could not face up to any fight." He described the move as a defection by Mr Odinga and termed it "good riddance" and called on the ODM-K election board chaired by retired Judge Richard Otieno Kwach to resign.
At Orange House in Nairobi, Mr Odinga and his camp officially took over the Orange Democratic Movement Party of Kenya, which was registered in November 2005. Mr Odinga's group announced the move after a National Executive Council (NEC) meeting. Mr Musyoka had joined Labour Party of Kenya chairperson Julia Ojiambo at a press conference at Serena Hotel, where he announced his decision to skip the NEC meeting. He then headed for Machakos, some 70 kilometres away from Nairobi.
But at Orange House, song, dance and ululations escorted Mr Mugambi Imanyara, the man behind ODM Party of Kenya, as he handed over the instruments of the party to Mr Odinga after the NEC meeting.
They included the registration certificate, the party symbol (an unpeeled orange fruit) and the party constitution, which Mr Odinga later handed over to interim chairman Henry Kosgey for "safe custody."
Said Mr Odinga: "There are very few occasions when I lack words to express myself; and this is one of them. ODM is like the River Nile, which starts in the mountains surrounding Lake Victoria and flows all the way to the Mediterranean. Some people were trying to stop it but it will surely reach the Mediterranean."
Deal agreed
Mr Imanyara said: "It did not take long for us to agree to hand over the party to the true owners. We met three times before the deal was agreed." ODM will hold a special National Delegates Conference on September 1, to pick its candidate to face President Kibaki in the December elections.
Branches registered under ODM-K will revert to ODM as will all the delegates, the Odinga team said.
Present were Mr Ruto, Mr Mudavadi, Mr Balala and Mr Nyagah, who accused Mr Musyoka of working with forces outside ODM-K to block them from winning the next General Election.
The final parting of Mr Odinga and Mr Musyoka, who have been waging a war of supremacy against each other since the formation of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), mirrors the split of the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD) in 1992, when Mr Kenneth Matiba failed to work together with the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.
While Mr Matiba came away with Ford Asili, Jaramogi Odinga named his splinter party Ford Kenya and the two went ahead to lose to President Daniel arap Moi the multi-party elections of 1992.
Indications that Mr Raila Odinga and his camp were searching for another party became evident last month when attempts by ODM interim officials Kosgey (chairman) and Peter Anyang' Nyong'o (secretary-general) sought to be legally registered as officials. The Registrar of Societies had declined to recognise them in place of Mr Daniel Maanzo (chairman), Mr Abraham Chepkonga (secretary general) and Ms Lilian Aluga (treasurer).
Three weeks ago, their attempt to convince Mr Chepkonga to declare that he had resigned from the party last September backfired when he later turned up at Mr Maanzo's office to claim that he had been arm-twisted to accept to let go the party.
Yesterday, Mr Odinga said the dispute surrounding the registered officials and the court case were the reasons they had decided to negotiate with Mr Imanyara over the party that has ODM as its initials and has a symbol that carries their mantra of "the future is orange."
He said: "I did not know Mr Imanyara before but I made it my business to know him when it became clear that our hump was stuck in the mud. I saw problems were going to arise when some people started saying that they will only recognise Daniel Maanzo, Abraham Chepkonga and Lilian Aluga."
He added: "I wanted to be a proud member of a party whose chairman is Kosgey, secretary general is Nyong'o and Magara is the treasurer," he said.
Mr Odinga said he was introduced to Mr Imanyara by some friends.
What Mr Odinga did not make public is that they were shocked by Mr Musyoka's statement two weeks ago when he defected from LDP to Labour Party of Kenya (LPK) and asked Mr Maanzo to take over the running of affairs of ODM-K.
It was then that Mr Ruto, the Eldoret North MP, approached Mr Imanyara with a suggestion that they negotiate over a party which was of no use to him.
Consequently, three meetings were held in Karen-the first between Mr Ruto and Mr Imanyara and Mr Odinga was invited to the second one. Other officials of ODM Party of Kenya Mr Said Kaitany (chairman), Mr Tony Chege (secretary general), Abel Bulimo (organising secretary) and Judy Koskei (deputy treasurer) were present during the third and final meeting during which the deal to hand over the party was struck.
15 August 2007
By Bernard Namunane and Sam Kiplagat
ODM Kenya finally split on Tuesday as Lang'ata MP Raila Odinga led his group to take over another party, parting ways with Mwingi North MP Kalonzo Musyoka.
Mr Odinga received certificates of the original Orange Democratic Movement Party from the lawyer who had initially registered the orange brand as a political outfit after the 2005 referendum victory by the lobby group.
Elsewhere, Mr Musyoka led a group of ODM Kenya supporters, mainly from Eastern Province to Machakos Town, where they held a strategy meeting. In a manner resembling the fate which befell the original Ford movement in 1992, Mr Musyoka's group is now effectively in control of ODM-K while Mr Odinga's team has taken control of ODM.
Mr Odinga's group, which includes fellow ODM presidential aspirants William Ruto, Musalia Mudavadi, Najib Balala and Joseph Nyagah, said they would still pursue court orders to take over ODM-K from Mr Musyoka.
But in Machakos, Mr Musyoka branded Mr Odinga "a coward who could not face up to any fight." He described the move as a defection by Mr Odinga and termed it "good riddance" and called on the ODM-K election board chaired by retired Judge Richard Otieno Kwach to resign.
At Orange House in Nairobi, Mr Odinga and his camp officially took over the Orange Democratic Movement Party of Kenya, which was registered in November 2005. Mr Odinga's group announced the move after a National Executive Council (NEC) meeting. Mr Musyoka had joined Labour Party of Kenya chairperson Julia Ojiambo at a press conference at Serena Hotel, where he announced his decision to skip the NEC meeting. He then headed for Machakos, some 70 kilometres away from Nairobi.
But at Orange House, song, dance and ululations escorted Mr Mugambi Imanyara, the man behind ODM Party of Kenya, as he handed over the instruments of the party to Mr Odinga after the NEC meeting.
They included the registration certificate, the party symbol (an unpeeled orange fruit) and the party constitution, which Mr Odinga later handed over to interim chairman Henry Kosgey for "safe custody."
Said Mr Odinga: "There are very few occasions when I lack words to express myself; and this is one of them. ODM is like the River Nile, which starts in the mountains surrounding Lake Victoria and flows all the way to the Mediterranean. Some people were trying to stop it but it will surely reach the Mediterranean."
Deal agreed
Mr Imanyara said: "It did not take long for us to agree to hand over the party to the true owners. We met three times before the deal was agreed." ODM will hold a special National Delegates Conference on September 1, to pick its candidate to face President Kibaki in the December elections.
Branches registered under ODM-K will revert to ODM as will all the delegates, the Odinga team said.
Present were Mr Ruto, Mr Mudavadi, Mr Balala and Mr Nyagah, who accused Mr Musyoka of working with forces outside ODM-K to block them from winning the next General Election.
The final parting of Mr Odinga and Mr Musyoka, who have been waging a war of supremacy against each other since the formation of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), mirrors the split of the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD) in 1992, when Mr Kenneth Matiba failed to work together with the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.
While Mr Matiba came away with Ford Asili, Jaramogi Odinga named his splinter party Ford Kenya and the two went ahead to lose to President Daniel arap Moi the multi-party elections of 1992.
Indications that Mr Raila Odinga and his camp were searching for another party became evident last month when attempts by ODM interim officials Kosgey (chairman) and Peter Anyang' Nyong'o (secretary-general) sought to be legally registered as officials. The Registrar of Societies had declined to recognise them in place of Mr Daniel Maanzo (chairman), Mr Abraham Chepkonga (secretary general) and Ms Lilian Aluga (treasurer).
Three weeks ago, their attempt to convince Mr Chepkonga to declare that he had resigned from the party last September backfired when he later turned up at Mr Maanzo's office to claim that he had been arm-twisted to accept to let go the party.
Yesterday, Mr Odinga said the dispute surrounding the registered officials and the court case were the reasons they had decided to negotiate with Mr Imanyara over the party that has ODM as its initials and has a symbol that carries their mantra of "the future is orange."
He said: "I did not know Mr Imanyara before but I made it my business to know him when it became clear that our hump was stuck in the mud. I saw problems were going to arise when some people started saying that they will only recognise Daniel Maanzo, Abraham Chepkonga and Lilian Aluga."
He added: "I wanted to be a proud member of a party whose chairman is Kosgey, secretary general is Nyong'o and Magara is the treasurer," he said.
Mr Odinga said he was introduced to Mr Imanyara by some friends.
What Mr Odinga did not make public is that they were shocked by Mr Musyoka's statement two weeks ago when he defected from LDP to Labour Party of Kenya (LPK) and asked Mr Maanzo to take over the running of affairs of ODM-K.
It was then that Mr Ruto, the Eldoret North MP, approached Mr Imanyara with a suggestion that they negotiate over a party which was of no use to him.
Consequently, three meetings were held in Karen-the first between Mr Ruto and Mr Imanyara and Mr Odinga was invited to the second one. Other officials of ODM Party of Kenya Mr Said Kaitany (chairman), Mr Tony Chege (secretary general), Abel Bulimo (organising secretary) and Judy Koskei (deputy treasurer) were present during the third and final meeting during which the deal to hand over the party was struck.
Another Political Killing Ahead of Elections
MISNA
14 August 2007
The mayor of a small town in northern Guatemala was shot dead yesterday in the latest of a string of political killings that since the start of the electoral campaign for the general elections has left 40 dead. According to the local and international press, the mayor of Santa Ana Huista (town on the border with Mexico), Werner Gudiel Velázquez, was shot dead while leaving the municipal building by unknown gunmen apparently onboard a vehicle. Another two people were wounded in the shooting. The Mayor, 29, seeking re-election, was the latest victim of a string of killings of politicians, activists, humanitarian workers in various areas of the country. According to the independent ‘Mirador Electoral’ organisation, it is the most violent election campaign of the past 20 years in Guatemala: since the start of the year there have been at least 50 acts of “political violence” in Guatemala with a toll of 40 dead and some twenty wounded.
14 August 2007
The mayor of a small town in northern Guatemala was shot dead yesterday in the latest of a string of political killings that since the start of the electoral campaign for the general elections has left 40 dead. According to the local and international press, the mayor of Santa Ana Huista (town on the border with Mexico), Werner Gudiel Velázquez, was shot dead while leaving the municipal building by unknown gunmen apparently onboard a vehicle. Another two people were wounded in the shooting. The Mayor, 29, seeking re-election, was the latest victim of a string of killings of politicians, activists, humanitarian workers in various areas of the country. According to the independent ‘Mirador Electoral’ organisation, it is the most violent election campaign of the past 20 years in Guatemala: since the start of the year there have been at least 50 acts of “political violence” in Guatemala with a toll of 40 dead and some twenty wounded.
Former RPF Member Details RPF Policies During the late 1990s.
Jean Pierre Mugabe
Former Editor of Le Tribun du Peuple
Former Member of the RPF
05.29.99
Editor's Note: Mr. Mugabe also gave testimony in court regarding the missile attack on President Habyarimana, also available on this website in the 2/25/07 archive.
Rwanda, for all the discussion about a return to democracy and constitutional rule, remains ruled by a single party and an Army which is an integral part of the party, the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). In fact, it is a distinct group within the RPF which controls the national administration, backed by its own Army, the RPA (Rwandese Patriotic Army).
The RPA remains under the command of Maj.-Gen. Paul Kagame who is also president of RPF and Vice-President of the Republic and the effective -or de facto-leader of the Rwandan State. Ten officers of RPA are members of the Political Bureau of RPF, demonstrating how the army is the governance of the State.
Now, part of the RPF is planning to turn Rwanda into a one-party state, consolidating power permanently into the hands of the men who now control it.
The RPF as whole is composed of ethnic Tutsi from Uganda, Burundi, Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo, or RCD), Rwanda ("Survivors of Genocide"), Kenya, Tanzania, Europe and the United States. All those Tutsi contributed to the war against the former President Habyarimana administration, in giving funds to RPF, in organising demonstrations at Rwandan and French embassies, or in sending their sons and daughters to the battle field in the ranks of the RPA. They sensitized other people from Rwanda and foreigners on the RPF guerilla warfare objectives. But those RPF members from Uganda, a distinct political faction, effectively seized the leadership of RPF while operating as a military wing in the bush in the war against Habyarimana. It is this clique which effectively came to form the Government.
The other members of RPF from different countries were neglected and mistreated. Today, these non-Ugandan RPF, perceived externally to be part of the ruling structure, are isolated and alienated from the Uganda clique, known as the AKAZU. Those who created AKAZU are from the same refugee camps named Nyakivara and Nshungerezi in Uganda, and originally came from Gahini in Kibungo Prefecture of Rwanda. These leaders, who set up the new informal group known as the AKAZU (literally meaning a small house or people of the same family) are: Minister Mazimpaka Patrick; Minister Colonel Karemera Joseph, Minister Inyumba Aloysia; Colonel Mugambage Frank; Ms Umutoni Christine (former Director of Cabinet); former Ambassador to the United States Rudasingwa (former Secretary-General of RPF; he has just been reassigned to a key intelligence post in Rwanda); Maj. Rose Kabuye (former prefet of Kigali city); Musoni Protais (former prefet of Kibungo); Maj. Rutayisire Wilson, managing director of the Rwanda`s information office. Most of them are related to each other and are from Uganda.
The main contradictions started in 1991 when the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI) of the RPF, led by Brigadier-General Kayumba (the current Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Army), Lt.-Col. Rwahama Jacson, and Maj. Steven Balinda, began ordering the killing of Tutsi soldiers from Burundi and Rwanda. Those young men arrived at the RPF military training wings from their original regions. Most of them were college or high-school graduates. After being checked by DMI officers and staff under the command of Maj. Dan Munyuza (former Director of Counter-Intelligence in National GENDARMERIE and security officer of President Kabila of RDC); some of them were killed by their military instructors and by DMI special agents. They killed them with small hoes. Others were killed by the special agents in the battlefield.
When their parents were informed about the killing of their children, they called on Maj.-General Paul Kagame to explain the killings. Kagame went to Bujumbura to meet the Rwandan community of Burundi and assured them that he would stop the killings and mistreatments. When he went back, however, he did not make an investigation and nobody was sanctioned for the killings. And they kept on killing Tutsi from Rwanda. Those killings are the real source of the division among RPF members and in the Armed Forces. In addition, Maj. BIRASA, a Rwandan from Burundi, was killed by his fellow RPA members from Uganda. His death raised number of questions when the AKAZU required to keep it a secret.
After the victory of 1994, the RPF was divided into two groups: those from Uganda (English speakers); and those from Burundi, Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo: RDC), and Rwandan Tutsis survivors (French speaking). Leaders from Ugandan in power, have given better jobs to all relatives in high spheres of central administration and in military command. That nepotism has also divided RPF members and the Armed Forces. Here is an example: most RPF ambassadors are from same region of Kibungo prefecture:
Ambassador Maj. Rudasingwa (until recently in Washington DC);
Ambassador Kayinamura Gedeon (until recently in UN, New York);
Ambassador Mike Rugema (Tel Aviv);
Ambassador Nsenga Isaac (London);
Ambassador Maj. Karenzi (South africa);
Ambassador Mukanyange Joy (Tanzania);
Charge d`affaire Karenzi Theoneste (Burundi).
Gahima Gerard, brother of Ambassador Rudasingwa, was Secretary-General in Ministry of Justice; their sister, Ms Mukabaranga Beatrice was Secretary-General in Ministry of Education; Minister of Finance Kaberuka Donat is cousin of former Minister Col. Dr Karemera of Education;
Minister Mazimpaka Patrick in the President`s Office is brother-in-law of Secretary-General Musoni Protais in the Interior Ministry and cousin of the managing director of ORINFOR (Rwanda`s information office) Wilson RUTAYISIRE shabani.
We must remember that former Minister of Finance BIRARA (a well known in the World Bank) was replaced by Min. Kaberuka because he was not from Uganda, was not in the AKAZU family and was trying to sort out the problem of corruption.
Given the mood in Rwanda today, if the nepotism and the discrimination against individuals because of their origin or language is not stopped, then Rwanda will have an other civil war.
Nepotism and regionalism take place in the military forces, too, because promotion in the Army is based on these practices. This is why the Ministry of Defense has closed the officer`s college, the ESM (Ecole Superieure Militaire). It was to prevent general applications for officer candidacy so that officers could be selected solely from AKAZU families and not from other regions. A clear example is for instance when time comes to select people who might go to study overseas. Senior officers at the right hand of Maj.-Gen. Kagame send people believed to be from Uganda. To those who were sent by mistake, once abroad, they resign and ask political asylum.
In Rwanda today, most high-ranking officers are uneducated and from Uganda while many of non- commissioned officers are educated high-school and college graduates and from Burundi, Rwanda and the Republic Democratic of Congo.
Those educated, non-Uganda-origin soldiers are, naturally, neglected by their commanders and chafe against the system of discrimination. Open dissent is rare, however, because of the fear of the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI), itself, not surprisingly, led by officers from Uganda.
SENIOR OFFICERS AT THE RIGHT HAND OF MAJOR GENERAL PAUL KAGAME
The AKAZU of officers around Rwanda`s strong and Vice-President, Maj-Gen. Paul Kagame, have been chosen for personal loyalty to him and because of their regional background. These leaders most notably include the following:
-Brig-Gen. KAYUMBA Nyamwasa, chief of Staff of the Rwandan military forces, former head of DMI during the RPF`s period of guerilla warfare.
-Col. KABAREBE James, the former Commanding Officer of the Republican Guard of Maj.-Gen. Kagame and the former Chief of Staff to President Laurent Kabila after his victory in the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo (RDC).
-Lt.-Col. NZIZA Jack, the head of Military Intelligence, former Charge d`affaire of Rwanda in Kenya, Commanding Officer of the Kivu garrison in the RDC (then Zaire) during the war of Laurent Kabila against (then) President Mobutu Sese Seko.
-Col. KAREMERA Joseph, former Minister of Education. In fact, Rwanda was being run as a corporate enterprise, Col.Karemera was the muscle behind the throne. He reserved foreign scholarships for Rwandan from Uganda, english speaking Rwandan and people related to Akazu. For example, one could see people sent in USA, Canada, Irland, Egypt, South Africa ..etc. Col. Karemera could discriminate against french-speaking students and no one could change it. That was from 1995 to 1998.
-Lt.-Col. KAREGEYA Patrick, head of ESO (the External Service Organisation), Rwanda`s external intelligence body. Just recently, he was sent to Brussels to undertake intelligence work on exiled monarchists preparing a worldwide conference.
-Col. MUGAMBAGE Frank, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and former cabinet-level Director in the President`s Office.
-Lt.-Col. RUSAGARA Frank, Secretary-General in the Ministry of Defence. The astonishing thing is that he is a suspect in helicopter deal corruption and yet His boss Maj.Gen.Kagame has done nothing to encourage him to go in court. Much worse they jailed MUGABI, a journalist for having published the news.
-Maj. Dr NDAHIRO, Special advisor of Vice-President Kagame.
-Maj. MUNYUZA Dan, former security officer of President Kabila in the RDC. Munyuza is well known for his part in mass killing of French-speaking Rwandans from Burundi and Zaire (now Congo) in the training camps. The list of those killed includes many of those suspected to be monarchists.
All of these officers are from Uganda.
RWANDA`S INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY
Given the military nature of the present Rwandan Government, the DMI, the Department of Military Intelligence, holds premier place in the intelligence community hierarchy. As well, the DMI was, during the guerilla war and subsequently, the principal and most trusted security tool of the Kagame Administration. It undertakes security work, not just intelligence, on a national level, and is therefore not a normal military intelligence department. There are, however, numerous other branches in the Rwandese Intelligence Community.
- Department of Military Intelligence
Director: Lt.-Col. Jack Nziza.
Deputy: Maj. Ephraim.
- ESO: External Service Organisation
Director: Lt.-Col. Patrick Karegeya.
Deputy: Maj. Richard Masozera.
- Intelligence (G2) of the National Gendarmerie
Director: Maj. Macumu.
Deputy: Maj. Mupenzi.
- Special Intelligence
Director: Maj. Gacinya Rubagumya.
- CID: Criminal Investigation Department
Director: Maj. Bayingana Emmanuel.
- Domestic Security Intelligence
The Republican Guard unit is in charge of official
secuty and surveillance of Rwandan officials.
Commanding Officer: Lt.-Col. Alex Kagame.
Most of these officers are from Uganda.
-Civil Intelligence Service
Secretary-General: Ntakiyimana Emmanuel.
CORRUPTION IN RWANDA.
Since the RPF seized power in Rwanda, some high-ranking officers, helped by businessmen members of RPF, have looted considerable amounts of money from different places of Rwanda (banks, supermarkets, houses, etc.). They have stolen trucks and other vehicles belonging to some Hutu in exile, from the Tutsi dead, from the Government, companies, churches, United Nations Organisations like PNUD, UNICEF, from non-governmental organisations and other properties. They have occupied luxury villas belonging to people who are in exile and inside the country.
Indeed, those commanders started doing business with whom they looted the town. Those commanders offered to supply them with military goods and Government equipment. And with the support of well-placed military officers, these businessmen have avoided paying taxes. According to an investigation undertaken by the ministry of Finance, the government took a loss of Rw fr 1.2-billion (US $ 3,428,571) as a result of this tax avoidance. Those businessmen and officers operate hand-in-hand with some politicians in a closed cycle referred to as the "Rwandan Mafia".
The surest way to know this corruption, is to read Mugabe`s report in Kinyarwanda, where he shows that:
MAZIMPAKA Patrick member of AKAZU and UMUTONI Christine former director in the Ministry of repatriation of refugees, have looted the Ministry etc.
CORRUPTION IN GOVERNMENT
Since 1994, the Rwandan Government has officially acknowledged that it has lost Rw Fr-6 billion (US $ 17,647,059), some lost in unpaid taxes. This is according to the report of the Ministry of Finance approved by its Minister, Kaberuka Donat another Akazu member. Here are some examples:
Fonds Routier National:
stolen funds = Rw Fr 235.671.032 (US $ 693,150).
Public Finances:
(in the Butare, Gisenyi, Byumba, and Cyangugu prefectures) = Rw Fr 131.028.590 (US $ 385,378).
Foreign Ministry:
Rw Fr 104.902.738 (US $ 308,537).
Ministry of Health:
Rw Fr 21.290737 (US $ 62,619).
Ministry of Justice (Kigali Prison):
Rw Fr 104.255.205 (US $ 306,633).
IMPRISCO (School printing house):
Rw Fr 8.993.709 (US $ 262,922).
ONATRACOM: Rw Fr 16.656.782 (US $ 48,990).
INR (the national printing house):
Rw Fr 55.655.213 (US $ 16,3691).
Ministry of Commerce:
Rw Fr 754.629.928 (US $ 221,950).
All across Rwanda, the Vice-President, Maj.-Gen. Kagame, was originally reported as an honest person who fought against corruption, but last year in one instance he misappropriated Rw Fr 500-million (US $ 1,470,588) from the Ministry of Works and built his own farm, named NTEBE FARM DAIRY, in Kibungo Prefecture. Much worse is that Maj.-Gen Kagame himself sold land and property situated in Gasyata from DEBOURGRAVE family without authorisation to his business associate GAPOSHO GAHUNDE, the owner of STIPPAG a private company, for Rw Fr 100 million (US $ 294,117).
Maj. Gen. Kagame never paid 6 % taxes due to the government. Nobody can stop corruption while so many official are involved. If Maj.-Gen Kagame has stolen such amount, then people doubt if they will ever see him preventing the AKAZU members from looting the country`s economy. None of these Akazu members, officers, responsible for corruption were ever prosecuted, they were only shuffled to other positions or other places. The record shows for instance that Col. Dr. KAREMERA who showed an appetite for making money illegally, was never prosecuted, but he was appointed Ambassador in South Africa.
Some businessman who worked with RPF officers were murdered by soldiers related to these MAFIOSI officers. If you were growing rich, you were exposed to mysterious accidents and killings by these MAFIOSI controlled by the ruling clique. These businessmen included: Ndoli J. Damascene, Bayingana Victor, and other businessmen of Kigali. To set the record straight, this is the product of authoritarianism and simply banish free entreprenorship amongst French speaking Rwandans. SEMWAGA and DOROCELLA both former UNDP or PNUD (UN organisation) were a shining example. They were murdered because they were against corruption and were former refugees in Burundi.
The Government is training civilians militarily in different prefectures of Rwanda to form a militia known as the Local Defence Force. This force now numbers almost 10,000 men. Everybody knows the dangerous role of INTERAHAMWE militia in the Rwanda genocide; now the Government is training an other militia group. Many civilians are armed by their relatives in the Armed Forces. This situation, which is tolerated by the Government, portends other disasters in the country. People live in permanent fear, some being forced to flee the country. Two ministers were forced to leave the country: the Minister of Justice, Dr Nteziryayo Faustin, now in exile in USA, and the Minister of State in the Interior Ministry, Mrs Beatrice Sebatware Panda, now in exile in Belgium.
As well, two members of Parliament were forced to leave the country: Rugema Donatien, a Tutsi survivor of the 1994 genocide, who fled to Denmark; and Kayiranga Esdras, another Tutsi survivor of 1994 genocide, of PL party, who fled in early May 1999 to Belgium. Other prominent figures who have had to leave the country in order to avoid imprisonment or assassination have included Judge Iyakaremye J.Bosco, another survivor of 1994 genocide, as well as some soldiers officers of RPF now in USA and Canada; journalists and others.
Two journalists were shot dead and two others are imprisoned. Nine members of Parliament were removed from their seats illegally by the forum of political parties chaired by Muligande Charles, the current Secretary-General of RPF. Above all, this action shows that the notion of "national unity Government" does not exist. Those Members of Parliament are Hon. Mbanda Jean of PSD, Hon.Rugema Donatien of PSD, Hon. Maniraguha Jacques Of MDR, Hon.Nkerinka Eustache of MDR, Hon.Kavutse of MDR, Hon.Bizimana Jean Leonard, Hon.Kayiranga Esdras of PL (now in Belgium), Hon. Hitimana of MDR, and Hon.Sebarame of MDR.
Now the RPF is planning to expel the President of Parliament, Hon.Sebarenzi Joseph, who is popular and appreciated by the population, because he opposed RPF decisions. The RPF wants to establish a new system of governance related to Chinese or Uganda systems. That system is called, locally, the "No Party System", but it is, in reality, the creation of a one-party state under a military rule of RPF, with all other political parties banned in Rwanda.
RECENT RESHUFFLE IN RWANDA GOVERNMENT
The RPF in April instigated a major re-shuffle of its cabinet portfolios and ambassadorial assignment as a prelude to its proposed cleansweep of the political system to eliminate all opposition. The Government`s transition period is due to expire on July 19, 1999, after which it was supposed to call for a national conference to transform the state control from an unelected military government to a civilian, multi-party elected Government.
Any thought of such a transition, however, was destroyed by the municipal election "experiment" conducted by the RPF in April 1999. The grass-roots feeling which emerged was demonstrated in the election of a number of Hutu leaders at the sector and cell levels
The RPF leadership saw that a broad general election would not be in its favor. What is expected now is that the RPF will attempt to introduce a "new system of governance" which -as noted above- will be literally one-party rule. It was anticipated by mid-May 1999 that the RPF would attempt to introduce at least a five-year mandate for its continued rule. In fact, even the sector and cell level elections were part of the RPF`s experiment with the "new system": no political parties were allowed to contest the elections, despite the fact that political parties are theoretically free to operate in the country.
Politicians from Kagame`s clique are scared of an open debate on how Rwandans should be ruled. Because the population has savored details confirming corruption and private profiteering that have swirled around Maj. Gen. Kagame, no one is prepared to support or launch a campaign for them as people did during the guerilla warfare time. Today the population`s attention is caught by reports that Maj. Gen. Kagame has established an intricate nationwide system of patronage that he hopes, will keep him in power for ever.
There seems to be no doubt that Maj. Gen. Kagame`s own behind-the-scenes dealings in all AKAZU`s activities earned him the rank of an honest person who fought against corruption, but the myth is breaking down this days.
The effect of the RPF`s move to create a one-party, non-democratic government is likely to include severe international censure, particularly from those countries which had poured aid funds into Rwanda. Domestically, the disenfranchised groups of all ethnic and communal groups have already begun to coalesce into a unified opposition to the RPF, or at least the Uganda branch of the RPF. Those remaining non-Uganda RPF members are identifying increasingly with the "new opposition".
Neither Maj. Gen. Kagame nor his government has the moral authority to influence the position of the King. Is that why the question of his return has received threats on his life in the past? Is that also why Kagame hasn`t apologize about what he said in the media? Is that why the government hasn`t change yet the HABYALIMANA`s Constitution? Much of this, indicates a peaceful solution has to be found before it is too late.
Rwandans clearly deserve to know when this political conflict must end soon. Maj.Gen Kagame is using his political power to stop setting up a legal team to ask Rwandans to decide if they want a Monarchy or not.
Former Editor of Le Tribun du Peuple
Former Member of the RPF
05.29.99
Editor's Note: Mr. Mugabe also gave testimony in court regarding the missile attack on President Habyarimana, also available on this website in the 2/25/07 archive.
Rwanda, for all the discussion about a return to democracy and constitutional rule, remains ruled by a single party and an Army which is an integral part of the party, the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). In fact, it is a distinct group within the RPF which controls the national administration, backed by its own Army, the RPA (Rwandese Patriotic Army).
The RPA remains under the command of Maj.-Gen. Paul Kagame who is also president of RPF and Vice-President of the Republic and the effective -or de facto-leader of the Rwandan State. Ten officers of RPA are members of the Political Bureau of RPF, demonstrating how the army is the governance of the State.
Now, part of the RPF is planning to turn Rwanda into a one-party state, consolidating power permanently into the hands of the men who now control it.
The RPF as whole is composed of ethnic Tutsi from Uganda, Burundi, Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo, or RCD), Rwanda ("Survivors of Genocide"), Kenya, Tanzania, Europe and the United States. All those Tutsi contributed to the war against the former President Habyarimana administration, in giving funds to RPF, in organising demonstrations at Rwandan and French embassies, or in sending their sons and daughters to the battle field in the ranks of the RPA. They sensitized other people from Rwanda and foreigners on the RPF guerilla warfare objectives. But those RPF members from Uganda, a distinct political faction, effectively seized the leadership of RPF while operating as a military wing in the bush in the war against Habyarimana. It is this clique which effectively came to form the Government.
The other members of RPF from different countries were neglected and mistreated. Today, these non-Ugandan RPF, perceived externally to be part of the ruling structure, are isolated and alienated from the Uganda clique, known as the AKAZU. Those who created AKAZU are from the same refugee camps named Nyakivara and Nshungerezi in Uganda, and originally came from Gahini in Kibungo Prefecture of Rwanda. These leaders, who set up the new informal group known as the AKAZU (literally meaning a small house or people of the same family) are: Minister Mazimpaka Patrick; Minister Colonel Karemera Joseph, Minister Inyumba Aloysia; Colonel Mugambage Frank; Ms Umutoni Christine (former Director of Cabinet); former Ambassador to the United States Rudasingwa (former Secretary-General of RPF; he has just been reassigned to a key intelligence post in Rwanda); Maj. Rose Kabuye (former prefet of Kigali city); Musoni Protais (former prefet of Kibungo); Maj. Rutayisire Wilson, managing director of the Rwanda`s information office. Most of them are related to each other and are from Uganda.
The main contradictions started in 1991 when the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI) of the RPF, led by Brigadier-General Kayumba (the current Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Army), Lt.-Col. Rwahama Jacson, and Maj. Steven Balinda, began ordering the killing of Tutsi soldiers from Burundi and Rwanda. Those young men arrived at the RPF military training wings from their original regions. Most of them were college or high-school graduates. After being checked by DMI officers and staff under the command of Maj. Dan Munyuza (former Director of Counter-Intelligence in National GENDARMERIE and security officer of President Kabila of RDC); some of them were killed by their military instructors and by DMI special agents. They killed them with small hoes. Others were killed by the special agents in the battlefield.
When their parents were informed about the killing of their children, they called on Maj.-General Paul Kagame to explain the killings. Kagame went to Bujumbura to meet the Rwandan community of Burundi and assured them that he would stop the killings and mistreatments. When he went back, however, he did not make an investigation and nobody was sanctioned for the killings. And they kept on killing Tutsi from Rwanda. Those killings are the real source of the division among RPF members and in the Armed Forces. In addition, Maj. BIRASA, a Rwandan from Burundi, was killed by his fellow RPA members from Uganda. His death raised number of questions when the AKAZU required to keep it a secret.
After the victory of 1994, the RPF was divided into two groups: those from Uganda (English speakers); and those from Burundi, Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo: RDC), and Rwandan Tutsis survivors (French speaking). Leaders from Ugandan in power, have given better jobs to all relatives in high spheres of central administration and in military command. That nepotism has also divided RPF members and the Armed Forces. Here is an example: most RPF ambassadors are from same region of Kibungo prefecture:
Ambassador Maj. Rudasingwa (until recently in Washington DC);
Ambassador Kayinamura Gedeon (until recently in UN, New York);
Ambassador Mike Rugema (Tel Aviv);
Ambassador Nsenga Isaac (London);
Ambassador Maj. Karenzi (South africa);
Ambassador Mukanyange Joy (Tanzania);
Charge d`affaire Karenzi Theoneste (Burundi).
Gahima Gerard, brother of Ambassador Rudasingwa, was Secretary-General in Ministry of Justice; their sister, Ms Mukabaranga Beatrice was Secretary-General in Ministry of Education; Minister of Finance Kaberuka Donat is cousin of former Minister Col. Dr Karemera of Education;
Minister Mazimpaka Patrick in the President`s Office is brother-in-law of Secretary-General Musoni Protais in the Interior Ministry and cousin of the managing director of ORINFOR (Rwanda`s information office) Wilson RUTAYISIRE shabani.
We must remember that former Minister of Finance BIRARA (a well known in the World Bank) was replaced by Min. Kaberuka because he was not from Uganda, was not in the AKAZU family and was trying to sort out the problem of corruption.
Given the mood in Rwanda today, if the nepotism and the discrimination against individuals because of their origin or language is not stopped, then Rwanda will have an other civil war.
Nepotism and regionalism take place in the military forces, too, because promotion in the Army is based on these practices. This is why the Ministry of Defense has closed the officer`s college, the ESM (Ecole Superieure Militaire). It was to prevent general applications for officer candidacy so that officers could be selected solely from AKAZU families and not from other regions. A clear example is for instance when time comes to select people who might go to study overseas. Senior officers at the right hand of Maj.-Gen. Kagame send people believed to be from Uganda. To those who were sent by mistake, once abroad, they resign and ask political asylum.
In Rwanda today, most high-ranking officers are uneducated and from Uganda while many of non- commissioned officers are educated high-school and college graduates and from Burundi, Rwanda and the Republic Democratic of Congo.
Those educated, non-Uganda-origin soldiers are, naturally, neglected by their commanders and chafe against the system of discrimination. Open dissent is rare, however, because of the fear of the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI), itself, not surprisingly, led by officers from Uganda.
SENIOR OFFICERS AT THE RIGHT HAND OF MAJOR GENERAL PAUL KAGAME
The AKAZU of officers around Rwanda`s strong and Vice-President, Maj-Gen. Paul Kagame, have been chosen for personal loyalty to him and because of their regional background. These leaders most notably include the following:
-Brig-Gen. KAYUMBA Nyamwasa, chief of Staff of the Rwandan military forces, former head of DMI during the RPF`s period of guerilla warfare.
-Col. KABAREBE James, the former Commanding Officer of the Republican Guard of Maj.-Gen. Kagame and the former Chief of Staff to President Laurent Kabila after his victory in the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo (RDC).
-Lt.-Col. NZIZA Jack, the head of Military Intelligence, former Charge d`affaire of Rwanda in Kenya, Commanding Officer of the Kivu garrison in the RDC (then Zaire) during the war of Laurent Kabila against (then) President Mobutu Sese Seko.
-Col. KAREMERA Joseph, former Minister of Education. In fact, Rwanda was being run as a corporate enterprise, Col.Karemera was the muscle behind the throne. He reserved foreign scholarships for Rwandan from Uganda, english speaking Rwandan and people related to Akazu. For example, one could see people sent in USA, Canada, Irland, Egypt, South Africa ..etc. Col. Karemera could discriminate against french-speaking students and no one could change it. That was from 1995 to 1998.
-Lt.-Col. KAREGEYA Patrick, head of ESO (the External Service Organisation), Rwanda`s external intelligence body. Just recently, he was sent to Brussels to undertake intelligence work on exiled monarchists preparing a worldwide conference.
-Col. MUGAMBAGE Frank, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and former cabinet-level Director in the President`s Office.
-Lt.-Col. RUSAGARA Frank, Secretary-General in the Ministry of Defence. The astonishing thing is that he is a suspect in helicopter deal corruption and yet His boss Maj.Gen.Kagame has done nothing to encourage him to go in court. Much worse they jailed MUGABI, a journalist for having published the news.
-Maj. Dr NDAHIRO, Special advisor of Vice-President Kagame.
-Maj. MUNYUZA Dan, former security officer of President Kabila in the RDC. Munyuza is well known for his part in mass killing of French-speaking Rwandans from Burundi and Zaire (now Congo) in the training camps. The list of those killed includes many of those suspected to be monarchists.
All of these officers are from Uganda.
RWANDA`S INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY
Given the military nature of the present Rwandan Government, the DMI, the Department of Military Intelligence, holds premier place in the intelligence community hierarchy. As well, the DMI was, during the guerilla war and subsequently, the principal and most trusted security tool of the Kagame Administration. It undertakes security work, not just intelligence, on a national level, and is therefore not a normal military intelligence department. There are, however, numerous other branches in the Rwandese Intelligence Community.
- Department of Military Intelligence
Director: Lt.-Col. Jack Nziza.
Deputy: Maj. Ephraim.
- ESO: External Service Organisation
Director: Lt.-Col. Patrick Karegeya.
Deputy: Maj. Richard Masozera.
- Intelligence (G2) of the National Gendarmerie
Director: Maj. Macumu.
Deputy: Maj. Mupenzi.
- Special Intelligence
Director: Maj. Gacinya Rubagumya.
- CID: Criminal Investigation Department
Director: Maj. Bayingana Emmanuel.
- Domestic Security Intelligence
The Republican Guard unit is in charge of official
secuty and surveillance of Rwandan officials.
Commanding Officer: Lt.-Col. Alex Kagame.
Most of these officers are from Uganda.
-Civil Intelligence Service
Secretary-General: Ntakiyimana Emmanuel.
CORRUPTION IN RWANDA.
Since the RPF seized power in Rwanda, some high-ranking officers, helped by businessmen members of RPF, have looted considerable amounts of money from different places of Rwanda (banks, supermarkets, houses, etc.). They have stolen trucks and other vehicles belonging to some Hutu in exile, from the Tutsi dead, from the Government, companies, churches, United Nations Organisations like PNUD, UNICEF, from non-governmental organisations and other properties. They have occupied luxury villas belonging to people who are in exile and inside the country.
Indeed, those commanders started doing business with whom they looted the town. Those commanders offered to supply them with military goods and Government equipment. And with the support of well-placed military officers, these businessmen have avoided paying taxes. According to an investigation undertaken by the ministry of Finance, the government took a loss of Rw fr 1.2-billion (US $ 3,428,571) as a result of this tax avoidance. Those businessmen and officers operate hand-in-hand with some politicians in a closed cycle referred to as the "Rwandan Mafia".
The surest way to know this corruption, is to read Mugabe`s report in Kinyarwanda, where he shows that:
MAZIMPAKA Patrick member of AKAZU and UMUTONI Christine former director in the Ministry of repatriation of refugees, have looted the Ministry etc.
CORRUPTION IN GOVERNMENT
Since 1994, the Rwandan Government has officially acknowledged that it has lost Rw Fr-6 billion (US $ 17,647,059), some lost in unpaid taxes. This is according to the report of the Ministry of Finance approved by its Minister, Kaberuka Donat another Akazu member. Here are some examples:
Fonds Routier National:
stolen funds = Rw Fr 235.671.032 (US $ 693,150).
Public Finances:
(in the Butare, Gisenyi, Byumba, and Cyangugu prefectures) = Rw Fr 131.028.590 (US $ 385,378).
Foreign Ministry:
Rw Fr 104.902.738 (US $ 308,537).
Ministry of Health:
Rw Fr 21.290737 (US $ 62,619).
Ministry of Justice (Kigali Prison):
Rw Fr 104.255.205 (US $ 306,633).
IMPRISCO (School printing house):
Rw Fr 8.993.709 (US $ 262,922).
ONATRACOM: Rw Fr 16.656.782 (US $ 48,990).
INR (the national printing house):
Rw Fr 55.655.213 (US $ 16,3691).
Ministry of Commerce:
Rw Fr 754.629.928 (US $ 221,950).
All across Rwanda, the Vice-President, Maj.-Gen. Kagame, was originally reported as an honest person who fought against corruption, but last year in one instance he misappropriated Rw Fr 500-million (US $ 1,470,588) from the Ministry of Works and built his own farm, named NTEBE FARM DAIRY, in Kibungo Prefecture. Much worse is that Maj.-Gen Kagame himself sold land and property situated in Gasyata from DEBOURGRAVE family without authorisation to his business associate GAPOSHO GAHUNDE, the owner of STIPPAG a private company, for Rw Fr 100 million (US $ 294,117).
Maj. Gen. Kagame never paid 6 % taxes due to the government. Nobody can stop corruption while so many official are involved. If Maj.-Gen Kagame has stolen such amount, then people doubt if they will ever see him preventing the AKAZU members from looting the country`s economy. None of these Akazu members, officers, responsible for corruption were ever prosecuted, they were only shuffled to other positions or other places. The record shows for instance that Col. Dr. KAREMERA who showed an appetite for making money illegally, was never prosecuted, but he was appointed Ambassador in South Africa.
Some businessman who worked with RPF officers were murdered by soldiers related to these MAFIOSI officers. If you were growing rich, you were exposed to mysterious accidents and killings by these MAFIOSI controlled by the ruling clique. These businessmen included: Ndoli J. Damascene, Bayingana Victor, and other businessmen of Kigali. To set the record straight, this is the product of authoritarianism and simply banish free entreprenorship amongst French speaking Rwandans. SEMWAGA and DOROCELLA both former UNDP or PNUD (UN organisation) were a shining example. They were murdered because they were against corruption and were former refugees in Burundi.
The Government is training civilians militarily in different prefectures of Rwanda to form a militia known as the Local Defence Force. This force now numbers almost 10,000 men. Everybody knows the dangerous role of INTERAHAMWE militia in the Rwanda genocide; now the Government is training an other militia group. Many civilians are armed by their relatives in the Armed Forces. This situation, which is tolerated by the Government, portends other disasters in the country. People live in permanent fear, some being forced to flee the country. Two ministers were forced to leave the country: the Minister of Justice, Dr Nteziryayo Faustin, now in exile in USA, and the Minister of State in the Interior Ministry, Mrs Beatrice Sebatware Panda, now in exile in Belgium.
As well, two members of Parliament were forced to leave the country: Rugema Donatien, a Tutsi survivor of the 1994 genocide, who fled to Denmark; and Kayiranga Esdras, another Tutsi survivor of 1994 genocide, of PL party, who fled in early May 1999 to Belgium. Other prominent figures who have had to leave the country in order to avoid imprisonment or assassination have included Judge Iyakaremye J.Bosco, another survivor of 1994 genocide, as well as some soldiers officers of RPF now in USA and Canada; journalists and others.
Two journalists were shot dead and two others are imprisoned. Nine members of Parliament were removed from their seats illegally by the forum of political parties chaired by Muligande Charles, the current Secretary-General of RPF. Above all, this action shows that the notion of "national unity Government" does not exist. Those Members of Parliament are Hon. Mbanda Jean of PSD, Hon.Rugema Donatien of PSD, Hon. Maniraguha Jacques Of MDR, Hon.Nkerinka Eustache of MDR, Hon.Kavutse of MDR, Hon.Bizimana Jean Leonard, Hon.Kayiranga Esdras of PL (now in Belgium), Hon. Hitimana of MDR, and Hon.Sebarame of MDR.
Now the RPF is planning to expel the President of Parliament, Hon.Sebarenzi Joseph, who is popular and appreciated by the population, because he opposed RPF decisions. The RPF wants to establish a new system of governance related to Chinese or Uganda systems. That system is called, locally, the "No Party System", but it is, in reality, the creation of a one-party state under a military rule of RPF, with all other political parties banned in Rwanda.
RECENT RESHUFFLE IN RWANDA GOVERNMENT
The RPF in April instigated a major re-shuffle of its cabinet portfolios and ambassadorial assignment as a prelude to its proposed cleansweep of the political system to eliminate all opposition. The Government`s transition period is due to expire on July 19, 1999, after which it was supposed to call for a national conference to transform the state control from an unelected military government to a civilian, multi-party elected Government.
Any thought of such a transition, however, was destroyed by the municipal election "experiment" conducted by the RPF in April 1999. The grass-roots feeling which emerged was demonstrated in the election of a number of Hutu leaders at the sector and cell levels
The RPF leadership saw that a broad general election would not be in its favor. What is expected now is that the RPF will attempt to introduce a "new system of governance" which -as noted above- will be literally one-party rule. It was anticipated by mid-May 1999 that the RPF would attempt to introduce at least a five-year mandate for its continued rule. In fact, even the sector and cell level elections were part of the RPF`s experiment with the "new system": no political parties were allowed to contest the elections, despite the fact that political parties are theoretically free to operate in the country.
Politicians from Kagame`s clique are scared of an open debate on how Rwandans should be ruled. Because the population has savored details confirming corruption and private profiteering that have swirled around Maj. Gen. Kagame, no one is prepared to support or launch a campaign for them as people did during the guerilla warfare time. Today the population`s attention is caught by reports that Maj. Gen. Kagame has established an intricate nationwide system of patronage that he hopes, will keep him in power for ever.
There seems to be no doubt that Maj. Gen. Kagame`s own behind-the-scenes dealings in all AKAZU`s activities earned him the rank of an honest person who fought against corruption, but the myth is breaking down this days.
The effect of the RPF`s move to create a one-party, non-democratic government is likely to include severe international censure, particularly from those countries which had poured aid funds into Rwanda. Domestically, the disenfranchised groups of all ethnic and communal groups have already begun to coalesce into a unified opposition to the RPF, or at least the Uganda branch of the RPF. Those remaining non-Uganda RPF members are identifying increasingly with the "new opposition".
Neither Maj. Gen. Kagame nor his government has the moral authority to influence the position of the King. Is that why the question of his return has received threats on his life in the past? Is that also why Kagame hasn`t apologize about what he said in the media? Is that why the government hasn`t change yet the HABYALIMANA`s Constitution? Much of this, indicates a peaceful solution has to be found before it is too late.
Rwandans clearly deserve to know when this political conflict must end soon. Maj.Gen Kagame is using his political power to stop setting up a legal team to ask Rwandans to decide if they want a Monarchy or not.
Former President Chiluba Reappears in Court on Corruption Charges
African Press Agency
15 August 2007
Former President Frederick Chiluba appeared before a Lusaka Magistrates Court on Wednesday to resume his case where he is charged with corruption and abuse of office.
The case was postponed in March 2006 after Chiluba fell ill and had to be urgently rushed to South Africa for medical treatment for his heart ailment.
Since that time, Chiluba has made frequent trips to hospitals both in Zambian and South Africa, with doctors saying he was too ill to continue with the trial.
The doctors, however, gave the green light for him to continue standing trial two months ago but recommended that special conditions be made available.
The special conditions included either having the trial in private and in comfortable conditions or installing a video link to his home so that he could follow the proceedings from the comfort of his house.
Chiluba, however, decided that he would appear in person, saying that installing a video link from a court to a private residence is illegal in Zambia which he said he did not wish to participate in.
The former president arrived at the Lusaka Magistrates Court Complex smartly dressed, in the company of his wife and aides.
Hundreds of supports converged at the court grounds to sing gospel songs while others fully packed the courtroom to follow the proceedings.
The trial picked up where it left off, with the cross examination of the state’s key witness, Maulu Hamunjele, an official at the Bank of Zambia.
Chiluba and two others are facing criminal charges of stealing nearly US$500,000 and abuse of office during his tenure.
Chiluba and two colleagues have so far been found liable of misappropriating US$ 58 million and ordered to repay the money in civil proceedings conducted in a London High Court.
15 August 2007
Former President Frederick Chiluba appeared before a Lusaka Magistrates Court on Wednesday to resume his case where he is charged with corruption and abuse of office.
The case was postponed in March 2006 after Chiluba fell ill and had to be urgently rushed to South Africa for medical treatment for his heart ailment.
Since that time, Chiluba has made frequent trips to hospitals both in Zambian and South Africa, with doctors saying he was too ill to continue with the trial.
The doctors, however, gave the green light for him to continue standing trial two months ago but recommended that special conditions be made available.
The special conditions included either having the trial in private and in comfortable conditions or installing a video link to his home so that he could follow the proceedings from the comfort of his house.
Chiluba, however, decided that he would appear in person, saying that installing a video link from a court to a private residence is illegal in Zambia which he said he did not wish to participate in.
The former president arrived at the Lusaka Magistrates Court Complex smartly dressed, in the company of his wife and aides.
Hundreds of supports converged at the court grounds to sing gospel songs while others fully packed the courtroom to follow the proceedings.
The trial picked up where it left off, with the cross examination of the state’s key witness, Maulu Hamunjele, an official at the Bank of Zambia.
Chiluba and two others are facing criminal charges of stealing nearly US$500,000 and abuse of office during his tenure.
Chiluba and two colleagues have so far been found liable of misappropriating US$ 58 million and ordered to repay the money in civil proceedings conducted in a London High Court.
Niger Rebels Reject Northern Region Traditional Leaders’ Peace Initiative
African Press Agency
15 August 2007
Editor's Note: The proxy war for control of Niger's uranium continues...
The Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ), which launched an armed rebellion last February in the Northern region of Niger, accused the government of intending to lead the country into a civil war whereas MNJ’s move is aimed at prompting the government to promote "more justice, equal opportunities and respect of human rights in the country".
In a telephone interview with APA Wednesday, a rebel spokesperson rejected the various initiatives and statements by the traditional leaders of the Agadez region and the civil society in Niamey.
According to the MNJ spokesman who requested anonymity, the so-called traditional leaders’ meeting is a scheme to re-supply the Izerwan barracks currently surrounded by the rebel movement. "This strategy will not pay off," he declared.
"We want to lure the Army out of the villages to fight with them, but they refuse clashes and would rather stay in inhabited places where we don’t want to attack because of civilians," he added, blaming the government troops for the shells fired on houses.
The spokesman said a possible external mediation is not currently their priority. "The government should first acknowledge us as a full Niger movement fighting for the promotion of the rights and respect of populations, no matter the region".
According to him, it is wrong to beleive that his movement is only in the north of the country. "We are everywhere in the country, even though most of our operations are carried out from the North," he said.
"We will be ready to negotiate whenever the authorities decide to acknowledge our movement," the spokesman further told APA.
15 August 2007
Editor's Note: The proxy war for control of Niger's uranium continues...
The Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ), which launched an armed rebellion last February in the Northern region of Niger, accused the government of intending to lead the country into a civil war whereas MNJ’s move is aimed at prompting the government to promote "more justice, equal opportunities and respect of human rights in the country".
In a telephone interview with APA Wednesday, a rebel spokesperson rejected the various initiatives and statements by the traditional leaders of the Agadez region and the civil society in Niamey.
According to the MNJ spokesman who requested anonymity, the so-called traditional leaders’ meeting is a scheme to re-supply the Izerwan barracks currently surrounded by the rebel movement. "This strategy will not pay off," he declared.
"We want to lure the Army out of the villages to fight with them, but they refuse clashes and would rather stay in inhabited places where we don’t want to attack because of civilians," he added, blaming the government troops for the shells fired on houses.
The spokesman said a possible external mediation is not currently their priority. "The government should first acknowledge us as a full Niger movement fighting for the promotion of the rights and respect of populations, no matter the region".
According to him, it is wrong to beleive that his movement is only in the north of the country. "We are everywhere in the country, even though most of our operations are carried out from the North," he said.
"We will be ready to negotiate whenever the authorities decide to acknowledge our movement," the spokesman further told APA.
Rwandan UNDP Report Reportedly Has Grave Errors
Rwanda News Agency/Agence Rwandaise d'Information (Kigali)
15 August 2007
Government has said the UN Development Agency - UNDP must correct the errors contained in the report on Rwanda because it does not give the actual picture of the development path the country is taking, RNA reports.
State Finance Minister Monique Nsanzabaganwa told reporters Tuesday that the report had "so many and grave errors that completely misrepresented the facts".
"For example it is false when the report says government spends 10% of donor money on defense because we have agreements with our development partners on how their money is used", Nsanzabaganwa said at the press conference.
"Besides, our partners are satisfied with the way government has been spending the money they have provided with not a single cent on defense".
On July 26, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) country office released the much publicized assessment of the performance of Rwanda towards its ambitious plan dubbed the 'Vision 2020'.
The Human Development Report for Rwanda 2007 - 'Turning Vision 2020 into Reality' identified the main challenges facing the country on the road to achieving the Millennium Development Goals set out by the international donor community some years ago.
The report wants government to focus on three major priorities as agriculture, population, and income distribution. The fall out over the report was expected because government has been trying to reorient its energy into developing an ICT-led economy.
Ms. Nsanzabaganwa also said the report did not make a fair assessment of the period 1990 to 2000 because it did not put into consideration the era of conflict and the Genocide that destroyed the country.
Case in point according to the Minister, the report says during this period up until 2005, the country lost 50.2 % of forest cover but does not emphasize the fact that Rwanda was in a devastating conflict.
Government is also bitter with the report that claimed 96% of women are doing nothing to protect themselves from HIV/Aids. Minister Nsanzabaganwa said the document bases this on the statistics that show only 4% use condoms but neglects that fact that there are other ways of controlling the virus such as abstinence and fidelity in marriages.
She said the UNDP country office had accepted the errors and would correct them in a written statement to be posted on the internet.
Editor's Note: As of this writing, the UNDP has not posted anything on their website regarding this issue.
15 August 2007
Government has said the UN Development Agency - UNDP must correct the errors contained in the report on Rwanda because it does not give the actual picture of the development path the country is taking, RNA reports.
State Finance Minister Monique Nsanzabaganwa told reporters Tuesday that the report had "so many and grave errors that completely misrepresented the facts".
"For example it is false when the report says government spends 10% of donor money on defense because we have agreements with our development partners on how their money is used", Nsanzabaganwa said at the press conference.
"Besides, our partners are satisfied with the way government has been spending the money they have provided with not a single cent on defense".
On July 26, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) country office released the much publicized assessment of the performance of Rwanda towards its ambitious plan dubbed the 'Vision 2020'.
The Human Development Report for Rwanda 2007 - 'Turning Vision 2020 into Reality' identified the main challenges facing the country on the road to achieving the Millennium Development Goals set out by the international donor community some years ago.
The report wants government to focus on three major priorities as agriculture, population, and income distribution. The fall out over the report was expected because government has been trying to reorient its energy into developing an ICT-led economy.
Ms. Nsanzabaganwa also said the report did not make a fair assessment of the period 1990 to 2000 because it did not put into consideration the era of conflict and the Genocide that destroyed the country.
Case in point according to the Minister, the report says during this period up until 2005, the country lost 50.2 % of forest cover but does not emphasize the fact that Rwanda was in a devastating conflict.
Government is also bitter with the report that claimed 96% of women are doing nothing to protect themselves from HIV/Aids. Minister Nsanzabaganwa said the document bases this on the statistics that show only 4% use condoms but neglects that fact that there are other ways of controlling the virus such as abstinence and fidelity in marriages.
She said the UNDP country office had accepted the errors and would correct them in a written statement to be posted on the internet.
Editor's Note: As of this writing, the UNDP has not posted anything on their website regarding this issue.
Chevron Does Not Plan a Return to Somalia Soon
Shabelle News Network
Michael Erman
15 August 2007
Oil Company Chevron Corp. has no plans to reenter Somalia in the near future, a company spokesman said on Tuesday.
A draft hydrocarbon law obtained by Reuters would allow oil majors who declared force majeure and quit Somalia 16 years ago to resume their activities there.
Several Western oil majors -- Royal Dutch Shell, BP, ConocoPhillips, Chevron, ENI -- held Somali exploration concessions in the 1980s before leaving in 1991 when warlords toppled dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and the country descended into lawlessness.
Michael Erman
15 August 2007
Oil Company Chevron Corp. has no plans to reenter Somalia in the near future, a company spokesman said on Tuesday.
A draft hydrocarbon law obtained by Reuters would allow oil majors who declared force majeure and quit Somalia 16 years ago to resume their activities there.
Several Western oil majors -- Royal Dutch Shell, BP, ConocoPhillips, Chevron, ENI -- held Somali exploration concessions in the 1980s before leaving in 1991 when warlords toppled dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and the country descended into lawlessness.
GOP Presidential Candidate Mitt Romney Still Holds Stock in Oil Company in Sudan.
African Oil Journal
15 August 2006
Republican presidential hopeful Mitt Romney divested from companies doing business in Iran but still holds stock in an oil company that does business in Sudan, where the government is accused by the West of sponsoring genocide, his financial-disclosure report filed Monday shows.
Romney, the wealthiest presidential contender, is worth $190 million to $250 million, with investments spread among stocks, treasuries and high-end funds. R. Bradford Malt, Romney's attorney, acts as sole trustee of what until Monday was a blind trust, and makes investment decisions. Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, trails in national polls but is doing well in the polls in the early voting states. His wealth is key to his candidacy. As he did when he ran for governor in 2003, he is dipping into his accounts to help pay for his candidacy, lending his campaign more than $9 million so far.
He first filed a financial disclosure when he ran for U.S. Senate in 1994. At the time, the Boston Herald reported that he had assets of $16 million to $25 million.
In a telephone news conference, Malt said Monday that he became more attentive to Romney's holdings once the former Massachusetts governor began running for president. The financial disclosure, which covers 2006 and the first half of 2007, shows Malt sold stock in dozens of companies in recent months.
For example, after Romney publicly called for divestment from companies doing business in Iran, Malt sold stock in some such companies, such as the Italian oil company Eni S.P.A.
Chinese oil firm in Sudan
But according to the report, Romney holds stock in China Petroleum and Chemical, an oil supply company that has dealings in the African nation of Sudan, according to the Genocide Intervention Network, a Washington-based group dedicated to ending the genocide in Sudan's Darfur region.
Romney's holdings in the company are a tiny fraction of his overall portfolio. The stock is valued at $50,000 to $100,000 and generated income of no more than $15,000. The federal reports give ranges rather than specific values of holdings.
Romney spokesman Kevin Madden, declining to discuss any single investment, said all decisions were made by Malt and that Romney had no influence over how his investments are handled.
The report shows Romney has numerous offshore holdings. Malt said none of the foreign investments was intended to "reduce taxes or defer taxes."
Domestically, Malt sold stock in Altria Group, whose subsidiary, Philip Morris, U.S.A., is the world's largest cigarette manufacturer, although Romney still has some holdings in the company through at least one of his many investment funds.
As Romney seeks support among social conservatives in the Republican primary, the trustee also sold off stock in half a dozen casino companies, earning Romney $155,000 to $1.18 million.
Romney placed his holdings in a blind trust when he became Massachusetts governor in 2003.
15 August 2006
Republican presidential hopeful Mitt Romney divested from companies doing business in Iran but still holds stock in an oil company that does business in Sudan, where the government is accused by the West of sponsoring genocide, his financial-disclosure report filed Monday shows.
Romney, the wealthiest presidential contender, is worth $190 million to $250 million, with investments spread among stocks, treasuries and high-end funds. R. Bradford Malt, Romney's attorney, acts as sole trustee of what until Monday was a blind trust, and makes investment decisions. Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, trails in national polls but is doing well in the polls in the early voting states. His wealth is key to his candidacy. As he did when he ran for governor in 2003, he is dipping into his accounts to help pay for his candidacy, lending his campaign more than $9 million so far.
He first filed a financial disclosure when he ran for U.S. Senate in 1994. At the time, the Boston Herald reported that he had assets of $16 million to $25 million.
In a telephone news conference, Malt said Monday that he became more attentive to Romney's holdings once the former Massachusetts governor began running for president. The financial disclosure, which covers 2006 and the first half of 2007, shows Malt sold stock in dozens of companies in recent months.
For example, after Romney publicly called for divestment from companies doing business in Iran, Malt sold stock in some such companies, such as the Italian oil company Eni S.P.A.
Chinese oil firm in Sudan
But according to the report, Romney holds stock in China Petroleum and Chemical, an oil supply company that has dealings in the African nation of Sudan, according to the Genocide Intervention Network, a Washington-based group dedicated to ending the genocide in Sudan's Darfur region.
Romney's holdings in the company are a tiny fraction of his overall portfolio. The stock is valued at $50,000 to $100,000 and generated income of no more than $15,000. The federal reports give ranges rather than specific values of holdings.
Romney spokesman Kevin Madden, declining to discuss any single investment, said all decisions were made by Malt and that Romney had no influence over how his investments are handled.
The report shows Romney has numerous offshore holdings. Malt said none of the foreign investments was intended to "reduce taxes or defer taxes."
Domestically, Malt sold stock in Altria Group, whose subsidiary, Philip Morris, U.S.A., is the world's largest cigarette manufacturer, although Romney still has some holdings in the company through at least one of his many investment funds.
As Romney seeks support among social conservatives in the Republican primary, the trustee also sold off stock in half a dozen casino companies, earning Romney $155,000 to $1.18 million.
Romney placed his holdings in a blind trust when he became Massachusetts governor in 2003.
Rwanda: Investigate ‘Disappeared’ Businessman.
Human Rights Watch
14 August 2007
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/08/14/rwanda16668_txt.htm
Rwandan judicial and police authorities should account promptly for the whereabouts of Assinapol Rwigara, a prominent businessman, and should assure due process rights to arrested generals Frank Rusagara and Sam Kanyemera, Human Rights Watch said today.
Police say they sought Rwigara in relation to an accident that took the lives of three workers at a construction site that he owned, and they say that they arrested the two generals for interfering with Rwigara’s arrest.
“Rwanda has adopted laws to protect the rights of accused persons,” said Alison Des Forges, senior adviser to Human Rights Watch’s Africa division. “Now is time for Rwandan authorities to make them work to defend the rights of these three people.”
Rwigara, an early supporter of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the dominant party in Rwanda, has been missing since July 27 when he was forcibly taken from a graveside funeral by police officers. Scores of people present at the funeral witnessed Rwigara driven away from the gravesite immediately after police officers surrounded him. Police acknowledged that they sought to arrest him but say that Rwigara managed to escape and is still being sought.
Rusagara, an officer in the Rwandan Defense Force, was arrested on August 1, according to The New Times, a newspaper close to the government. Although police authorities reportedly said they had not yet determined the exact charges against him, they did say his arrest resulted from Rusagara’s efforts to impede Rwigara’s arrest.
Rwandan law provides that detained persons must be brought before a magistrate within 72 hours of their detention.
“If Rwigara and Rusagara are still in police hands, they must be brought before a magistrate, as Rwandan law provides,” said Des Forges. “If police say they don’t have these men, they must explain what has happened to them.”
On August 11, police detained General Sam Kanyemera, known as “Kaka,” who headed the general staff of the Rwandan army until his retirement in 1998 and who is currently a member of the Rwandan parliament. Speaking in a radio interview on August 13, the president of the parliament said he and parliamentary officers agreed to lift Kanyemera’s parliamentary immunity. The parliamentary president said Kanyemera was going to be charged with the crime of having helped someone escape arrest.
A police spokesman announced that Kanyemera will be brought to trial August 17 on charges of “attempt to sabotage police operations.”
Police began pursuing Rwigara following a July 12 accident that killed three workers and injured three others at a construction site owned by one of his businesses. In connection with this case, judicial authorities have seized family property, including an automobile, and frozen bank accounts, including those of enterprises of which Rwigara was only one of several owners. According to a family member, Rwigara paid compensation to families of the workers soon after the accident.
“Speculation on the reasons for these detentions is rife in Kigali, running from the deaths of the workmen, to commercial rivalries, to coup plotting,” said Des Forges. “Regardless of the context, accused persons have rights under Rwandan law and Rwandan judicial authorities have the duty to see that they are respected.”
14 August 2007
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/08/14/rwanda16668_txt.htm
Rwandan judicial and police authorities should account promptly for the whereabouts of Assinapol Rwigara, a prominent businessman, and should assure due process rights to arrested generals Frank Rusagara and Sam Kanyemera, Human Rights Watch said today.
Police say they sought Rwigara in relation to an accident that took the lives of three workers at a construction site that he owned, and they say that they arrested the two generals for interfering with Rwigara’s arrest.
“Rwanda has adopted laws to protect the rights of accused persons,” said Alison Des Forges, senior adviser to Human Rights Watch’s Africa division. “Now is time for Rwandan authorities to make them work to defend the rights of these three people.”
Rwigara, an early supporter of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the dominant party in Rwanda, has been missing since July 27 when he was forcibly taken from a graveside funeral by police officers. Scores of people present at the funeral witnessed Rwigara driven away from the gravesite immediately after police officers surrounded him. Police acknowledged that they sought to arrest him but say that Rwigara managed to escape and is still being sought.
Rusagara, an officer in the Rwandan Defense Force, was arrested on August 1, according to The New Times, a newspaper close to the government. Although police authorities reportedly said they had not yet determined the exact charges against him, they did say his arrest resulted from Rusagara’s efforts to impede Rwigara’s arrest.
Rwandan law provides that detained persons must be brought before a magistrate within 72 hours of their detention.
“If Rwigara and Rusagara are still in police hands, they must be brought before a magistrate, as Rwandan law provides,” said Des Forges. “If police say they don’t have these men, they must explain what has happened to them.”
On August 11, police detained General Sam Kanyemera, known as “Kaka,” who headed the general staff of the Rwandan army until his retirement in 1998 and who is currently a member of the Rwandan parliament. Speaking in a radio interview on August 13, the president of the parliament said he and parliamentary officers agreed to lift Kanyemera’s parliamentary immunity. The parliamentary president said Kanyemera was going to be charged with the crime of having helped someone escape arrest.
A police spokesman announced that Kanyemera will be brought to trial August 17 on charges of “attempt to sabotage police operations.”
Police began pursuing Rwigara following a July 12 accident that killed three workers and injured three others at a construction site owned by one of his businesses. In connection with this case, judicial authorities have seized family property, including an automobile, and frozen bank accounts, including those of enterprises of which Rwigara was only one of several owners. According to a family member, Rwigara paid compensation to families of the workers soon after the accident.
“Speculation on the reasons for these detentions is rife in Kigali, running from the deaths of the workmen, to commercial rivalries, to coup plotting,” said Des Forges. “Regardless of the context, accused persons have rights under Rwandan law and Rwandan judicial authorities have the duty to see that they are respected.”
14 August, 2007
3rd Anniversary of the Gatumba Massacre Today.
Regardless of the politics that were behind this crime,
Irrespective of who actually planned and/or committed this henious act,
Despite those individuals and groups who exploited this terrible tragedy for their own political gains,
Let us humbly remember the innocent refugee victims and their families today.
Burundi Peace Talks Risk Collapsing Over $54,000 Allowance.
Daniel K. Kalinaki
The EastAfrican
14 August 2007
The Burundi peace agreement could collapse after the South African minister facilitating the process refused to give the leader of the main rebel group $54,000 to attend a meeting in Dar-es-Salaam, prompting a senior rebel to walkout of the South African High Commission in Tanzania in protest.
Impeccable sources told The EastAfrican that South Africa’s Safety and Security Minister, Charles Nqakula, who is facilitating the peace talks, last month wrote to Agathon Rwasa, the FNL-Palipehutu chairman, inviting him to a meeting in Dar es Salaam.
Sources say the South African government has been giving about $50,000 dollars to FNL to facilitate the peace talks. The EastAfrican has learnt that Mr Rwasa wrote to Mr Nqakula last month, asking for $54,000 for his delegation and suggested that the meeting be postponed from July 30 to August 12.
However, the South African minister offered Mr Rwasa only three air-tickets — for himself and two aides — “in line with the international legal norms for travelling.”
“This meeting is consultative and requires only the presence of his chairman or his mandated representatives in Dar es Salaam,” Mr Nqakula’s wrote in his letter, which was copied to Presidents Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania and Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi, as well as to AU chairman Alpha Oumar Konare and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
The East African has learned that FNL spokesman Pasteur Habimana, who had provided a breakdown of the costs to justify the $54,000, rejected the reduced package he was offered by the South African High commission in Dar-es-Salaam last week and asked for time to consult.
Sources close to the negotiations who requested anonymity say there are suspicions that the FNL costs for this and previous meetings might be inflated, given that most of the leaders are based in Nairobi, Dar-es-Salaam and Bujumbura. The sources said there is also a growing fear that some of the funds might be diverted to buy arms, especially after the FNL pulled out of the ceasefire monitoring team.
Diplomatic sources told The EastAfrican that Mr Nqakula was expected to brief Presidents Kikwete and Museveni on the outcome of the meeting, or seek alternatives if it fails to take off.
Uganda’s point-man on Burundi, Adonia Ayebare, was noncomittal when contacted, citing lack of clear information about the matter.
“The situation is not out of control,” he said. “The facilitator is handling the peace process as mandated by the region and his briefing is awaited.”
Efforts to get a comment from Habimana or from the Burundi embassy in Kampala were unsuccessful.
The FNL was the last rebel group to sign a peace agreement with President Nkurunziza’s government.
However, the FNL has dithered on the implementation. They have dragged their feet on implementing the ceasefire provisions, citing the need to discuss a power-sharing agreement and reform of the army, saying it is dominated by the Tutsi.
However, government officials say the ceasefire agreement does not have provisions for power-sharing, and that the army is representative.
The EastAfrican
14 August 2007
The Burundi peace agreement could collapse after the South African minister facilitating the process refused to give the leader of the main rebel group $54,000 to attend a meeting in Dar-es-Salaam, prompting a senior rebel to walkout of the South African High Commission in Tanzania in protest.
Impeccable sources told The EastAfrican that South Africa’s Safety and Security Minister, Charles Nqakula, who is facilitating the peace talks, last month wrote to Agathon Rwasa, the FNL-Palipehutu chairman, inviting him to a meeting in Dar es Salaam.
Sources say the South African government has been giving about $50,000 dollars to FNL to facilitate the peace talks. The EastAfrican has learnt that Mr Rwasa wrote to Mr Nqakula last month, asking for $54,000 for his delegation and suggested that the meeting be postponed from July 30 to August 12.
However, the South African minister offered Mr Rwasa only three air-tickets — for himself and two aides — “in line with the international legal norms for travelling.”
“This meeting is consultative and requires only the presence of his chairman or his mandated representatives in Dar es Salaam,” Mr Nqakula’s wrote in his letter, which was copied to Presidents Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania and Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi, as well as to AU chairman Alpha Oumar Konare and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
The East African has learned that FNL spokesman Pasteur Habimana, who had provided a breakdown of the costs to justify the $54,000, rejected the reduced package he was offered by the South African High commission in Dar-es-Salaam last week and asked for time to consult.
Sources close to the negotiations who requested anonymity say there are suspicions that the FNL costs for this and previous meetings might be inflated, given that most of the leaders are based in Nairobi, Dar-es-Salaam and Bujumbura. The sources said there is also a growing fear that some of the funds might be diverted to buy arms, especially after the FNL pulled out of the ceasefire monitoring team.
Diplomatic sources told The EastAfrican that Mr Nqakula was expected to brief Presidents Kikwete and Museveni on the outcome of the meeting, or seek alternatives if it fails to take off.
Uganda’s point-man on Burundi, Adonia Ayebare, was noncomittal when contacted, citing lack of clear information about the matter.
“The situation is not out of control,” he said. “The facilitator is handling the peace process as mandated by the region and his briefing is awaited.”
Efforts to get a comment from Habimana or from the Burundi embassy in Kampala were unsuccessful.
The FNL was the last rebel group to sign a peace agreement with President Nkurunziza’s government.
However, the FNL has dithered on the implementation. They have dragged their feet on implementing the ceasefire provisions, citing the need to discuss a power-sharing agreement and reform of the army, saying it is dominated by the Tutsi.
However, government officials say the ceasefire agreement does not have provisions for power-sharing, and that the army is representative.
UN Appointee for Darfur Force is a War Criminal.
Rwanda News Agency
14 August 2007
Kigali
Last week, the UN and the African Union endorsed the nomination of Rwandan Maj. Gen. Karenzi Karake to deputise the head of the Darfur hybrid force. Opposition groups say the General does not have clean hands to manage a peace keeping mission, RNA reports.
According to United Democratic Forces - UDF Inkingi, Gen. Karake supervised several extra judiciary executions targeting politicians and civilians in Rwanda. The group points to the period before the Genocide and after the Rwanda Patriotic front RPF rebels took over Rwanda.
"His nomination as Deputy Commander of the UN-AU force to be sent to Darfur is an insult to Africa, to Sudan as a State, and to the suffering Sudanese-as well as to the memory of Rwandan victims of his crimes", Inkingi said in a statement.
On the list of accusations that have been rejected by officials in Kigali includes assassinations and mass killings.
"Karenzi Karake directed the military assault conducted against Kibeho IDP (internally displaced people) camps that killed 8.000 displaced persons on April 22, 1995", Inkingi claims.
Kibeho camp was located in Gikongoro province - southern Rwanda - where several civilians gathered as the country was just recovering from the Genocide. Aid groups on the ground claimed hundreds of civilians were attacked by soldiers but have not identified which group exactly.
Gen. Karake is also accused of masterminding the assassination of numerous politicians at a time when he was RPF liaison officer on an Organisation of African Unity (OAU) military observatory in Rwanda (GOMU) during 1992-94.
The team had been put in place by OAU, to monitor the implementation of the Cease-fire between the Rwandan governmental army and the then RPF rebel force.
Inkingi details names of former politicians that died mysteriously but available information indicates that the government of late President Juvenal Habyarimana was to blame for most of the deaths.
Rwanda envoy to the UN - Prof. Joseph Nsengimana told the BBC great lakes service yesterday evening that those raising the allegations had simply run out of ideas to complain about.
"The whole world and the diplomats at the UN, the Sudanese government and people of Darfur have appreciated the role that our troops in Darfur have played", Amb. Nsengimana said.
"Why can't these people develop in their thinking because they seem to be out of touch with the way Rwanda is changing?"
The Netherlands-based Ikingi opposition group accuses Gen. Karake of alleged mass killings of civilian refugees in D R Congo describing him as a "notorious Rwandan war criminal".
"Karenzi Karake supervised the mass killing of hundreds of thousands Rwandan refugees in former Zaire (now Democratic Republic of the Congo) in 1996-1997 as Chief of Operations during the military campaign that aimed at destroying refugee camps", Ikingi President Dr. Jean-Baptiste Mberabahizi said yesterday.
"He was directly responsible of the killing of hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians in the name of combating the insurgents allegedly operating in that area from 1998 to 2000".
Rwanda has about 3.000 soldiers and police in Sudan and all are planned to be incorporated into the newly agreed hybrid force of 22,000. But the police officers are in Khartoum. Rwanda also recently promised AU chief Omar Konare that it would increase its force numbers in the troubled Darfur region.
14 August 2007
Kigali
Last week, the UN and the African Union endorsed the nomination of Rwandan Maj. Gen. Karenzi Karake to deputise the head of the Darfur hybrid force. Opposition groups say the General does not have clean hands to manage a peace keeping mission, RNA reports.
According to United Democratic Forces - UDF Inkingi, Gen. Karake supervised several extra judiciary executions targeting politicians and civilians in Rwanda. The group points to the period before the Genocide and after the Rwanda Patriotic front RPF rebels took over Rwanda.
"His nomination as Deputy Commander of the UN-AU force to be sent to Darfur is an insult to Africa, to Sudan as a State, and to the suffering Sudanese-as well as to the memory of Rwandan victims of his crimes", Inkingi said in a statement.
On the list of accusations that have been rejected by officials in Kigali includes assassinations and mass killings.
"Karenzi Karake directed the military assault conducted against Kibeho IDP (internally displaced people) camps that killed 8.000 displaced persons on April 22, 1995", Inkingi claims.
Kibeho camp was located in Gikongoro province - southern Rwanda - where several civilians gathered as the country was just recovering from the Genocide. Aid groups on the ground claimed hundreds of civilians were attacked by soldiers but have not identified which group exactly.
Gen. Karake is also accused of masterminding the assassination of numerous politicians at a time when he was RPF liaison officer on an Organisation of African Unity (OAU) military observatory in Rwanda (GOMU) during 1992-94.
The team had been put in place by OAU, to monitor the implementation of the Cease-fire between the Rwandan governmental army and the then RPF rebel force.
Inkingi details names of former politicians that died mysteriously but available information indicates that the government of late President Juvenal Habyarimana was to blame for most of the deaths.
Rwanda envoy to the UN - Prof. Joseph Nsengimana told the BBC great lakes service yesterday evening that those raising the allegations had simply run out of ideas to complain about.
"The whole world and the diplomats at the UN, the Sudanese government and people of Darfur have appreciated the role that our troops in Darfur have played", Amb. Nsengimana said.
"Why can't these people develop in their thinking because they seem to be out of touch with the way Rwanda is changing?"
The Netherlands-based Ikingi opposition group accuses Gen. Karake of alleged mass killings of civilian refugees in D R Congo describing him as a "notorious Rwandan war criminal".
"Karenzi Karake supervised the mass killing of hundreds of thousands Rwandan refugees in former Zaire (now Democratic Republic of the Congo) in 1996-1997 as Chief of Operations during the military campaign that aimed at destroying refugee camps", Ikingi President Dr. Jean-Baptiste Mberabahizi said yesterday.
"He was directly responsible of the killing of hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians in the name of combating the insurgents allegedly operating in that area from 1998 to 2000".
Rwanda has about 3.000 soldiers and police in Sudan and all are planned to be incorporated into the newly agreed hybrid force of 22,000. But the police officers are in Khartoum. Rwanda also recently promised AU chief Omar Konare that it would increase its force numbers in the troubled Darfur region.
12 August, 2007
Uranium Deposits Found
MISNA
10 August 2007
The first ever uranium deposits in Guinea have been found in Firawa, in the region of Kissidougou, about 600 km. from Conakry said Justin Morel Junior, minister of Information in a televised speech. The studies leading to the discovery were made by the Australian firm Murchinson United and they concern a total surface area of about 3500 square km. The search for other uranium deposits is also taking place in the region of Kankan, about 800 km. from Conakry. "In this phase the characteristics of the mineral are not well known yet. Some samples have been collected and sent to Canada and Mali to examine their composition and study the optimal method of extraction" said a manager from Murchinson. Though Guinea is rich in minerals such as diamonds, gold and iron – and it is the world’s second largest producer of bauxite – used in producing aluminum, though most people live on less than USD 1/day.
10 August 2007
The first ever uranium deposits in Guinea have been found in Firawa, in the region of Kissidougou, about 600 km. from Conakry said Justin Morel Junior, minister of Information in a televised speech. The studies leading to the discovery were made by the Australian firm Murchinson United and they concern a total surface area of about 3500 square km. The search for other uranium deposits is also taking place in the region of Kankan, about 800 km. from Conakry. "In this phase the characteristics of the mineral are not well known yet. Some samples have been collected and sent to Canada and Mali to examine their composition and study the optimal method of extraction" said a manager from Murchinson. Though Guinea is rich in minerals such as diamonds, gold and iron – and it is the world’s second largest producer of bauxite – used in producing aluminum, though most people live on less than USD 1/day.
The Defense Has No Link With A Person Accused of Influencing a Witness
Hirondelle News Agency
10 August 2007
The defense of the former politician Joseph Nzirorera does not have any connection with an individual accused in Rwanda of having influenced a witness for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), it declared Friday.
The Rwandan daily newspaper The New Times had reported in its 7 August edition that a certain Elias Kanyabitaro had appeared before a court in the north of the country accused of having paid money to Immaculée Uwayezu, who would have been called in the trial of Nzirorera, presently ongoing before the ICTR.
Former secretary-general of the former ruling party in Rwanda, Nzirorera is being tried with two of his party colleagues, Mathieu Ngirumpatse, the president, and Edouard Karemera, the vice-president.
"No one on our defence team has ever heard of Elias Kanyabitaro", reacted Nzirorera’s lead counsel, Peter Robinson (United States), in an email addressed to the Hirondelle News Agency.
"The person he is alleged to have corrupted, Immaculee Uwayezu, has never been a witness in Nzirorera's case. We have never heard of her either", continued Robinson.
The American lawyer "would appreciate it if you would make that known so that our defence team is not unfairly associated with these events".
Kanyarutaro rejected all the allegations against him. The verdict will be rendered on 31 August.
10 August 2007
The defense of the former politician Joseph Nzirorera does not have any connection with an individual accused in Rwanda of having influenced a witness for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), it declared Friday.
The Rwandan daily newspaper The New Times had reported in its 7 August edition that a certain Elias Kanyabitaro had appeared before a court in the north of the country accused of having paid money to Immaculée Uwayezu, who would have been called in the trial of Nzirorera, presently ongoing before the ICTR.
Former secretary-general of the former ruling party in Rwanda, Nzirorera is being tried with two of his party colleagues, Mathieu Ngirumpatse, the president, and Edouard Karemera, the vice-president.
"No one on our defence team has ever heard of Elias Kanyabitaro", reacted Nzirorera’s lead counsel, Peter Robinson (United States), in an email addressed to the Hirondelle News Agency.
"The person he is alleged to have corrupted, Immaculee Uwayezu, has never been a witness in Nzirorera's case. We have never heard of her either", continued Robinson.
The American lawyer "would appreciate it if you would make that known so that our defence team is not unfairly associated with these events".
Kanyarutaro rejected all the allegations against him. The verdict will be rendered on 31 August.
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