African Press Agency
17 November 2007
Reports reaching Monrovia say yet unidentified gunmen in the Liberia Agricultural Company (LAC), a rubber concession in eastern Grand Bassa County, north of the capital, Monrovia, Saturday shot dead the company’s plant manager.
The manager, a Belgian, reportedly headed a team of plantation officials to an area of the rubber concession where extension work was expected to take place soon, when the gunmen, who were lurking in the rubber trees, opened fire on them.
No arrests have yet been made, but the killing came a day after an agreement was signed between the Liberian Government and the company to expand its operations.
The opposition Liberty Party, which controls the area, has spoken out against the expansion of the plantation, as past expansions had forced locals out of their ancestral land, resulting in the wiping out of entire villages.
17 November, 2007
Georgia lifts state of emergency, sacks PM.
Herald Sun Sunday
18 November 2007
Georgia has lifted a nine-day state of emergency and President Mikhail Saakashvili is preparing to sack his prime minister ahead of presidential elections in the former Soviet state.
Mr Saakashvili also promised not to impede opposition parties in the run up to the January 5 presidential vote despite ordering police last week to violently crush anti-government protesters and then raid a strongly critical television station.
Mr Saakashvili's Western allies have been pressing him to lift the restrictions on media and demonstrations since the crackdown, when police fired rubber bullets and tear gas at opposition supporters.
An official in the presidential press service said Mr Saakashvili, after a specially-convened cabinet meeting, would remove prime minister Zurab Nogaideli and appoint a replacement.
Mr Nogaideli had said the crackdown on the opposition protests was acceptable because Georgia was simply copying methods widely used by its Western allies.
"A new prime minister will be presented tonight," said Nata Partskhaladze, an official in the presidential press service.
Observers said Mr Saakashvili was most probably switching his prime minister to show voters he was ready to inject fresh energy into his government ahead of the elections.
Diplomatic and government sources told Reuters the new prime minister would be Lado Gurgenidze, the chairman of the Bank of Georgia , the country's biggest commercial bank and the only Georgian company listed on London's stock exchange.
Mr Saakashvili swept to power in a peaceful 2003 revolution and the West had promoted him as a staunch democratic and free market reformer.
But last week's crackdown on freedom of speech shocked Mr Saakashvili's foreign allies, who said he would need to work to rebuild his democratic credentials.
18 November 2007
Georgia has lifted a nine-day state of emergency and President Mikhail Saakashvili is preparing to sack his prime minister ahead of presidential elections in the former Soviet state.
Mr Saakashvili also promised not to impede opposition parties in the run up to the January 5 presidential vote despite ordering police last week to violently crush anti-government protesters and then raid a strongly critical television station.
Mr Saakashvili's Western allies have been pressing him to lift the restrictions on media and demonstrations since the crackdown, when police fired rubber bullets and tear gas at opposition supporters.
An official in the presidential press service said Mr Saakashvili, after a specially-convened cabinet meeting, would remove prime minister Zurab Nogaideli and appoint a replacement.
Mr Nogaideli had said the crackdown on the opposition protests was acceptable because Georgia was simply copying methods widely used by its Western allies.
"A new prime minister will be presented tonight," said Nata Partskhaladze, an official in the presidential press service.
Observers said Mr Saakashvili was most probably switching his prime minister to show voters he was ready to inject fresh energy into his government ahead of the elections.
Diplomatic and government sources told Reuters the new prime minister would be Lado Gurgenidze, the chairman of the Bank of Georgia , the country's biggest commercial bank and the only Georgian company listed on London's stock exchange.
Mr Saakashvili swept to power in a peaceful 2003 revolution and the West had promoted him as a staunch democratic and free market reformer.
But last week's crackdown on freedom of speech shocked Mr Saakashvili's foreign allies, who said he would need to work to rebuild his democratic credentials.
Mr. Putin's wife may run for president.
Herald Sun Sunday
18 November 2007
A Russian women's movement has urged President Vladimir Putin's wife Lyudmila to run for the presidency next year when her husband steps down but some politicians said they believed the move was a stunt, a newspaper reported on Saturday.
Russia's media-shy first lady has never shown any political ambition, but the idea is the latest in a series of proposals put forward by the popular Russian President's supporters to preserve his influence after his second term ends.
A movement based on Russia's Pacific coast, called the Women of Vladivostok, appealed to the first lady to follow the example of Argentina, where Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner was elected last month as President from her husband Nestor.
A separate informal movement whose slogan is “Za Putina” - “For Putin” - has in the past few weeks staged rallies across the country urging Mr Putin to stay on in some capacity.
Mr Putin's critics say the rallies are not spontaneous but stage-managed by officials.
Kommersant quoted regional politicians in Vladivostok as saying they believed the campaign to elect the first lady was a publicity stunt by the Women of Vladivistok group, which is running in a local election next month.
“Lyudmila is an ideal wife and is also socially very active,” Kommersant newspaper quoted the movement as saying in an open letter.
“She represents our country with dignity during the President's trips abroad. De facto, she is already an experienced politician,” it said.
The movement said Lyudmila's election would give Russians the best guarantee of political continuity and prolonged economic stability.
Russia's constitution bars a president from serving more than two consecutive terms.
Mr Putin says he will respect that and step aside for a new president.
He has said he will retain influence, but has not disclosed in what capacity.
Opinion polls show most Russians would be ready to support whichever candidate for the presidency Mr Putin endorses.
But Lyudmila, a former schoolteacher and mother of two girls, has so far never featured in any mainstream poll.
Mr Putin has said he may consider becoming prime minister after March 2008.
He is also running in a December 2 parliamentary election and some analysts say he may seek to make Parliament his new power base.
18 November 2007
A Russian women's movement has urged President Vladimir Putin's wife Lyudmila to run for the presidency next year when her husband steps down but some politicians said they believed the move was a stunt, a newspaper reported on Saturday.
Russia's media-shy first lady has never shown any political ambition, but the idea is the latest in a series of proposals put forward by the popular Russian President's supporters to preserve his influence after his second term ends.
A movement based on Russia's Pacific coast, called the Women of Vladivostok, appealed to the first lady to follow the example of Argentina, where Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner was elected last month as President from her husband Nestor.
A separate informal movement whose slogan is “Za Putina” - “For Putin” - has in the past few weeks staged rallies across the country urging Mr Putin to stay on in some capacity.
Mr Putin's critics say the rallies are not spontaneous but stage-managed by officials.
Kommersant quoted regional politicians in Vladivostok as saying they believed the campaign to elect the first lady was a publicity stunt by the Women of Vladivistok group, which is running in a local election next month.
“Lyudmila is an ideal wife and is also socially very active,” Kommersant newspaper quoted the movement as saying in an open letter.
“She represents our country with dignity during the President's trips abroad. De facto, she is already an experienced politician,” it said.
The movement said Lyudmila's election would give Russians the best guarantee of political continuity and prolonged economic stability.
Russia's constitution bars a president from serving more than two consecutive terms.
Mr Putin says he will respect that and step aside for a new president.
He has said he will retain influence, but has not disclosed in what capacity.
Opinion polls show most Russians would be ready to support whichever candidate for the presidency Mr Putin endorses.
But Lyudmila, a former schoolteacher and mother of two girls, has so far never featured in any mainstream poll.
Mr Putin has said he may consider becoming prime minister after March 2008.
He is also running in a December 2 parliamentary election and some analysts say he may seek to make Parliament his new power base.
Government Denounces, 'International Conspiracy.'
MISNA
16 November 2007
The Bolivian government says it is the target of an ‘international conspiracy’ involving the former Spanish prime minister José Maria Aznar and USAID, which has been expelled from the country. The minister of the presidency Juan Ramon Quintana said he has proof that the ‘Partido Popular’ (PP) formerly led by Aznar has been financing districts where the ‘yes’ vote on the referendum in 2006 for autonomy prevailed; indeed, the eastern and wealthier districts of Santa Cruz, Tarija, Beni and Pando controlled by the opposition – also known as the ‘Medialuna’ – favored secession from the central authorities. Quintana also accused USAID of having financed the minority, which has engaged in a bitter rivalry with the president of Bolivia, Evo Morales Aima: “Let the expulsion of USAIDS not surprise you. In the next few days we shall denounce the entire plot, facts in hand”.
Quintana holds that USAID is actively influencing media and opinion polls. Morales said that there was an “evident conspiracy” against the Bolivian government at the Ibero-American Summit in Santiago del Chile; on that occasion Morales showed a picture showing the US ambassador to Bolivia, Philip Goldberg, along with a Colombian citizen, John Jairo Banegas, whom some sources identified as a right wing paramilitary and a businessman from Santa Cruz.
The minister Alfredo Rada has asked for an explanation from the White House, adding that Goldberg would be called to meet the ministry of foreign affairs to shed light on the matter. Meanwhile, Morales, expressed concern over the scarcity of various foods, which are experiencing sharp price increases, and blaming various business sectors: “the oligarchy has started an economic war” said Morales, noting the scarcity of flour and high bread prices. He noted this is a scenario “similar to what Chile suffered when imperialism and oligarchy hid first need products to create a bad situation scarcity and overthrow Salvador Allende”
16 November 2007
The Bolivian government says it is the target of an ‘international conspiracy’ involving the former Spanish prime minister José Maria Aznar and USAID, which has been expelled from the country. The minister of the presidency Juan Ramon Quintana said he has proof that the ‘Partido Popular’ (PP) formerly led by Aznar has been financing districts where the ‘yes’ vote on the referendum in 2006 for autonomy prevailed; indeed, the eastern and wealthier districts of Santa Cruz, Tarija, Beni and Pando controlled by the opposition – also known as the ‘Medialuna’ – favored secession from the central authorities. Quintana also accused USAID of having financed the minority, which has engaged in a bitter rivalry with the president of Bolivia, Evo Morales Aima: “Let the expulsion of USAIDS not surprise you. In the next few days we shall denounce the entire plot, facts in hand”.
Quintana holds that USAID is actively influencing media and opinion polls. Morales said that there was an “evident conspiracy” against the Bolivian government at the Ibero-American Summit in Santiago del Chile; on that occasion Morales showed a picture showing the US ambassador to Bolivia, Philip Goldberg, along with a Colombian citizen, John Jairo Banegas, whom some sources identified as a right wing paramilitary and a businessman from Santa Cruz.
The minister Alfredo Rada has asked for an explanation from the White House, adding that Goldberg would be called to meet the ministry of foreign affairs to shed light on the matter. Meanwhile, Morales, expressed concern over the scarcity of various foods, which are experiencing sharp price increases, and blaming various business sectors: “the oligarchy has started an economic war” said Morales, noting the scarcity of flour and high bread prices. He noted this is a scenario “similar to what Chile suffered when imperialism and oligarchy hid first need products to create a bad situation scarcity and overthrow Salvador Allende”
French navy escorting aid ships.
News 24
17 November 2007
The French navy began escorting ships carrying World Food Programme provisions to Somalia on Friday, to protect them against attacks by pirates, French Defence Minister Herve Morin said.
President Nicolas Sarkozy promised in September to provide the escort service for two months.
"This decision has been put into operation today (Friday)," Morin told reporters on a visit to the southwestern town of Pau.
He said there had been 22 attacks by pirates off the Somali coast since the beginning of the year, including two against WFP-chartered ships.
"We hope that after this gesture by France, other powers will follow suit," Morin said, adding that he had raised the issue with other European Union defence ministers.
The WFP made a new appeal last month for protection after pirates attacked one of its cargo ships off the Somali port of Brava. It had just dropped off more than 7 000 tons of food and was heading for Mombasa.
Impossible road conditions mean that 80% of UN aid for the Somali people is transported by sea - representing an irresistible target to pirates, who sell off the looted aid and often demand ransoms to release the crew.
17 November 2007
The French navy began escorting ships carrying World Food Programme provisions to Somalia on Friday, to protect them against attacks by pirates, French Defence Minister Herve Morin said.
President Nicolas Sarkozy promised in September to provide the escort service for two months.
"This decision has been put into operation today (Friday)," Morin told reporters on a visit to the southwestern town of Pau.
He said there had been 22 attacks by pirates off the Somali coast since the beginning of the year, including two against WFP-chartered ships.
"We hope that after this gesture by France, other powers will follow suit," Morin said, adding that he had raised the issue with other European Union defence ministers.
The WFP made a new appeal last month for protection after pirates attacked one of its cargo ships off the Somali port of Brava. It had just dropped off more than 7 000 tons of food and was heading for Mombasa.
Impossible road conditions mean that 80% of UN aid for the Somali people is transported by sea - representing an irresistible target to pirates, who sell off the looted aid and often demand ransoms to release the crew.
Dispute over oil law sparked feud with Somalia president: Former PM.
Garowe Online
November 16, 2007
by Yusuf Ali, Managing Editor
A months-long public dispute between interim Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf and his former Prime Minister, Prof. Ali Mohamed Gedi, started with disagreement over a proposed Petroleum Law, Gedi told Voice of America's Somali Service program yesterday.
"The biggest issues that started the dispute [with President Yusuf] included the Petroleum Law, the path to reconciliation and constitutional disagreements," the former prime minister said during the Thursday interview.
Gedi said he and President Yusuf agreed before on petroleum issues, adding: "I do not know what changed the president's mind."
The former premier introduced a controversial Petroleum Law in the Somali parliament earlier this year, but the debate over the law was postponed in September as the rift between Gedi and Yusuf grew wider. [ Full story]
If passed, a clause in the proposed Petroleum Law would automatically disqualify any exploration contract issued to foreign companies in Somalia after 1990.
That particular clause in Gedi's proposed Petroleum Law attracted criticism and opposition from many corners, including from an Australian company that signed an agreement in 2005 to explore for oil and minerals in the northern region of Puntland.
Gedi refused to accept the exploration deal Puntland signed with Range Resources, Ltd., on grounds that only the federal government has the constitutional authority to enter into agreements with foreign entities.
His refusal placed him in an odd position, with the Puntland leader Gen. Mohamud "Adde" Muse repeatedly threatening to withdraw support from the Gedi government if the federal parliament ratified the Petroleum Law.
Many believe that Gen. Muse enjoyed silent backing from President Yusuf, who ruled Puntland for six years before being elected the president of Somalia in 2004.
There are no proven oil reserves in Somalia, but exploration data collected by American and European firms during the 1980s show indicators towards the possibility of discovering oil in the country, especially in the Puntland regions.
Another key issue that surrounded the Gedi-Yusuf dispute was government finances, with the former prime minister being accused of mismanaging donor funds.
"The government's finances were managed by the ministry of finance," Gedi said during the VOA interview, adding that "90% of funds donated by the Saudi [Arabian] government were managed by the president."
He called on the Somali transitional federal government to pursue reconciliation with various opposition groups, but categorically rejected talking with individuals linked to terrorism.
"I do not believe in negotiating with terrorists, but I believe it is important to welcome Somali groups who have political issues with the government," Gedi said.
The former premier defended his track record on the reconciliation effort, stating that he met with Islamic Courts figures in Djibouti, and former Somali President Abdiqassim Salat Hassan and key clan figures in the war-torn capital Mogadishu.
Gedi was mildly optimistic about the future of the TFG. The government's transitional mandate expires in 2009, when its expected to hold nation-wide elections for a new government.
"A lot of effort is needed so that if at least 50% of the agenda is complete [by 2009], the international community and the Somali people will be satisfied that the TFG will complete the task ahead."
November 16, 2007
by Yusuf Ali, Managing Editor
A months-long public dispute between interim Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf and his former Prime Minister, Prof. Ali Mohamed Gedi, started with disagreement over a proposed Petroleum Law, Gedi told Voice of America's Somali Service program yesterday.
"The biggest issues that started the dispute [with President Yusuf] included the Petroleum Law, the path to reconciliation and constitutional disagreements," the former prime minister said during the Thursday interview.
Gedi said he and President Yusuf agreed before on petroleum issues, adding: "I do not know what changed the president's mind."
The former premier introduced a controversial Petroleum Law in the Somali parliament earlier this year, but the debate over the law was postponed in September as the rift between Gedi and Yusuf grew wider. [ Full story]
If passed, a clause in the proposed Petroleum Law would automatically disqualify any exploration contract issued to foreign companies in Somalia after 1990.
That particular clause in Gedi's proposed Petroleum Law attracted criticism and opposition from many corners, including from an Australian company that signed an agreement in 2005 to explore for oil and minerals in the northern region of Puntland.
Gedi refused to accept the exploration deal Puntland signed with Range Resources, Ltd., on grounds that only the federal government has the constitutional authority to enter into agreements with foreign entities.
His refusal placed him in an odd position, with the Puntland leader Gen. Mohamud "Adde" Muse repeatedly threatening to withdraw support from the Gedi government if the federal parliament ratified the Petroleum Law.
Many believe that Gen. Muse enjoyed silent backing from President Yusuf, who ruled Puntland for six years before being elected the president of Somalia in 2004.
There are no proven oil reserves in Somalia, but exploration data collected by American and European firms during the 1980s show indicators towards the possibility of discovering oil in the country, especially in the Puntland regions.
Another key issue that surrounded the Gedi-Yusuf dispute was government finances, with the former prime minister being accused of mismanaging donor funds.
"The government's finances were managed by the ministry of finance," Gedi said during the VOA interview, adding that "90% of funds donated by the Saudi [Arabian] government were managed by the president."
He called on the Somali transitional federal government to pursue reconciliation with various opposition groups, but categorically rejected talking with individuals linked to terrorism.
"I do not believe in negotiating with terrorists, but I believe it is important to welcome Somali groups who have political issues with the government," Gedi said.
The former premier defended his track record on the reconciliation effort, stating that he met with Islamic Courts figures in Djibouti, and former Somali President Abdiqassim Salat Hassan and key clan figures in the war-torn capital Mogadishu.
Gedi was mildly optimistic about the future of the TFG. The government's transitional mandate expires in 2009, when its expected to hold nation-wide elections for a new government.
"A lot of effort is needed so that if at least 50% of the agenda is complete [by 2009], the international community and the Somali people will be satisfied that the TFG will complete the task ahead."
Venezuela between Ballots and Bullets.
By Professor James Petras
Global Research
November 16, 2007
http://globalresearch.ca/PrintArticle.php?articleId=7338
Introduction
Venezuela's democratically elected Present Chavez faces the most serious threat since the April 11, 2002 military coup.
Violent street demonstrations by privileged middle and upper middle class university students have led to major street battles in and around the center of Caracas. More seriously, the former Minister of Defense, General Raul Isaias Baduel, who resigned in July, has made explicit calls for a military coup in a November 5th press conference which he convoked exclusively for the right and far-right mass media and political parties, while striking a posture as an 'individual' dissident.
The entire international and local private mass media has played up Baduel's speeches, press conferences along with fabricated accounts of the oppositionist student rampages, presenting them as peaceful protests for democratic rights against the government referendum scheduled for December 2, 2007.
The New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the BBC News and the Washington Post have all primed their readers for years with stories of President Chavez' 'authoritarianism'. Faced with constitutional reforms which strengthen the prospects for far-reaching political-social democratization, the US, European and Latin American media have cast pro-coup ex-military officials as 'democratic dissidents', former Chavez supporters disillusioned with his resort to 'dictatorial' powers in the run-up to and beyond the December 2, 2007 vote in the referendum on constitutional reform. Not a single major newspaper has mentioned the democratic core of the proposed reforms - the devolution of public spending and decision to local neighborhood and community councils. Once again as in Chile in 1973, the US mass media is complicit in an attempt to destroy a Latin American democracy.
Even sectors of the center-left press and parties in Latin America have reproduced right-wing propaganda. On November the self-styled 'leftist' Mexican daily La Jornada headline read 'Administrators and Students from the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) Accuse Chavez of Promoting Violence'. The article then proceeded to repeat the rightist fabrications about electoral polls, which supposedly showed the constitutional amendments facing defeat.
The United States Government, both the Republican White House and the Democrat-controlled Congress are once again overtly backing the new attempt to oust the popular-nationalist President Chavez and to defeat the highly progressive constitutional amendments.
The Referendum: Defining and Deepening the Social Transformation
The point of confrontation is the forthcoming referendum on constitutional reforms initiated by President Chavez, debated, amended and democratically voted on by the Venezuelan Congress over the past 6 months. There was widespread and open debate and criticism of specific sectors of the Constitution. The private mass media, overwhelmingly viscerally anti-Chavez and pro-White House, unanimously condemned any and all the constitutional amendments. A sector of the leadership of one of the components of the pro-Chavez coalition (PODEMOS) joined the Catholic Church hierarchy, the leading business and cattleman's association, bankers and sectors of the university and student elite to attack the proposed constitutional reforms. Exploiting to the hilt all of Venezuela's democratic freedoms (speech, assembly and press) the opposition has denigrated the referendum as 'authoritarian' even as most sectors of the opposition coalition attempted to arouse the military to intervene.
The opposition coalition of the rich and privileged fear the constitutional reforms because they will have to grant a greater share of their profits to the working class, lose their monopoly over market transactions to publicly owned firms, and see political power evolve toward local community councils and the executive branch. While the rightist and liberal media in Venezuela, Europe and the US have fabricated lurid charges about the 'authoritarian' reforms, in fact the amendments propose to deepen and extend social democracy.
A brief survey of the key constitutional amendments openly debated and approved by a majority of freely elected Venezuelan congress members gives the lie to charges of 'authoritarianism' by its critics. The amendments can be grouped according to political, economic and social changes.
The most important political change is the creation of new locally based democratic forms of political representation in which elected community and communal institutions will be allocated state revenues rather than the corrupt, patronage-infested municipal and state governments. This change toward decentralization will encourage a greater practice of direct democracy in contrast to the oligarchic tendencies embedded in the current centralized representative system.
Secondly, contrary to the fabrications of ex-General Baduel, the amendments do not 'destroy the existing constitution', since the amendments modify in greater or lesser degree only 20% of the articles of the constitution (69 out of 350).
The amendments providing for unlimited term elections is in line with the practices of many parliamentary systems, as witnessed by the five terms in office of Australian Prime Minister Howard, the half century rule of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party, the four terms of US President Franklin Roosevelt, the multi-term election of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair in the UK among others. No one ever questions their democratic credentials for multi-term executive office holding, nor should current critics selectively label Chavez as an 'authoritarian' for doing the same.
Political change increasing the presidential term of office from 6 to 7 years will neither increase or decrease presidential powers, as the opposition claims, because the separation of legislative, judicial and executive powers will continue and free elections will subject the President to periodic citizen review.
The key point of indefinite elections is that they are free elections, subject to voter preference, in which, in the case of Venezuela, the vast majority of the mass media, Catholic hierarchy, US-funded NGO's, big business associations will still wield enormous financial resources to finance opposition activity - hardly an 'authoritarian' context.
The amendment allowing the executive to declare a state of emergency and intervene in the media in the face of violent activity to overthrow the constitution is essential for safeguarding democratic institutions. In light of several authoritarian violent attempts to seize power recently by the current opposition, the amendment allows dissent but also allows democracy to defend itself against the enemies of freedom. In the lead up to the US-backed military coup of April 11, 2002, and the petroleum lockout by its senior executives which devastated the economy (a decline of 30% of GNP in 2002/2003), if the Government had possessed and utilized emergency powers, Congress and the Judiciary, the electoral process and the living standards of the Venezuelan people would have been better protected. Most notably, the Government could have intervened against the mass media aiding and abetting the violent overthrow of the democratic process, like any other democratic government. It should be clear that the amendment allowing for 'emergency powers' has a specific context and reflects concrete experiences: the current opposition parties, business federations and church hierarchies have a violent, anti-democratic history. The destabilization campaign against the current referendum and the appeals for military intervention most prominently and explicitly stated by retired General Baduel (defended by his notorious adviser-apologist, the academic-adventurer Heinz Dietrich), are a clear indication that emergency powers are absolutely necessary to send a clear message that reactionary violence will be met by the full force of the law.
The reduction of voting age from 18 to 16 will broaden the electorate, increase the number of participants in the electoral process and give young people a greater say in national politics through institutional channels. Since many workers enter the labor market at a young age and in some cases start families earlier, this amendment allows young workers to press their specific demands on employment and contingent labor contracts.
The amendment reducing the workday to 6 hours is vehemently opposed by the opposition led by the big business federation, FEDECAMARAS, but has the overwhelming support of the trade unions and workers from all sectors. It will allow for greater family time, sports, education, skill training, political education and social participation, as well as membership in the newly formed community councils. Related labor legislation and changes in property rights including a greater role for collective ownership will strengthen labor's bargaining power with capital, extending democracy to the workplace.
Finally the amendment eliminating so-called 'Central Bank autonomy' means that elected officials responsive to the voters will replace Central Bankers (frequently responsive to private bankers, overseas investors and international financial officials) in deciding public spending and monetary policy. One major consequence will be the reduction of excess reserves in devalued dollar denominated funds and an increase in financing for social and productive activity, a diversity of currency holdings and a reduction in irrational foreign borrowing and indebtedness. The fact of the matter is that the Central Bank was not 'autonomous', it was dependent on what the financial markets demanded, independent of the priorities of elected officials responding to popular needs.
As the Chavez Government Turns to Democratic Socialism: Centrists Defect and Seek Military Solutions
As Venezuela's moves from political to social transformation, from a capitalist welfare state toward democratic socialism, predictable defections and additions occur. As in most other historical experiences of social transformation, sectors of the original government coalition committed to formal institutional political changes defect when the political process moves toward greater egalitarianism and property and a power shift to the populace. Ideologues of the 'Center' regret the 'breaking' of the status quo 'consensus' between oligarchs and people (labeling the new social alignments as 'authoritarian') even as the 'Center' embraces the profoundly anti-democratic Right and appeals for military intervention.
A similar process of elite defections and increased mass support is occurring in Venezuela as the referendum, with its clear class choices, comes to the fore. Lacking confidence in their ability to defeat the constitutional amendments through the ballot, fearful of the democratic majority, resentful of the immense popular appeal of the democratically elected President Chavez, the 'Center' has joined the Right in a last ditch effort to unify extra-parliamentary forces to defeat the will of the electorate.
Emblematic of the New Right and the 'Centrist' defections is the ex-Minister of Defense, Raul Baduel, whose virulent attack on the President, the Congress, the electoral procedures and the referendum mark him as an aspirant to head up a US-backed right-wing seizure of power.
The liberal and right wing mass media and unscrupulous 'centrist' propagandists have falsely portrayed Raul Baduel as the 'savior' of Chavez following the military coup of April 2002. The fact of the matter is that Baduel intervened only after hundreds of thousands of poor Venezuelans poured down from the 'ranchos', surrounded the Presidential Palace, leading to division in the armed forces. Baduel rejected the minority of rightist military officers favoring a massive bloodbath and aligned with other military officials who opposed extreme measures against the people and the destruction of the established political order. The latter group included officials who supported Chavez' nationalist-populist policies and others, like Baduel, who opposed the coup-makers because it radicalized and polarized society - leading to a possible class-based civil war with uncertain outcome. Baduel was for the restoration of a 'chastised' Chavez who would maintain the existing socio-economic status quo.
Within the Chavez government, Baduel represented the anti-communist tendency, which pressed the President to 'reconcile' with the 'moderate democratic' right and big business. Domestically, Baduel opposed the extension of public ownership and internationally favored close collaboration with the far-right Colombian Defense Ministry.
Baduel's term of office as Defense Minister reflected his conservative propensities and his lack of competence in matters of security, especially with regard to internal security. He failed to protect Venezuela's frontiers from military incursions by Colombia's armed forces. Worse he failed to challenge Colombia's flagrant violation of international norms with regard to political exiles. While Baduel was Minister of Defense, Venezuelan landlords' armed paramilitary groups assassinated over 150 peasants active in land reform while the National Guard looked the other way. Under Baduel's watch over 120 Colombian paramilitary forces infiltrated the country. The Colombian military frequently crossed the Venezuelan border to attack Colombian refugees. Under Baduel, Venezuelan military officials collaborated in the kidnapping of Rodrigo Granda (a foreign affairs emissary of the FARC) in broad daylight in the center of Caracas. Baduel made no effort to investigate or protest this gross violation of Venezuelan sovereignty, until President Chavez was informed and intervened. Throughout Baduel's term as Minister of Defense he developed strong ties to Colombia's military intelligence (closely monitored by US Defense Intelligence Agency and the CIA) and extradited several guerrillas from both the ELN and the FARC to the hands of Colombian torturers.
At the time of his retirement as Minister of Defense, Baduel made a July 2007 speech in which he clearly targeted the leftist and Marxist currents in the trade union (UNT) and Chavez newly announced PSUV (The Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela). His speech, in the name of 'Christian socialist', was in reality a vituperative and ill-tempered anti-communist diatribe, which pleased Pope Benedict (Ratzinger).
Baduel's November 5 speech however marks his public adherence to the hard-line opposition, its rhetoric, fabrications and visions of an authoritarian reversal of Chavez program of democratic socialism. First and foremost, Badual, following the lead of the White House and the Venezuelan 'hard right', denounced the entire process of Congressional debate on the Constitutional amendments, and open electoral campaigning leading up to the referendum as 'in effect a coup d'etat'. Every expert and outside observer disagreed - even those opposed to the referendum. Baduel's purpose however was to question the legitimacy of the entire political process in order to justify his call for military intervention. His rhetoric calling the congressional debate and vote a 'fraud' and 'fraudulent procedures' point to Baduel's effort to denigrate existing representative institutions in order to justify a military coup, which would dismantle them.
Baduel's denial of political intent is laughable - since he only invited opposition media and politicians to his 'press conference' and was accompanied by several military officials. Baduel resembles the dictator who accuses the victim of the crimes he is about to commit. In calling the referendum on constitutional reform a 'coup', he incites the military to launch a coup. In an open appeal for military action he directs the military to 'reflect of the context of constitutional reform.' He repeatedly calls on military officials to 'assess carefully' the changes the elected government has proposed 'in a hasty manner and through fraudulent procedures'. While denigrating democratically elected institutions, Baduel resorts to vulgar flattery and false modesty to induce the military to revolt. While immodestly denying that he could act as spokesperson for the Armed Forces, he advised the rightist reporters present and potential military cohort that 'you cannot underrate the capacity of analysis and reasoning of the military.'
Cant, hypocrisy and disinterested posturing run through Baduel's pronouncements. His claim of being an 'apolitical' critic is belied by his intention to go on a nationwide speaking tour attacking the constitutional reforms, in meetings organized by the rightwing opposition. There is absolutely no doubt that he will not only be addressing civilian audiences but will make every effort to meet with active military officers who he might convince to 'reflect'.and plot the overthrow of the government and reverse the results of the referendum. President Chavez has every right to condemn Baduel as a traitor, though given his long-term hostility to egalitarian social transformation it may be more to the point to say that Baduel is now revealing his true colors.
The danger to Venezuelan democracy is not in Baduel as an individual - he is out of the government and retired from active military command. The real danger is his effort to arouse the active military officers with command of troops, to answer his call to action or as he cleverly puts it 'for the military to reflect on the context of the constitutional reforms.' Baduel's analysis and action program places the military as the centerpiece of politics, supreme over the 16 million voters.
His vehement defense of 'private property' in line with his call for military action is a clever tactic to unite the Generals, Bankers and the middle class in the infamous footsteps of Augusto Pinochet, the bloody Chilean tyrant.
The class polarization in the run-up to the referendum has reached its most acute expression: the remains of the multi-class coalition embracing a minority of the middle class and the great majority of the working power is disintegrating. Millions of previously apathetic or apolitical young workers, unemployed poor and low-income women (domestic workers, laundresses, single parents) are joining the huge popular demonstrations overflowing the main avenues and plazas in favor of the constitutional amendments. At the same time political defections have increased among the centrist-liberal minority in the Chavez coalition. Fourteen deputies in the National Assembly, less than 10%, mostly from PODEMOS, have joined the opposition. Reliable sources in Venezuela (Axis of Logic/Les Blough Nov. 11, 2007) report that Attorney General Beneral Isaias Rodriguez, a particularly incompetent crime fighter, and the Comptroller General Cloudosbaldo Russian are purportedly resigning and joining the opposition. More seriously, these same reports claim that the 4th Armed Division in Marcay is loyal to 'Golpista' Raul Baduel. Some suspect Baduel is using his long-term personal ties with the current Minister of Defense, Gustavo Briceno Rangel to convince him to defect and join in the pre-coup preparations. Large sums of US funding is flowing in to pay off state and local officials in cash and in promises to share in the oil booty if Chavez is ousted. The latest US political buy-out includes Governor Luis Felipe Acosta Carliz from the state of Carabobo. The mass media have repeatedly featured these new defectors to the right in their hourly 'news reports' highlighting their break with Chavez 'coup d'etat'.
The referendum is turning into an unusually virulent case of a 'class against class' war, in which the entire future of the Latin American left is at stake as well as Washington's hold on its biggest oil supplier.
Conclusion
Venezuelan democracy, the Presidency of Hugo Chavez and the great majority of the popular classes face a mortal threat. The US is facing repeated electoral defeats and is incapable of large-scale external intervention because of over-extension of its military forces in the Middle East; it is committed once more to a violent overthrow of Chavez. Venezuela through the constitutional reforms, will broaden and deepen popular democratic control over socio-economic policy. New economic sectors will be nationalized. Greater public investments and social programs will take off. Venezuela is moving inexorably toward diversifying its petrol markets, currency reserves and its political alliances. Time is running out for the White House: Washington's political levers of influence are weakening. Baduel is seen as the one best hope of igniting a military seizure, restoring the oligarchs to power and decimating the mass popular movements.
President Chavez is correctly 'evaluating the high command' and states that he 'has full confidence in the national armed forces and their components.' Yet the best guarantee is to strike hard and fast, precisely against Baduel's followers and cohorts. Rounding up a few dozen or hundred military plotters is a cheap price to pay for saving the lives of thousands of workers and activists who would be massacred in any bloody seizure of power.
History has repeatedly taught that when you put social democracy, egalitarianism and popular power at the top of the political agenda, as Chavez has done, and as the vast majority of the populace enthusiastically responds, the Right, the reactionary military, the 'Centrist' political defectors and ideologues, the White House, the hysterical middle classes and the Church cardinals will sacrifice any and all democratic freedoms to defend their property, privileges and power by whatever means and at whatever cost necessary. In the current all-pervasive confrontation between the popular classes of Venezuela and their oligarchic and military enemies, only by morally, politically and organizationally arming the people can the continuity of the democratic process of social transformation be guaranteed.
Global Research
November 16, 2007
http://globalresearch.ca/PrintArticle.php?articleId=7338
Introduction
Venezuela's democratically elected Present Chavez faces the most serious threat since the April 11, 2002 military coup.
Violent street demonstrations by privileged middle and upper middle class university students have led to major street battles in and around the center of Caracas. More seriously, the former Minister of Defense, General Raul Isaias Baduel, who resigned in July, has made explicit calls for a military coup in a November 5th press conference which he convoked exclusively for the right and far-right mass media and political parties, while striking a posture as an 'individual' dissident.
The entire international and local private mass media has played up Baduel's speeches, press conferences along with fabricated accounts of the oppositionist student rampages, presenting them as peaceful protests for democratic rights against the government referendum scheduled for December 2, 2007.
The New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the BBC News and the Washington Post have all primed their readers for years with stories of President Chavez' 'authoritarianism'. Faced with constitutional reforms which strengthen the prospects for far-reaching political-social democratization, the US, European and Latin American media have cast pro-coup ex-military officials as 'democratic dissidents', former Chavez supporters disillusioned with his resort to 'dictatorial' powers in the run-up to and beyond the December 2, 2007 vote in the referendum on constitutional reform. Not a single major newspaper has mentioned the democratic core of the proposed reforms - the devolution of public spending and decision to local neighborhood and community councils. Once again as in Chile in 1973, the US mass media is complicit in an attempt to destroy a Latin American democracy.
Even sectors of the center-left press and parties in Latin America have reproduced right-wing propaganda. On November the self-styled 'leftist' Mexican daily La Jornada headline read 'Administrators and Students from the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) Accuse Chavez of Promoting Violence'. The article then proceeded to repeat the rightist fabrications about electoral polls, which supposedly showed the constitutional amendments facing defeat.
The United States Government, both the Republican White House and the Democrat-controlled Congress are once again overtly backing the new attempt to oust the popular-nationalist President Chavez and to defeat the highly progressive constitutional amendments.
The Referendum: Defining and Deepening the Social Transformation
The point of confrontation is the forthcoming referendum on constitutional reforms initiated by President Chavez, debated, amended and democratically voted on by the Venezuelan Congress over the past 6 months. There was widespread and open debate and criticism of specific sectors of the Constitution. The private mass media, overwhelmingly viscerally anti-Chavez and pro-White House, unanimously condemned any and all the constitutional amendments. A sector of the leadership of one of the components of the pro-Chavez coalition (PODEMOS) joined the Catholic Church hierarchy, the leading business and cattleman's association, bankers and sectors of the university and student elite to attack the proposed constitutional reforms. Exploiting to the hilt all of Venezuela's democratic freedoms (speech, assembly and press) the opposition has denigrated the referendum as 'authoritarian' even as most sectors of the opposition coalition attempted to arouse the military to intervene.
The opposition coalition of the rich and privileged fear the constitutional reforms because they will have to grant a greater share of their profits to the working class, lose their monopoly over market transactions to publicly owned firms, and see political power evolve toward local community councils and the executive branch. While the rightist and liberal media in Venezuela, Europe and the US have fabricated lurid charges about the 'authoritarian' reforms, in fact the amendments propose to deepen and extend social democracy.
A brief survey of the key constitutional amendments openly debated and approved by a majority of freely elected Venezuelan congress members gives the lie to charges of 'authoritarianism' by its critics. The amendments can be grouped according to political, economic and social changes.
The most important political change is the creation of new locally based democratic forms of political representation in which elected community and communal institutions will be allocated state revenues rather than the corrupt, patronage-infested municipal and state governments. This change toward decentralization will encourage a greater practice of direct democracy in contrast to the oligarchic tendencies embedded in the current centralized representative system.
Secondly, contrary to the fabrications of ex-General Baduel, the amendments do not 'destroy the existing constitution', since the amendments modify in greater or lesser degree only 20% of the articles of the constitution (69 out of 350).
The amendments providing for unlimited term elections is in line with the practices of many parliamentary systems, as witnessed by the five terms in office of Australian Prime Minister Howard, the half century rule of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party, the four terms of US President Franklin Roosevelt, the multi-term election of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair in the UK among others. No one ever questions their democratic credentials for multi-term executive office holding, nor should current critics selectively label Chavez as an 'authoritarian' for doing the same.
Political change increasing the presidential term of office from 6 to 7 years will neither increase or decrease presidential powers, as the opposition claims, because the separation of legislative, judicial and executive powers will continue and free elections will subject the President to periodic citizen review.
The key point of indefinite elections is that they are free elections, subject to voter preference, in which, in the case of Venezuela, the vast majority of the mass media, Catholic hierarchy, US-funded NGO's, big business associations will still wield enormous financial resources to finance opposition activity - hardly an 'authoritarian' context.
The amendment allowing the executive to declare a state of emergency and intervene in the media in the face of violent activity to overthrow the constitution is essential for safeguarding democratic institutions. In light of several authoritarian violent attempts to seize power recently by the current opposition, the amendment allows dissent but also allows democracy to defend itself against the enemies of freedom. In the lead up to the US-backed military coup of April 11, 2002, and the petroleum lockout by its senior executives which devastated the economy (a decline of 30% of GNP in 2002/2003), if the Government had possessed and utilized emergency powers, Congress and the Judiciary, the electoral process and the living standards of the Venezuelan people would have been better protected. Most notably, the Government could have intervened against the mass media aiding and abetting the violent overthrow of the democratic process, like any other democratic government. It should be clear that the amendment allowing for 'emergency powers' has a specific context and reflects concrete experiences: the current opposition parties, business federations and church hierarchies have a violent, anti-democratic history. The destabilization campaign against the current referendum and the appeals for military intervention most prominently and explicitly stated by retired General Baduel (defended by his notorious adviser-apologist, the academic-adventurer Heinz Dietrich), are a clear indication that emergency powers are absolutely necessary to send a clear message that reactionary violence will be met by the full force of the law.
The reduction of voting age from 18 to 16 will broaden the electorate, increase the number of participants in the electoral process and give young people a greater say in national politics through institutional channels. Since many workers enter the labor market at a young age and in some cases start families earlier, this amendment allows young workers to press their specific demands on employment and contingent labor contracts.
The amendment reducing the workday to 6 hours is vehemently opposed by the opposition led by the big business federation, FEDECAMARAS, but has the overwhelming support of the trade unions and workers from all sectors. It will allow for greater family time, sports, education, skill training, political education and social participation, as well as membership in the newly formed community councils. Related labor legislation and changes in property rights including a greater role for collective ownership will strengthen labor's bargaining power with capital, extending democracy to the workplace.
Finally the amendment eliminating so-called 'Central Bank autonomy' means that elected officials responsive to the voters will replace Central Bankers (frequently responsive to private bankers, overseas investors and international financial officials) in deciding public spending and monetary policy. One major consequence will be the reduction of excess reserves in devalued dollar denominated funds and an increase in financing for social and productive activity, a diversity of currency holdings and a reduction in irrational foreign borrowing and indebtedness. The fact of the matter is that the Central Bank was not 'autonomous', it was dependent on what the financial markets demanded, independent of the priorities of elected officials responding to popular needs.
As the Chavez Government Turns to Democratic Socialism: Centrists Defect and Seek Military Solutions
As Venezuela's moves from political to social transformation, from a capitalist welfare state toward democratic socialism, predictable defections and additions occur. As in most other historical experiences of social transformation, sectors of the original government coalition committed to formal institutional political changes defect when the political process moves toward greater egalitarianism and property and a power shift to the populace. Ideologues of the 'Center' regret the 'breaking' of the status quo 'consensus' between oligarchs and people (labeling the new social alignments as 'authoritarian') even as the 'Center' embraces the profoundly anti-democratic Right and appeals for military intervention.
A similar process of elite defections and increased mass support is occurring in Venezuela as the referendum, with its clear class choices, comes to the fore. Lacking confidence in their ability to defeat the constitutional amendments through the ballot, fearful of the democratic majority, resentful of the immense popular appeal of the democratically elected President Chavez, the 'Center' has joined the Right in a last ditch effort to unify extra-parliamentary forces to defeat the will of the electorate.
Emblematic of the New Right and the 'Centrist' defections is the ex-Minister of Defense, Raul Baduel, whose virulent attack on the President, the Congress, the electoral procedures and the referendum mark him as an aspirant to head up a US-backed right-wing seizure of power.
The liberal and right wing mass media and unscrupulous 'centrist' propagandists have falsely portrayed Raul Baduel as the 'savior' of Chavez following the military coup of April 2002. The fact of the matter is that Baduel intervened only after hundreds of thousands of poor Venezuelans poured down from the 'ranchos', surrounded the Presidential Palace, leading to division in the armed forces. Baduel rejected the minority of rightist military officers favoring a massive bloodbath and aligned with other military officials who opposed extreme measures against the people and the destruction of the established political order. The latter group included officials who supported Chavez' nationalist-populist policies and others, like Baduel, who opposed the coup-makers because it radicalized and polarized society - leading to a possible class-based civil war with uncertain outcome. Baduel was for the restoration of a 'chastised' Chavez who would maintain the existing socio-economic status quo.
Within the Chavez government, Baduel represented the anti-communist tendency, which pressed the President to 'reconcile' with the 'moderate democratic' right and big business. Domestically, Baduel opposed the extension of public ownership and internationally favored close collaboration with the far-right Colombian Defense Ministry.
Baduel's term of office as Defense Minister reflected his conservative propensities and his lack of competence in matters of security, especially with regard to internal security. He failed to protect Venezuela's frontiers from military incursions by Colombia's armed forces. Worse he failed to challenge Colombia's flagrant violation of international norms with regard to political exiles. While Baduel was Minister of Defense, Venezuelan landlords' armed paramilitary groups assassinated over 150 peasants active in land reform while the National Guard looked the other way. Under Baduel's watch over 120 Colombian paramilitary forces infiltrated the country. The Colombian military frequently crossed the Venezuelan border to attack Colombian refugees. Under Baduel, Venezuelan military officials collaborated in the kidnapping of Rodrigo Granda (a foreign affairs emissary of the FARC) in broad daylight in the center of Caracas. Baduel made no effort to investigate or protest this gross violation of Venezuelan sovereignty, until President Chavez was informed and intervened. Throughout Baduel's term as Minister of Defense he developed strong ties to Colombia's military intelligence (closely monitored by US Defense Intelligence Agency and the CIA) and extradited several guerrillas from both the ELN and the FARC to the hands of Colombian torturers.
At the time of his retirement as Minister of Defense, Baduel made a July 2007 speech in which he clearly targeted the leftist and Marxist currents in the trade union (UNT) and Chavez newly announced PSUV (The Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela). His speech, in the name of 'Christian socialist', was in reality a vituperative and ill-tempered anti-communist diatribe, which pleased Pope Benedict (Ratzinger).
Baduel's November 5 speech however marks his public adherence to the hard-line opposition, its rhetoric, fabrications and visions of an authoritarian reversal of Chavez program of democratic socialism. First and foremost, Badual, following the lead of the White House and the Venezuelan 'hard right', denounced the entire process of Congressional debate on the Constitutional amendments, and open electoral campaigning leading up to the referendum as 'in effect a coup d'etat'. Every expert and outside observer disagreed - even those opposed to the referendum. Baduel's purpose however was to question the legitimacy of the entire political process in order to justify his call for military intervention. His rhetoric calling the congressional debate and vote a 'fraud' and 'fraudulent procedures' point to Baduel's effort to denigrate existing representative institutions in order to justify a military coup, which would dismantle them.
Baduel's denial of political intent is laughable - since he only invited opposition media and politicians to his 'press conference' and was accompanied by several military officials. Baduel resembles the dictator who accuses the victim of the crimes he is about to commit. In calling the referendum on constitutional reform a 'coup', he incites the military to launch a coup. In an open appeal for military action he directs the military to 'reflect of the context of constitutional reform.' He repeatedly calls on military officials to 'assess carefully' the changes the elected government has proposed 'in a hasty manner and through fraudulent procedures'. While denigrating democratically elected institutions, Baduel resorts to vulgar flattery and false modesty to induce the military to revolt. While immodestly denying that he could act as spokesperson for the Armed Forces, he advised the rightist reporters present and potential military cohort that 'you cannot underrate the capacity of analysis and reasoning of the military.'
Cant, hypocrisy and disinterested posturing run through Baduel's pronouncements. His claim of being an 'apolitical' critic is belied by his intention to go on a nationwide speaking tour attacking the constitutional reforms, in meetings organized by the rightwing opposition. There is absolutely no doubt that he will not only be addressing civilian audiences but will make every effort to meet with active military officers who he might convince to 'reflect'.and plot the overthrow of the government and reverse the results of the referendum. President Chavez has every right to condemn Baduel as a traitor, though given his long-term hostility to egalitarian social transformation it may be more to the point to say that Baduel is now revealing his true colors.
The danger to Venezuelan democracy is not in Baduel as an individual - he is out of the government and retired from active military command. The real danger is his effort to arouse the active military officers with command of troops, to answer his call to action or as he cleverly puts it 'for the military to reflect on the context of the constitutional reforms.' Baduel's analysis and action program places the military as the centerpiece of politics, supreme over the 16 million voters.
His vehement defense of 'private property' in line with his call for military action is a clever tactic to unite the Generals, Bankers and the middle class in the infamous footsteps of Augusto Pinochet, the bloody Chilean tyrant.
The class polarization in the run-up to the referendum has reached its most acute expression: the remains of the multi-class coalition embracing a minority of the middle class and the great majority of the working power is disintegrating. Millions of previously apathetic or apolitical young workers, unemployed poor and low-income women (domestic workers, laundresses, single parents) are joining the huge popular demonstrations overflowing the main avenues and plazas in favor of the constitutional amendments. At the same time political defections have increased among the centrist-liberal minority in the Chavez coalition. Fourteen deputies in the National Assembly, less than 10%, mostly from PODEMOS, have joined the opposition. Reliable sources in Venezuela (Axis of Logic/Les Blough Nov. 11, 2007) report that Attorney General Beneral Isaias Rodriguez, a particularly incompetent crime fighter, and the Comptroller General Cloudosbaldo Russian are purportedly resigning and joining the opposition. More seriously, these same reports claim that the 4th Armed Division in Marcay is loyal to 'Golpista' Raul Baduel. Some suspect Baduel is using his long-term personal ties with the current Minister of Defense, Gustavo Briceno Rangel to convince him to defect and join in the pre-coup preparations. Large sums of US funding is flowing in to pay off state and local officials in cash and in promises to share in the oil booty if Chavez is ousted. The latest US political buy-out includes Governor Luis Felipe Acosta Carliz from the state of Carabobo. The mass media have repeatedly featured these new defectors to the right in their hourly 'news reports' highlighting their break with Chavez 'coup d'etat'.
The referendum is turning into an unusually virulent case of a 'class against class' war, in which the entire future of the Latin American left is at stake as well as Washington's hold on its biggest oil supplier.
Conclusion
Venezuelan democracy, the Presidency of Hugo Chavez and the great majority of the popular classes face a mortal threat. The US is facing repeated electoral defeats and is incapable of large-scale external intervention because of over-extension of its military forces in the Middle East; it is committed once more to a violent overthrow of Chavez. Venezuela through the constitutional reforms, will broaden and deepen popular democratic control over socio-economic policy. New economic sectors will be nationalized. Greater public investments and social programs will take off. Venezuela is moving inexorably toward diversifying its petrol markets, currency reserves and its political alliances. Time is running out for the White House: Washington's political levers of influence are weakening. Baduel is seen as the one best hope of igniting a military seizure, restoring the oligarchs to power and decimating the mass popular movements.
President Chavez is correctly 'evaluating the high command' and states that he 'has full confidence in the national armed forces and their components.' Yet the best guarantee is to strike hard and fast, precisely against Baduel's followers and cohorts. Rounding up a few dozen or hundred military plotters is a cheap price to pay for saving the lives of thousands of workers and activists who would be massacred in any bloody seizure of power.
History has repeatedly taught that when you put social democracy, egalitarianism and popular power at the top of the political agenda, as Chavez has done, and as the vast majority of the populace enthusiastically responds, the Right, the reactionary military, the 'Centrist' political defectors and ideologues, the White House, the hysterical middle classes and the Church cardinals will sacrifice any and all democratic freedoms to defend their property, privileges and power by whatever means and at whatever cost necessary. In the current all-pervasive confrontation between the popular classes of Venezuela and their oligarchic and military enemies, only by morally, politically and organizationally arming the people can the continuity of the democratic process of social transformation be guaranteed.
Rwanda Sets Up a Tracking Team for Persons Accused of Genocide.
Hirondelle News Agency
16 November 2007
Gathered in council of ministers Wednesday, the Rwandan government decided to create a team charged with tracking persons accused of genocide at large in other countries, reported an official source Friday.
The team is made up of 4 members of the prosecution and of three members of the national police, indicates an official statement in Kinyarwanda consulted on the official website of the Rwandan government.
The council of ministers also set up a commission in charge of the "transfer of cases and end of work" of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
The prosecutor general of the republic is the president of the commission while the secretary-general at the ministry of Justice is the vice-president.
It also includes the secretary-general of the ministry of foreign affairs, of the ministry of the Interior and of the Supreme Court.
The ICTR prosecutor, Hassan Bubacar Jallow, plans, if the judges authorize it, to transfer to Rwandan courts three accused already in the custody of the ICTR and another who is still at large. According to the press service of the prosecutor, 14 persons are still at large. At the ICTR, a tracking team is responsible, since the beginning, of the search for fugitives.
The ICTR, which must finish by the end of next year its first instance trials, is constrained to transfer certain cases to national courts, including those in Rwanda.
16 November 2007
Gathered in council of ministers Wednesday, the Rwandan government decided to create a team charged with tracking persons accused of genocide at large in other countries, reported an official source Friday.
The team is made up of 4 members of the prosecution and of three members of the national police, indicates an official statement in Kinyarwanda consulted on the official website of the Rwandan government.
The council of ministers also set up a commission in charge of the "transfer of cases and end of work" of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
The prosecutor general of the republic is the president of the commission while the secretary-general at the ministry of Justice is the vice-president.
It also includes the secretary-general of the ministry of foreign affairs, of the ministry of the Interior and of the Supreme Court.
The ICTR prosecutor, Hassan Bubacar Jallow, plans, if the judges authorize it, to transfer to Rwandan courts three accused already in the custody of the ICTR and another who is still at large. According to the press service of the prosecutor, 14 persons are still at large. At the ICTR, a tracking team is responsible, since the beginning, of the search for fugitives.
The ICTR, which must finish by the end of next year its first instance trials, is constrained to transfer certain cases to national courts, including those in Rwanda.
THE STUDY MISSION ON THE FUTURE OF THE ICTR ARCHIVES IS IN ARUSHA.
Hirondelle News Agency
16 November 2007
Two lawyers responsible for examining the future and the future use of the archives of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) have been in Arusha since the beginning of the week and should then go to Rwanda.
The Tanzanian Judge Mohamed Chande Othman, judge of the Supreme Court of Tanzania, former chief Prosecutor for the transitory administration of the United Nations in Timor-Leste, and Saliou Mbaye, former director of public records in Senegal, have met all week with various officials of the ICTR archives. They will also stay next week in Arusha.
In addition to the written documents, motions, decisions, judgments, transcripts, the ICTR ensures since September 2000 the audio-visual recording of the proceedings. Several tens of thousands of hours of recording have thus been stored. They are currently stored in refrigerated containers.
The future of these documents is the subject of a study requested by the registrars of the two tribunals and entrusted to a commission presided by South African Judge Richard Goldstone, former ICTY and the ICTR prosecutor. Designated on 8 October, this commission must, by April 2008, propose to the United Nations Security Council solutions for conservation, management and the rules of consultation.
These archives have already been claimed by Rwanda, which considers that it concerns their historical heritage. This request was denounced by historians, including Belgian Filip Reytjens, and worries lawyers of the tribunal. The archives indeed contain the entirety of witness testimonies, under protection and their identities. Many witnesses, whether for the defence or the prosecution, agreed to testify under condition that their anonymity was preserved. Strict limitations are thus awaited for the consultation of these archives.
Within the framework of the completion strategy of the tribunal, the first instance trials must be completed by the end of 2008, several trials should, however, be prolonged. The trials in appeal will proceed in The Hague until 2010. From this date, the archives should be entrusted to an institution created for this purpose by the United Nations. The government of the Netherlands has already proposed to host them in a building which could be built for this purpose in The Hague.
16 November 2007
Two lawyers responsible for examining the future and the future use of the archives of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) have been in Arusha since the beginning of the week and should then go to Rwanda.
The Tanzanian Judge Mohamed Chande Othman, judge of the Supreme Court of Tanzania, former chief Prosecutor for the transitory administration of the United Nations in Timor-Leste, and Saliou Mbaye, former director of public records in Senegal, have met all week with various officials of the ICTR archives. They will also stay next week in Arusha.
In addition to the written documents, motions, decisions, judgments, transcripts, the ICTR ensures since September 2000 the audio-visual recording of the proceedings. Several tens of thousands of hours of recording have thus been stored. They are currently stored in refrigerated containers.
The future of these documents is the subject of a study requested by the registrars of the two tribunals and entrusted to a commission presided by South African Judge Richard Goldstone, former ICTY and the ICTR prosecutor. Designated on 8 October, this commission must, by April 2008, propose to the United Nations Security Council solutions for conservation, management and the rules of consultation.
These archives have already been claimed by Rwanda, which considers that it concerns their historical heritage. This request was denounced by historians, including Belgian Filip Reytjens, and worries lawyers of the tribunal. The archives indeed contain the entirety of witness testimonies, under protection and their identities. Many witnesses, whether for the defence or the prosecution, agreed to testify under condition that their anonymity was preserved. Strict limitations are thus awaited for the consultation of these archives.
Within the framework of the completion strategy of the tribunal, the first instance trials must be completed by the end of 2008, several trials should, however, be prolonged. The trials in appeal will proceed in The Hague until 2010. From this date, the archives should be entrusted to an institution created for this purpose by the United Nations. The government of the Netherlands has already proposed to host them in a building which could be built for this purpose in The Hague.
US bolsters platforms to defend Iraq's oil.
Daily Telegraph
By Damien McElroy
17 November 2007
The US-led coalition is building a permanent security base on Iraq's oil pumping platforms in the Gulf to act as the "nerve centre" of efforts to protect the country's most vital strategic asset.
Work on the Tactical Operations Centre on the Khawr al-Amaya terminal should be finished early next month.
The bulk of security planning and co-ordination at the head of the Gulf will then shift from frigates and patrol boats to the platforms of the terminal. The sound of saws and a blaze of welding arcs accompanied construction of a tower of modified shipping containers, the hub of the multi-million pound project, designed to give early warning of hostile action by Iran or al-Qa'eda.
Built by British engineers in the 1950s, the terminal is undergoing extensive renovations to upgrade its defences. "We don't state the exact threat but you can be sure this is part of a layered defence that marks a significant step forward in the maritime security around the platforms," said Cdre Keith Winstanley, the commander of UK maritime operations in the Gulf.
Khawr al-Amaya and its larger neighbour, al-Basra terminal, are vital but fragile outposts of the world economy, boasting a loading capacity close to 10 per cent of global daily supply.
The terminals not only carry the burden of financing the reconstruction of Iraq but those responsible for security acknowledge that a successful attack here would dash any prospect of petrol falling below £1 a litre on British forecourts.
advertisementA terrorist attack almost succeeded in reaching the terminals in 2004 and al-Qa'eda has declared Gulf oil facilities a top target. To shield the platforms, Argyll, a Type 23 frigate, and the Australian frigate Anzac cruise at four knots within a two-mile exclusion zone.
Thwarting al-Qa'eda means unauthorised vessels face a series of challenges from patrol boats. Royal Marine Commandos provide boarding parties on oil tankers queuing to get alongside the terminals.
The task is complicated by Iran's aggressive presence, which has made the Gulf the most contested waterway in the world. By seizing a half-sunk crane on the boundary of Iraqi and Iranian territorial waters, Teheran has created a quandary for the Royal Navy. Patrols rate it as a legitimate target of interest but do not want to make it a flashpoint of war.
When a Royal Navy Lynx helicopter, bristling with missiles and cannon, levels off over the bright yellow crane, the only device aimed below is a digital camera's telephoto lens. From the decks of Argyll, the crane is a tiny shadow in the distance that could be obliterated with the flick of a finger.
"This is the eyes-on part of the job," said Flt Cdr David Gillett, the photographer on the Lynx. "It's a curious daily task of us watching them, watching us. We think of it as providing a visual deterrent." A detachment of Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) occupies the crane, granting Teheran a valuable surveillance point just yards from Iraq's only oil pumping platforms.
Iran's seizure of 15 sailors and Royal Marines in March casts a long shadow over the operations around the terminals. The party was captured without firing a shot when the IRGC exploited a gap in air cover.
Fast American coastguard gunboats reinforce coalition firepower within the zone and increasingly newly trained Iraqi navy and marines are sent to intercept ships entering the area.In waters teeming with tankers, cargo vessels and fishing dhows, binoculars can trump land-based radar on which Argyll barely stands out from the crowd.
Lt David Jones, Argyll's weapons officer, admitted a frailty that the Iranians on the crane are positioned to exploit.
"This frigate has the profile of a fishing boat," he said. "We're one of the smallest things out here. A missile is much more likely to find an oil tanker to target but because of that there are potentially situations where we would be left standing, watching a missile go past us."
By Damien McElroy
17 November 2007
The US-led coalition is building a permanent security base on Iraq's oil pumping platforms in the Gulf to act as the "nerve centre" of efforts to protect the country's most vital strategic asset.
Work on the Tactical Operations Centre on the Khawr al-Amaya terminal should be finished early next month.
The bulk of security planning and co-ordination at the head of the Gulf will then shift from frigates and patrol boats to the platforms of the terminal. The sound of saws and a blaze of welding arcs accompanied construction of a tower of modified shipping containers, the hub of the multi-million pound project, designed to give early warning of hostile action by Iran or al-Qa'eda.
Built by British engineers in the 1950s, the terminal is undergoing extensive renovations to upgrade its defences. "We don't state the exact threat but you can be sure this is part of a layered defence that marks a significant step forward in the maritime security around the platforms," said Cdre Keith Winstanley, the commander of UK maritime operations in the Gulf.
Khawr al-Amaya and its larger neighbour, al-Basra terminal, are vital but fragile outposts of the world economy, boasting a loading capacity close to 10 per cent of global daily supply.
The terminals not only carry the burden of financing the reconstruction of Iraq but those responsible for security acknowledge that a successful attack here would dash any prospect of petrol falling below £1 a litre on British forecourts.
advertisementA terrorist attack almost succeeded in reaching the terminals in 2004 and al-Qa'eda has declared Gulf oil facilities a top target. To shield the platforms, Argyll, a Type 23 frigate, and the Australian frigate Anzac cruise at four knots within a two-mile exclusion zone.
Thwarting al-Qa'eda means unauthorised vessels face a series of challenges from patrol boats. Royal Marine Commandos provide boarding parties on oil tankers queuing to get alongside the terminals.
The task is complicated by Iran's aggressive presence, which has made the Gulf the most contested waterway in the world. By seizing a half-sunk crane on the boundary of Iraqi and Iranian territorial waters, Teheran has created a quandary for the Royal Navy. Patrols rate it as a legitimate target of interest but do not want to make it a flashpoint of war.
When a Royal Navy Lynx helicopter, bristling with missiles and cannon, levels off over the bright yellow crane, the only device aimed below is a digital camera's telephoto lens. From the decks of Argyll, the crane is a tiny shadow in the distance that could be obliterated with the flick of a finger.
"This is the eyes-on part of the job," said Flt Cdr David Gillett, the photographer on the Lynx. "It's a curious daily task of us watching them, watching us. We think of it as providing a visual deterrent." A detachment of Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) occupies the crane, granting Teheran a valuable surveillance point just yards from Iraq's only oil pumping platforms.
Iran's seizure of 15 sailors and Royal Marines in March casts a long shadow over the operations around the terminals. The party was captured without firing a shot when the IRGC exploited a gap in air cover.
Fast American coastguard gunboats reinforce coalition firepower within the zone and increasingly newly trained Iraqi navy and marines are sent to intercept ships entering the area.In waters teeming with tankers, cargo vessels and fishing dhows, binoculars can trump land-based radar on which Argyll barely stands out from the crowd.
Lt David Jones, Argyll's weapons officer, admitted a frailty that the Iranians on the crane are positioned to exploit.
"This frigate has the profile of a fishing boat," he said. "We're one of the smallest things out here. A missile is much more likely to find an oil tanker to target but because of that there are potentially situations where we would be left standing, watching a missile go past us."
Russia abandons key Cold War arms treaty.
AFP
by Nick Coleman
16 November 2007
The Russian senate voted Friday to suspend compliance with a key Cold War treaty limiting conventional military forces across Europe, drawing renewed Western criticism.
The unanimous vote in the upper house Federation Council followed last week's decision in the lower house of parliament, the State Duma, to freeze Moscow's participation in the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty from December 12.
The 1990 CFE treaty places strict limitations on the deployment of tanks and other military hardware across Europe.
President Vladimir Putin ordered the moratorium on July 13 amid a row over US plans to install an anti-missile shield in eastern Europe.
In a statement, the Federation Council said Russia had been forced to look at suspending the treaty "for as long as all the countries of NATO have not ratified" an adapted version of the accord.
General Yury Baluyevsky, Russia's chief of the general staff, said the move was "the correct, logical step from the political and military point of view," ITAR-TASS news agency reported.
Responding to Friday's vote the Western military alliance NATO reiterated earlier criticism it had made.
"Any measure which takes forward the process by which Russia would unilaterally withdraw from the treaty is regrettable," said NATO spokesman James Appathurai.
The state-run RIA Novosti news agency said Russia could still return to the CFE if Putin reversed parliament's decision.
But a NATO diplomat, requesting anonymity, questioned what Russia meant by suspending the treaty, saying it contained no provision for suspension and that Moscow was intentionally muddying the waters.
"Russia's decision to use the term 'suspension' only adds an element of doubt," he said.
"Does this mean the CFE treaty is dead? Nothing is clear. It's an ambiguous situation that could satisfy both parties," he said.
The treaty's demise highlights deteriorating relations between Moscow and countries of the Atlantic alliance as Putin's administration pushes to reassert Russia on the international stage.
"This will be an indicator of Russia's seriousness in its uncompromising stand on ensuring its defensive capabilities, including in answer to US plans to put anti-missile defences in eastern Europe," State Duma deputy Leonid Slutsky told ITAR-TASS.
Last week Deputy Defence Minister Alexander Kolmakov said that plans were being considered for boosting troop deployments on the western flank, something impossible under the CFE.
This is not the first indication of a return to Cold War-style tensions.
Russia has also this year renewed long-distance strategic bomber patrols, threatened to retarget nuclear missiles at European cities, and to withdraw from other bedrock disarmament treaties.
Moscow says the CFE is not working because an updated version agreed on in 1999 has been ratified by Russia, but not by NATO countries.
NATO members, led by the United States, say they cannot ratify the pact because of Russia's military presence in ex-Soviet Georgia and Moldova.
But for NATO, Appathurai stressed: "NATO countries want to see the adapted treaty enter into force as soon as possible."
Although Russia this week handed over a third Soviet-era base to the pro-Western Georgian authorities, there is controversy over a fourth.
Although Russia says that the base has been decommissioned, Georgian officials are unable to inspect the facility because it is in the Russian-backed separatist Abkhazia region.
Adding to the tension is the growing unease in the West with wide-ranging limitations imposed by Putin on democratic reforms and what critics call Russia's aggressive use of massive energy resources.
Moscow accuses Washington of interfering in Russia's backyard and attempting to rule the world as the sole superpower.
Speaking about the decision to quit the CFE, Baluyevsky said: "The US and NATO political leadership hoped that Russia would flinch at the last moment and not take the decision about introducing a moratorium," RIA Novosti reported.
by Nick Coleman
16 November 2007
The Russian senate voted Friday to suspend compliance with a key Cold War treaty limiting conventional military forces across Europe, drawing renewed Western criticism.
The unanimous vote in the upper house Federation Council followed last week's decision in the lower house of parliament, the State Duma, to freeze Moscow's participation in the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty from December 12.
The 1990 CFE treaty places strict limitations on the deployment of tanks and other military hardware across Europe.
President Vladimir Putin ordered the moratorium on July 13 amid a row over US plans to install an anti-missile shield in eastern Europe.
In a statement, the Federation Council said Russia had been forced to look at suspending the treaty "for as long as all the countries of NATO have not ratified" an adapted version of the accord.
General Yury Baluyevsky, Russia's chief of the general staff, said the move was "the correct, logical step from the political and military point of view," ITAR-TASS news agency reported.
Responding to Friday's vote the Western military alliance NATO reiterated earlier criticism it had made.
"Any measure which takes forward the process by which Russia would unilaterally withdraw from the treaty is regrettable," said NATO spokesman James Appathurai.
The state-run RIA Novosti news agency said Russia could still return to the CFE if Putin reversed parliament's decision.
But a NATO diplomat, requesting anonymity, questioned what Russia meant by suspending the treaty, saying it contained no provision for suspension and that Moscow was intentionally muddying the waters.
"Russia's decision to use the term 'suspension' only adds an element of doubt," he said.
"Does this mean the CFE treaty is dead? Nothing is clear. It's an ambiguous situation that could satisfy both parties," he said.
The treaty's demise highlights deteriorating relations between Moscow and countries of the Atlantic alliance as Putin's administration pushes to reassert Russia on the international stage.
"This will be an indicator of Russia's seriousness in its uncompromising stand on ensuring its defensive capabilities, including in answer to US plans to put anti-missile defences in eastern Europe," State Duma deputy Leonid Slutsky told ITAR-TASS.
Last week Deputy Defence Minister Alexander Kolmakov said that plans were being considered for boosting troop deployments on the western flank, something impossible under the CFE.
This is not the first indication of a return to Cold War-style tensions.
Russia has also this year renewed long-distance strategic bomber patrols, threatened to retarget nuclear missiles at European cities, and to withdraw from other bedrock disarmament treaties.
Moscow says the CFE is not working because an updated version agreed on in 1999 has been ratified by Russia, but not by NATO countries.
NATO members, led by the United States, say they cannot ratify the pact because of Russia's military presence in ex-Soviet Georgia and Moldova.
But for NATO, Appathurai stressed: "NATO countries want to see the adapted treaty enter into force as soon as possible."
Although Russia this week handed over a third Soviet-era base to the pro-Western Georgian authorities, there is controversy over a fourth.
Although Russia says that the base has been decommissioned, Georgian officials are unable to inspect the facility because it is in the Russian-backed separatist Abkhazia region.
Adding to the tension is the growing unease in the West with wide-ranging limitations imposed by Putin on democratic reforms and what critics call Russia's aggressive use of massive energy resources.
Moscow accuses Washington of interfering in Russia's backyard and attempting to rule the world as the sole superpower.
Speaking about the decision to quit the CFE, Baluyevsky said: "The US and NATO political leadership hoped that Russia would flinch at the last moment and not take the decision about introducing a moratorium," RIA Novosti reported.
Bissau stops 52 children being smuggled to Senegal.
Reuters
17 November 2007
By Alberto Dabo
Police in Guinea-Bissau have uncovered a child trafficking network which was preparing to send 52 children to Koranic schools in neighbouring Senegal, security officials in the West African country said on Friday.
Police found the children, aged between 6 and 11, during a search in the town of Bafata, 150 km (90 miles) east of the capital Bissau, following a tip-off. They were only able to catch one of the organisers as several others fled.
"A network of child traffickers which was preparing to smuggle 52 children to Koranic schools in Senegal was dismantled on Thursday at Bafata," a police official in Bissau told Reuters, asking not to be named.
Koranic schools, known as Daaras, are common in Senegal, a mostly Muslim former French colony and one of the most stable economies in West Africa. As in most of the region, they practise a peaceful, tolerant form of Sufi Islam.
Many Daaras house children from impoverished families in neighbouring countries such as Guinea-Bissau, who send their offspring away in the hope they will receive a religious education and stand more chance of making money in Senegal.
Some religious leaders, or marabouts, send the children out to beg to fund the Daaras in the belief that it will teach them humility. The children are known in the local Wolof language as talibe, from the Arabic word "talib," meaning religious student.
The U.N. children's agency UNICEF estimates that 100,000 children in Senegal are forced to beg on a daily basis, exposed to violence and missing out on basic rights such as primary education and healthcare.
Children as young as 5, dressed in ragged clothes and holding tins given to them as begging bowls, are a common sight in the traffic jams and markets of Dakar.
Many educated Senegalese disapprove of the talibe being sent out to beg. But placing children with distant cousins or outside the family to try to secure them a better future is common in West African culture, meaning the practice is tolerated.
Experts say the phenomenon is becoming increasingly exploitative and business-oriented.
The U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime says poor security and poverty create the conditions for tens of thousands of West African children and women to be trafficked each year for labour and sexual exploitation both in Africa and overseas.
The highest-profile recent case is of 103 African children aged 1-10 who were to be flown out of Chad by French humanitarian activist group Zoe's Ark, six of whose members are now charged with abduction and fraud.
Six French nationals from the group face possible sentences in Chad of five to 20 years forced labour if found guilty of trying to fly the children to Europe without authorisation. (Writing by Nick Tattersall, Editing by Pascal Fletcher)
17 November 2007
By Alberto Dabo
Police in Guinea-Bissau have uncovered a child trafficking network which was preparing to send 52 children to Koranic schools in neighbouring Senegal, security officials in the West African country said on Friday.
Police found the children, aged between 6 and 11, during a search in the town of Bafata, 150 km (90 miles) east of the capital Bissau, following a tip-off. They were only able to catch one of the organisers as several others fled.
"A network of child traffickers which was preparing to smuggle 52 children to Koranic schools in Senegal was dismantled on Thursday at Bafata," a police official in Bissau told Reuters, asking not to be named.
Koranic schools, known as Daaras, are common in Senegal, a mostly Muslim former French colony and one of the most stable economies in West Africa. As in most of the region, they practise a peaceful, tolerant form of Sufi Islam.
Many Daaras house children from impoverished families in neighbouring countries such as Guinea-Bissau, who send their offspring away in the hope they will receive a religious education and stand more chance of making money in Senegal.
Some religious leaders, or marabouts, send the children out to beg to fund the Daaras in the belief that it will teach them humility. The children are known in the local Wolof language as talibe, from the Arabic word "talib," meaning religious student.
The U.N. children's agency UNICEF estimates that 100,000 children in Senegal are forced to beg on a daily basis, exposed to violence and missing out on basic rights such as primary education and healthcare.
Children as young as 5, dressed in ragged clothes and holding tins given to them as begging bowls, are a common sight in the traffic jams and markets of Dakar.
Many educated Senegalese disapprove of the talibe being sent out to beg. But placing children with distant cousins or outside the family to try to secure them a better future is common in West African culture, meaning the practice is tolerated.
Experts say the phenomenon is becoming increasingly exploitative and business-oriented.
The U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime says poor security and poverty create the conditions for tens of thousands of West African children and women to be trafficked each year for labour and sexual exploitation both in Africa and overseas.
The highest-profile recent case is of 103 African children aged 1-10 who were to be flown out of Chad by French humanitarian activist group Zoe's Ark, six of whose members are now charged with abduction and fraud.
Six French nationals from the group face possible sentences in Chad of five to 20 years forced labour if found guilty of trying to fly the children to Europe without authorisation. (Writing by Nick Tattersall, Editing by Pascal Fletcher)
Probe into Chevron and Shell payments.
The Financial Times
By Michael Peel and Dino Mahtani in London
16 November 2007
Anti-corruption investigators are probing payments by ChevronTexaco and Royal Dutch Shell to a company owned by a powerful Nigerian politician they suspect has laundered tens of millions of dollars in British banks, property and cars.
James Ibori, who was governor of Delta State until last May, is being investigated by British and Nigerian authorities over sums he is alleged to have accumulated during his years in office.
The affidavit was drawn up in July by British police investigating corruption by foreign officials in the UK as part of a successful legal effort to restrain Mr Ibori’s assets. On Thursday, the High Court threw out an attempt by Mr Ibori to have the freezing order quashed.
The affidavit highlights a number of British bank accounts, including some at Barclays and one at Abbey National, suspected of being used by Mr Ibori or associates involved in money laundering. Barclays and Abbey declined to comment.
The document says police are examining £2.3m ($4.7m) of payments made over the past three years by ChevronTexaco and the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation into a dollar-denominated Barclays account in London held on behalf of MER Engineering, a company owned by Mr Ibori.
The affidavit says the “purportedly legitimate” payments were for the rental of two houseboats for oil workers, although it suspects the transfers were “corrupt payments rather than in exchange for legitimate services”.
Nuhu Ribadu, chairman of Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, which has worked closely with the British investigators, told the FT he was “investigating huge payments made by Shell and Chevron to MER Engineering” over the hiring of the houseboats.
Chevron confirmed it had hired two houseboats from MER, but declined to give more details. It said it believed it had complied with anti-corruption laws.
Shell said MER was on its register of approved contractors. It declined to elaborate on the amount and type of work done by MER.
NNPC said it never paid bribes. Mr Ibori and his London lawyer could not be reached for comment.
By Michael Peel and Dino Mahtani in London
16 November 2007
Anti-corruption investigators are probing payments by ChevronTexaco and Royal Dutch Shell to a company owned by a powerful Nigerian politician they suspect has laundered tens of millions of dollars in British banks, property and cars.
James Ibori, who was governor of Delta State until last May, is being investigated by British and Nigerian authorities over sums he is alleged to have accumulated during his years in office.
The affidavit was drawn up in July by British police investigating corruption by foreign officials in the UK as part of a successful legal effort to restrain Mr Ibori’s assets. On Thursday, the High Court threw out an attempt by Mr Ibori to have the freezing order quashed.
The affidavit highlights a number of British bank accounts, including some at Barclays and one at Abbey National, suspected of being used by Mr Ibori or associates involved in money laundering. Barclays and Abbey declined to comment.
The document says police are examining £2.3m ($4.7m) of payments made over the past three years by ChevronTexaco and the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation into a dollar-denominated Barclays account in London held on behalf of MER Engineering, a company owned by Mr Ibori.
The affidavit says the “purportedly legitimate” payments were for the rental of two houseboats for oil workers, although it suspects the transfers were “corrupt payments rather than in exchange for legitimate services”.
Nuhu Ribadu, chairman of Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, which has worked closely with the British investigators, told the FT he was “investigating huge payments made by Shell and Chevron to MER Engineering” over the hiring of the houseboats.
Chevron confirmed it had hired two houseboats from MER, but declined to give more details. It said it believed it had complied with anti-corruption laws.
Shell said MER was on its register of approved contractors. It declined to elaborate on the amount and type of work done by MER.
NNPC said it never paid bribes. Mr Ibori and his London lawyer could not be reached for comment.
South African appointed to head Darfur hybrid police.
UN News
16 November 2007
An assistant police commissioner from South Africa has been appointed to head the police component of the hybrid United Nations-African Union peacekeeping operation (UNAMID) being deployed to the war-torn Darfur region of Sudan early next year.
Michael J. Fryer was selected by the Chairperson of the AU Commission, in consultation with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, to become UNAMID’s Police Commissioner, the AU said today in a press release issued in Addis Ababa.
Commissioner Fryer will have responsibility for implementing all police aspects of the mandate of UNAMID, which is aiming to quell the violence and humanitarian suffering that has engulfed Darfur since 2003.
Before this appointment, he headed the South African police force’s Specialized Operation Division since September 2004 and, prior to that he was Commander of the South African Special Task Force.
More than 200,000 people have been killed and at least 2.2 million others forced to flee their homes because of continued fighting between rebels, Government forces and allied militias.
When fully deployed UNAMID is expected to have nearly 20,000 military personnel and more than 6,000 police officers and will become the largest UN peacekeeping operation.
16 November 2007
An assistant police commissioner from South Africa has been appointed to head the police component of the hybrid United Nations-African Union peacekeeping operation (UNAMID) being deployed to the war-torn Darfur region of Sudan early next year.
Michael J. Fryer was selected by the Chairperson of the AU Commission, in consultation with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, to become UNAMID’s Police Commissioner, the AU said today in a press release issued in Addis Ababa.
Commissioner Fryer will have responsibility for implementing all police aspects of the mandate of UNAMID, which is aiming to quell the violence and humanitarian suffering that has engulfed Darfur since 2003.
Before this appointment, he headed the South African police force’s Specialized Operation Division since September 2004 and, prior to that he was Commander of the South African Special Task Force.
More than 200,000 people have been killed and at least 2.2 million others forced to flee their homes because of continued fighting between rebels, Government forces and allied militias.
When fully deployed UNAMID is expected to have nearly 20,000 military personnel and more than 6,000 police officers and will become the largest UN peacekeeping operation.
Africa 'must invest in energy.'
News 24
17 November 2007
Africa requires massive investment in its failing energy sector to boost economic growth and meet its goal of halving poverty, a United States-Africa business summit heard on Friday.
Emerging economies required a 16% increase in energy to drive every 10% of gross domestic product (GDP) growth, Andrew Fawthrop, the Chevron energy company's Nigerian vice-president, told the gathering of business and political leaders in Cape Town.
He said: "That is a lot of energy that needs to be added."
The task was not an easy one, and would require a concerted African effort to attract hitherto wary investors, he said.
"It is becoming more challenging and more expensive to develop new production sources today," said Fawthrop. "There is going to be a need for ever increasing capital. Continuous adjustments in incentives to attract the capital to Africa will be needed."
The continent needs to grow its GDP by an estimated seven percent a year to meet the United Nations Millennium Development Goals of halving poverty and hunger by 2015. The projection for 2007 was about six percent.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni told the conference that Africa was utilising only about seven percent of its hydro-power generation potential.
The figure for fossil fuels was also under 10%, and perhaps even more given recent discoveries of petroleum and gas deposits, he said.
World Bank vice-president Obiageli Ezekwesili said the lack of access to energy was hampering African productivity.
"Studies show that at the factory level, Africa compares favourably in terms of productivity with India and China, but the cost of doing business kicks in and ... Africa cannot compete."
The continent needed investments of about four billion dollars a year in its energy sector to meet current and estimated levels of economic expansion.
Editor's Note: The foreign investors will need power assurances before they invest in the mining and petroleum sectors, especially large-scale projects.
17 November 2007
Africa requires massive investment in its failing energy sector to boost economic growth and meet its goal of halving poverty, a United States-Africa business summit heard on Friday.
Emerging economies required a 16% increase in energy to drive every 10% of gross domestic product (GDP) growth, Andrew Fawthrop, the Chevron energy company's Nigerian vice-president, told the gathering of business and political leaders in Cape Town.
He said: "That is a lot of energy that needs to be added."
The task was not an easy one, and would require a concerted African effort to attract hitherto wary investors, he said.
"It is becoming more challenging and more expensive to develop new production sources today," said Fawthrop. "There is going to be a need for ever increasing capital. Continuous adjustments in incentives to attract the capital to Africa will be needed."
The continent needs to grow its GDP by an estimated seven percent a year to meet the United Nations Millennium Development Goals of halving poverty and hunger by 2015. The projection for 2007 was about six percent.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni told the conference that Africa was utilising only about seven percent of its hydro-power generation potential.
The figure for fossil fuels was also under 10%, and perhaps even more given recent discoveries of petroleum and gas deposits, he said.
World Bank vice-president Obiageli Ezekwesili said the lack of access to energy was hampering African productivity.
"Studies show that at the factory level, Africa compares favourably in terms of productivity with India and China, but the cost of doing business kicks in and ... Africa cannot compete."
The continent needed investments of about four billion dollars a year in its energy sector to meet current and estimated levels of economic expansion.
Editor's Note: The foreign investors will need power assurances before they invest in the mining and petroleum sectors, especially large-scale projects.
Pres. Museveni Creates Intelligence Unit for the State House.
Daily Monitor
GRACE MATSIKO
Concerned by continued bickering between some junior and senior ministers, President Museveni has directed an intelligence unit in State House to establish the cause and gravity of the problem.
The President has asked the unit in charge of intelligence and research at State House to study the conflicts in what he regards as "problematic ministries", said an official who did not want his name disclosed citing the sensitivity of the matter.
The source said that much as the President trusts Prime Minister Apolo Nsibambi to co-ordinate government business and supervise ministers, Mr Museveni sometimes uses parallel channels to get information.
"It's the President's method of work that at times he knows more than what other people know [in their area] including ministers," the source said.
The directive follows an October 13 report in the Daily Monitor about junior ministers attacking their senior colleagues for denying them work and thus rendering them redundant. The junior ministers particularly castigated their colleagues for not delegating duties and hogging all the foreign trips. These trips are lucrative because they attract sizeable dollar allowances.
On November 4, Sunday Monitor reported that there was bad blood between Health Minister Stephen Mallinga and one of his deputies, Dr Emmanuel Otaala. The two men nearly came to blows at a weekly management meeting in mid-October.
They now disagree on just about everything in the ministry and their quarrel is hampering government work that is supposed to benefit Ugandans.
Second Deputy Prime Minister Henry Kajura said he was not aware of the President's directive.
Presidential Press Secretary Tamale Mirundi also said he knew nothing of the directive. This, however, is not the first time an intelligence unit in State House is investigating clashes within ministries.
In September, when Minister Otaala defied a directive from Dr Mallinga to surrender a second vehicle he was using in contravention of standing regulations, it was on the intervention of Prof. Nsibambi and the intelligence unit that the matter was resolved. "A call by one of the intelligence operatives to Dr Otaala saved the situation," the source said. Dr Otaala is in charge of primary healthcare. Dr Richard Nduhuura is the other junior minister in health.
He is responsible for general duties. Other ministries the President regards as embroiled in leadership wrangles include local government, lands, education, finance, health, ICT, and gender and labour.
The source said the intra-ministerial fights have been fuelled by reports of a Cabinet reshuffle to follow the Commonwealth Summit that closes in Kampala next weekend. Some of the ministers are therefore angling for advantage by, for example, playing the victim so as to attract presidential sympathy and avoid the sack.
Public presidential pronouncements have also not helped things. During the ruling NRM's retreat at the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi in August, Mr Museveni accused Local Government Minister Kahinda Otafiire and his deputy Hope Mwesigye of frustrating his plans to settle market disputes in Kampala.
Some reports indicated that the two ministers were not working in tandem.
But Gen. Otafiire, Ms Mwesigye, Dr Mallinga and Education Minister Namirembe Bitamazire said they are not aware the President has cited their ministries as having wrangles.
"If there are problems in other ministries, it is not a problem with us," Gen. Otafiire said. "There is no problem between me and Hon. Mwesigye. We work together. She is working on the beautification of the city because she understands it better as a woman and I am busy travelling from district to district and handling administrative matters. We are almost asking the President for a third minister because of much work."
Ms Bitamazire said she should be informed officially if the President has problems with her ministry. "Otherwise me and my colleagues, we work together, we don't have any problem," she said. Ms Bitamazire's deputies are Mr Peter Lokeris (primary education), MrGabriel Opio (higher education), and Mr Charles Bakkabulindi (sports).
Treating the conflict between him and Dr Otaala as confidential, Minister Mallinga said Prof. Nsibambi has called them for a meeting to resolve their differences.
"There are correspondences and we are trying to resolve the issue but this has been a busy week so we may meet after Chogm," Dr Mallinga said. State House sources say the President may want a change in Cabinet soon because he is not satisfied with the performance of some of his ministers.
Feeling frustrated by poor performance and lack of zeal to attract foreign investment and improve service delivery, Mr Museveni recently accused his ministers of being sleepy, lazy and inefficient.
The President is particularly unimpressed with the way his Cabinet has handled the boiling land issues, Chogm preparations, tendering of urban markets, foreign investment, education, and general service delivery.
Mr Museveni named the present Cabinet, which is 70-strong, shortly after his re-election early last year.
GRACE MATSIKO
Concerned by continued bickering between some junior and senior ministers, President Museveni has directed an intelligence unit in State House to establish the cause and gravity of the problem.
The President has asked the unit in charge of intelligence and research at State House to study the conflicts in what he regards as "problematic ministries", said an official who did not want his name disclosed citing the sensitivity of the matter.
The source said that much as the President trusts Prime Minister Apolo Nsibambi to co-ordinate government business and supervise ministers, Mr Museveni sometimes uses parallel channels to get information.
"It's the President's method of work that at times he knows more than what other people know [in their area] including ministers," the source said.
The directive follows an October 13 report in the Daily Monitor about junior ministers attacking their senior colleagues for denying them work and thus rendering them redundant. The junior ministers particularly castigated their colleagues for not delegating duties and hogging all the foreign trips. These trips are lucrative because they attract sizeable dollar allowances.
On November 4, Sunday Monitor reported that there was bad blood between Health Minister Stephen Mallinga and one of his deputies, Dr Emmanuel Otaala. The two men nearly came to blows at a weekly management meeting in mid-October.
They now disagree on just about everything in the ministry and their quarrel is hampering government work that is supposed to benefit Ugandans.
Second Deputy Prime Minister Henry Kajura said he was not aware of the President's directive.
Presidential Press Secretary Tamale Mirundi also said he knew nothing of the directive. This, however, is not the first time an intelligence unit in State House is investigating clashes within ministries.
In September, when Minister Otaala defied a directive from Dr Mallinga to surrender a second vehicle he was using in contravention of standing regulations, it was on the intervention of Prof. Nsibambi and the intelligence unit that the matter was resolved. "A call by one of the intelligence operatives to Dr Otaala saved the situation," the source said. Dr Otaala is in charge of primary healthcare. Dr Richard Nduhuura is the other junior minister in health.
He is responsible for general duties. Other ministries the President regards as embroiled in leadership wrangles include local government, lands, education, finance, health, ICT, and gender and labour.
The source said the intra-ministerial fights have been fuelled by reports of a Cabinet reshuffle to follow the Commonwealth Summit that closes in Kampala next weekend. Some of the ministers are therefore angling for advantage by, for example, playing the victim so as to attract presidential sympathy and avoid the sack.
Public presidential pronouncements have also not helped things. During the ruling NRM's retreat at the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi in August, Mr Museveni accused Local Government Minister Kahinda Otafiire and his deputy Hope Mwesigye of frustrating his plans to settle market disputes in Kampala.
Some reports indicated that the two ministers were not working in tandem.
But Gen. Otafiire, Ms Mwesigye, Dr Mallinga and Education Minister Namirembe Bitamazire said they are not aware the President has cited their ministries as having wrangles.
"If there are problems in other ministries, it is not a problem with us," Gen. Otafiire said. "There is no problem between me and Hon. Mwesigye. We work together. She is working on the beautification of the city because she understands it better as a woman and I am busy travelling from district to district and handling administrative matters. We are almost asking the President for a third minister because of much work."
Ms Bitamazire said she should be informed officially if the President has problems with her ministry. "Otherwise me and my colleagues, we work together, we don't have any problem," she said. Ms Bitamazire's deputies are Mr Peter Lokeris (primary education), MrGabriel Opio (higher education), and Mr Charles Bakkabulindi (sports).
Treating the conflict between him and Dr Otaala as confidential, Minister Mallinga said Prof. Nsibambi has called them for a meeting to resolve their differences.
"There are correspondences and we are trying to resolve the issue but this has been a busy week so we may meet after Chogm," Dr Mallinga said. State House sources say the President may want a change in Cabinet soon because he is not satisfied with the performance of some of his ministers.
Feeling frustrated by poor performance and lack of zeal to attract foreign investment and improve service delivery, Mr Museveni recently accused his ministers of being sleepy, lazy and inefficient.
The President is particularly unimpressed with the way his Cabinet has handled the boiling land issues, Chogm preparations, tendering of urban markets, foreign investment, education, and general service delivery.
Mr Museveni named the present Cabinet, which is 70-strong, shortly after his re-election early last year.
How US forged an alliance with Ethiopia over Invasion.
The Guardian
January 13, 2007
Suzanne Goldenberg and Xan Rice
On December 4, General John Abizaid, the commander of US forces from the Middle East through Afghanistan, arrived in Addis Ababa to meet the Ethiopian prime minister, Meles Zenawi. Officially, the trip was a courtesy call to an ally. Three weeks later, however, Ethiopian forces crossed into Somalia in a war on its Islamist rulers, and this week the US launched air strikes against suspected al-Qaida operatives believed to be hiding among the fleeing Islamist fighters.
"The meeting was just the final handshake," said a former intelligence officer familiar with the region.
Washington and Addis Ababa may deny it, but the air strikes this week exposed close intelligence and military cooperation between Ethiopia and America, fuelled by mutual concern about the rise of Islamists in the chaos of Somalia.
Yesterday, the Washington Post reported that US military personnel entered southern Somalia this week to verify who was killed in Monday's air strike. It was the first known instance of US boots on the ground in Somalia since the Black Hawk Down catastrophe, when 18 US soldiers were killed by Somali militiamen, the paper claimed.
But Pentagon officials and intelligence analysts say a small number of US special forces were on the ground before Ethiopia's intervention in an operation planned since last summer, soon after the Islamic Courts Union took control of Mogadishu. Press reports have said US special forces also accompanied the Ethiopian troops crossing into Somalia.
The main cause of delay was the weather. Mark Schroeder, Africa analyst at the intelligence consulting firm Stratfor, said the critical turning point was the end of the rain season. "While Ethiopia could move small numbers of troops and trucks as a limited intervention into Somalia, they needed to wait until the ground dried up."
Once they did move in, the troops were accompanied by US special forces, analysts say. For America, the relationship with Ethiopia provides an extra pair of eyes in a region that it fears could become an arena for al-Qaida.
"The Ethiopians are the primary suppliers of intelligence," said one analyst. However, he said, it was almost inconceivable that the US would not have sent its special forces into Somalia ahead of the Ethiopian intervention. "You are going to want to have your own people on the ground."
In return, the US is believed to have provided the Ethiopians with arms, fuel and other logistical support for a much larger intervention than it has previously mounted in Somalia.
It has also made available satellite information and intelligence from friendly Somali clans, a former intelligence officer said. America's renewed interest in the Horn of Africa dates to November 2002 when the US military established its joint taskforce in Djibouti, now the base for 1,800 troops, including special operations forces.
By then, the west had good reason to fear that Africa had become an arena for al-Qaida, and that the failed state of Somalia could become a haven for the organisation's operatives.
The bombing of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998 and the attack on an Israeli-owned hotel in Mombasa gave cause for such fears. So too did al-Qaida documents retrieved from Afghanistan that spoke of the organisation's ambitions in the region, says Bruce Hoffman, a terrorism expert at Georgetown University and the Council on Global Terrorism. "That this was a primary area of concern," he says.
In fact, says another analyst, the US was closely considering a strike on suspected al-Qaida cells in Somalia as early as 2002. That idea was abandoned.
But America's concerns came to a head last year with the rise of the Islamic Courts Union. At first, Washington's response was relatively modest. It mounted a small CIA operation, run from Nairobi, to stand up Somalia's hated warlords against the Islamists, a former intelligence official familiar with the region says.
The under-the-radar approach was necessitated by the state department's opposition to any type of military intervention in Somalia. Until the middle of last year, diplomats remained hopeful of negotiations between the Somali government and the Islamic Courts Union. That position, promoted by the state department's top official for Africa, Jendayi Frazer, put diplomats on a collision course with the Pentagon.
By last June, when the Islamists seized Mogadishu, the Pentagon appeared to have won that bureaucratic struggle. By then, the CIA operation was widely acknowledged as a disaster. Talks on peace and power-sharing between the Somali president Abdullahi Yusuf's government and Islamic courts were foundering. A Somalia analyst in Nairobi said the Islamists took most of the blame - unfairly, in his view, as the government had no intention of ever sharing power. "My guess is that a decision to wage war was taken sometime in October by Ethiopia and America. That was when people close to Yusuf appeared dead convinced that the Seventh Cavalry was going to appear. We thought it was a pipedream. It wasn't."
As the build-up to war continued, with Ethiopia sending more troops into Somalia and the Islamists moving closer to the government base in Baidoa, experts say the cooperation between Addis and Washington increased sharply.
Help from the sea was also required. Landlocked Ethiopia has no naval capacity, but the US could easily move warships from the Gulf to the Somali coast - as happened once the conflict began.
By mid-December Jendayi Frazer, the state department's top official for Africa, was echoing the message from Addis Ababa about the dangers of the Islamic Courts Union. "The top layer of the courts are extremist to the core," she said. "They are terrorists and they are in control."
Days later, the Ethiopian forces were on the move. But many believe that America's support for Ethiopia's military intervention could come back to haunt the US, and predict a flare-up of Somali nationalist feeling. Already, clan fighting is threatening to jeopardise attempts to restore stability. This week there have been at least three attacks on government forces.
There is also concern that the precipitate flight of the ICU does not necessarily signal its definitive defeat. Last night, the Ethiopian-backed Somali government forces said they had captured the last remaining stronghold at Ras Kamboni, just two miles from the Kenyan border. It may not be the last confrontation between government forces and the Islamists.
"The Islamists have not all gone away. Many we believe continue to be in Mogadishu. They buried their weapons, and buried their uniforms, and they are lying low and letting the dust settle," Mr Schroeder says.
January 13, 2007
Suzanne Goldenberg and Xan Rice
On December 4, General John Abizaid, the commander of US forces from the Middle East through Afghanistan, arrived in Addis Ababa to meet the Ethiopian prime minister, Meles Zenawi. Officially, the trip was a courtesy call to an ally. Three weeks later, however, Ethiopian forces crossed into Somalia in a war on its Islamist rulers, and this week the US launched air strikes against suspected al-Qaida operatives believed to be hiding among the fleeing Islamist fighters.
"The meeting was just the final handshake," said a former intelligence officer familiar with the region.
Washington and Addis Ababa may deny it, but the air strikes this week exposed close intelligence and military cooperation between Ethiopia and America, fuelled by mutual concern about the rise of Islamists in the chaos of Somalia.
Yesterday, the Washington Post reported that US military personnel entered southern Somalia this week to verify who was killed in Monday's air strike. It was the first known instance of US boots on the ground in Somalia since the Black Hawk Down catastrophe, when 18 US soldiers were killed by Somali militiamen, the paper claimed.
But Pentagon officials and intelligence analysts say a small number of US special forces were on the ground before Ethiopia's intervention in an operation planned since last summer, soon after the Islamic Courts Union took control of Mogadishu. Press reports have said US special forces also accompanied the Ethiopian troops crossing into Somalia.
The main cause of delay was the weather. Mark Schroeder, Africa analyst at the intelligence consulting firm Stratfor, said the critical turning point was the end of the rain season. "While Ethiopia could move small numbers of troops and trucks as a limited intervention into Somalia, they needed to wait until the ground dried up."
Once they did move in, the troops were accompanied by US special forces, analysts say. For America, the relationship with Ethiopia provides an extra pair of eyes in a region that it fears could become an arena for al-Qaida.
"The Ethiopians are the primary suppliers of intelligence," said one analyst. However, he said, it was almost inconceivable that the US would not have sent its special forces into Somalia ahead of the Ethiopian intervention. "You are going to want to have your own people on the ground."
In return, the US is believed to have provided the Ethiopians with arms, fuel and other logistical support for a much larger intervention than it has previously mounted in Somalia.
It has also made available satellite information and intelligence from friendly Somali clans, a former intelligence officer said. America's renewed interest in the Horn of Africa dates to November 2002 when the US military established its joint taskforce in Djibouti, now the base for 1,800 troops, including special operations forces.
By then, the west had good reason to fear that Africa had become an arena for al-Qaida, and that the failed state of Somalia could become a haven for the organisation's operatives.
The bombing of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998 and the attack on an Israeli-owned hotel in Mombasa gave cause for such fears. So too did al-Qaida documents retrieved from Afghanistan that spoke of the organisation's ambitions in the region, says Bruce Hoffman, a terrorism expert at Georgetown University and the Council on Global Terrorism. "That this was a primary area of concern," he says.
In fact, says another analyst, the US was closely considering a strike on suspected al-Qaida cells in Somalia as early as 2002. That idea was abandoned.
But America's concerns came to a head last year with the rise of the Islamic Courts Union. At first, Washington's response was relatively modest. It mounted a small CIA operation, run from Nairobi, to stand up Somalia's hated warlords against the Islamists, a former intelligence official familiar with the region says.
The under-the-radar approach was necessitated by the state department's opposition to any type of military intervention in Somalia. Until the middle of last year, diplomats remained hopeful of negotiations between the Somali government and the Islamic Courts Union. That position, promoted by the state department's top official for Africa, Jendayi Frazer, put diplomats on a collision course with the Pentagon.
By last June, when the Islamists seized Mogadishu, the Pentagon appeared to have won that bureaucratic struggle. By then, the CIA operation was widely acknowledged as a disaster. Talks on peace and power-sharing between the Somali president Abdullahi Yusuf's government and Islamic courts were foundering. A Somalia analyst in Nairobi said the Islamists took most of the blame - unfairly, in his view, as the government had no intention of ever sharing power. "My guess is that a decision to wage war was taken sometime in October by Ethiopia and America. That was when people close to Yusuf appeared dead convinced that the Seventh Cavalry was going to appear. We thought it was a pipedream. It wasn't."
As the build-up to war continued, with Ethiopia sending more troops into Somalia and the Islamists moving closer to the government base in Baidoa, experts say the cooperation between Addis and Washington increased sharply.
Help from the sea was also required. Landlocked Ethiopia has no naval capacity, but the US could easily move warships from the Gulf to the Somali coast - as happened once the conflict began.
By mid-December Jendayi Frazer, the state department's top official for Africa, was echoing the message from Addis Ababa about the dangers of the Islamic Courts Union. "The top layer of the courts are extremist to the core," she said. "They are terrorists and they are in control."
Days later, the Ethiopian forces were on the move. But many believe that America's support for Ethiopia's military intervention could come back to haunt the US, and predict a flare-up of Somali nationalist feeling. Already, clan fighting is threatening to jeopardise attempts to restore stability. This week there have been at least three attacks on government forces.
There is also concern that the precipitate flight of the ICU does not necessarily signal its definitive defeat. Last night, the Ethiopian-backed Somali government forces said they had captured the last remaining stronghold at Ras Kamboni, just two miles from the Kenyan border. It may not be the last confrontation between government forces and the Islamists.
"The Islamists have not all gone away. Many we believe continue to be in Mogadishu. They buried their weapons, and buried their uniforms, and they are lying low and letting the dust settle," Mr Schroeder says.
16 November, 2007
Turkish tanks advancing near borders with Iraq.
Voices Of Iraq
16 November 2007
Turkish tanks were seen advancing towards the Iraqi borders on a background of Turkish threats to raid northern Iraq to hunt down fighters of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) holed up in mountainous areas on the Iraqi side of the joint frontiers, border guards and witnesses in Duhuk said on Friday.
"More than 17 Turkish tanks drew near three kilometers from the district of Zakho, close to the Iraqi-Turkish borders," Col. Hussein Tamr told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI).
Eyewitnesses from the village of Qargula, western Zakho, said they saw Turkish tanks near the borders where their village lies on Friday morning.
The crisis on the Iraqi-Turkish borders unprecedentedly flared up recently after the PKK, or Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan in Kurdish, which is banned in Turkey, escalated operations against Turkish forces. Fighters of the PKK had killed, wounded and captured more than 40 Turkish soldiers lately.
After the PKK escalations, the Turkish government received the thumbs up from parliament to carry out a military operation against the PKK inside Iraqi Kurdistan region territories.
An official source in the Border Guard forces told VOI last week that 15 artillery shells fell on areas near the Aisel river that separates the Iraqi-Turkish borders but caused no casualties.
Warplanes, believed to be Turkish, had bombarded several village in Duhuk province, 460 km north of the Iraqi capital Baghdad.
16 November 2007
Turkish tanks were seen advancing towards the Iraqi borders on a background of Turkish threats to raid northern Iraq to hunt down fighters of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) holed up in mountainous areas on the Iraqi side of the joint frontiers, border guards and witnesses in Duhuk said on Friday.
"More than 17 Turkish tanks drew near three kilometers from the district of Zakho, close to the Iraqi-Turkish borders," Col. Hussein Tamr told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI).
Eyewitnesses from the village of Qargula, western Zakho, said they saw Turkish tanks near the borders where their village lies on Friday morning.
The crisis on the Iraqi-Turkish borders unprecedentedly flared up recently after the PKK, or Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan in Kurdish, which is banned in Turkey, escalated operations against Turkish forces. Fighters of the PKK had killed, wounded and captured more than 40 Turkish soldiers lately.
After the PKK escalations, the Turkish government received the thumbs up from parliament to carry out a military operation against the PKK inside Iraqi Kurdistan region territories.
An official source in the Border Guard forces told VOI last week that 15 artillery shells fell on areas near the Aisel river that separates the Iraqi-Turkish borders but caused no casualties.
Warplanes, believed to be Turkish, had bombarded several village in Duhuk province, 460 km north of the Iraqi capital Baghdad.
Kosovo votes ahead of independence showdown.
Associated Press
15 November 2007
The province of Kosovo holds a parliamentary election on Saturday, ahead of a showdown with Serbia over the Albanian majority's demand for independence.
Prime Minister Agim Ceku is stepping down, so the election will bring in new leadership as last-ditch negotiations between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians reach a climax.
But whoever wins, Kosovo's position will not change: voters are certain to return a government pledged to declare independence after an international trio of mediators end the talks and report to the United Nations by December 10.
Ex-guerrilla commander Hashim Thaci and his opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo enjoy a narrow lead in opinion polls, but would have to share power, possibly with the Democratic League of Kosovo of late independence icon Ibrahim Rugova.
Thaci, bidding to become prime minister, told Reuters this week it was "just a matter of setting the date" for a declaration of independence. "Kosovo and Serbia could talk for another 100 years and never agree," he said.
Serbia's ally Russia has blocked a proposal for Kosovo independence in the United Nations Security Council.
But Kosovo's 2 million Albanians are counting on the United States and Europe to recognize the last state to be carved from the old Yugoslavia. In Washington on Wednesday, the State Department's Nicholas Burns repeated that the United States backs independence supervised by a European Union mission.
The Kosovo Daily Express on Thursday quoted what it said was an internal French foreign ministry report, saying major Western powers expected a unilateral declaration of independence in February 2008.
EU mediator Wolfgang Ischinger sees no hope of agreement on status. Instead he proposes inviting Serbs and Kosovo Albanians to sign a deal that ignores the issue of independence, the Voice of America quoted him as saying in Washington earlier this week.
"It won't contain a single word about status," said Ischinger, who is due to host a further round of talks in Brussels on Tuesday.
Writing in Thursday's Wall Street Journal, outgoing Prime Minister Agim Ceku said discussion of status was "a dead end."
"Serbia can't accept that independence is inevitable; we know that independence is nothing but inevitable, and can't be compromised on or delayed," the former Kosovo guerrilla wrote.
After December 10, "Kosovo alone will declare its independence, but in an atmosphere of international satisfaction that serious negotiations have been taken as far as possible," he said.
The election for the 120-seat Kosovo parliament is the third since 1999, when NATO bombed Serbia.
Western powers leading a 16,000-strong NATO force see no prospect of returning Kosovo to Serb rule and worry that Albanian frustrations could cause violence.
The election campaign has been dominated by party pledges to tackle 60 percent unemployment, minimal foreign investment and rampant corruption -- if only statehood would come.
Reluctant to give legitimacy to a parliament threatening to declare independence, Serb leaders and the Orthodox Church have told Kosovo's 120,000 remaining Serbs to boycott the elections.
(Writing by Douglas Hamilton, Matt Robinson; editing by Elizabeth Piper, this site's editor.)
15 November 2007
The province of Kosovo holds a parliamentary election on Saturday, ahead of a showdown with Serbia over the Albanian majority's demand for independence.
Prime Minister Agim Ceku is stepping down, so the election will bring in new leadership as last-ditch negotiations between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians reach a climax.
But whoever wins, Kosovo's position will not change: voters are certain to return a government pledged to declare independence after an international trio of mediators end the talks and report to the United Nations by December 10.
Ex-guerrilla commander Hashim Thaci and his opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo enjoy a narrow lead in opinion polls, but would have to share power, possibly with the Democratic League of Kosovo of late independence icon Ibrahim Rugova.
Thaci, bidding to become prime minister, told Reuters this week it was "just a matter of setting the date" for a declaration of independence. "Kosovo and Serbia could talk for another 100 years and never agree," he said.
Serbia's ally Russia has blocked a proposal for Kosovo independence in the United Nations Security Council.
But Kosovo's 2 million Albanians are counting on the United States and Europe to recognize the last state to be carved from the old Yugoslavia. In Washington on Wednesday, the State Department's Nicholas Burns repeated that the United States backs independence supervised by a European Union mission.
The Kosovo Daily Express on Thursday quoted what it said was an internal French foreign ministry report, saying major Western powers expected a unilateral declaration of independence in February 2008.
EU mediator Wolfgang Ischinger sees no hope of agreement on status. Instead he proposes inviting Serbs and Kosovo Albanians to sign a deal that ignores the issue of independence, the Voice of America quoted him as saying in Washington earlier this week.
"It won't contain a single word about status," said Ischinger, who is due to host a further round of talks in Brussels on Tuesday.
Writing in Thursday's Wall Street Journal, outgoing Prime Minister Agim Ceku said discussion of status was "a dead end."
"Serbia can't accept that independence is inevitable; we know that independence is nothing but inevitable, and can't be compromised on or delayed," the former Kosovo guerrilla wrote.
After December 10, "Kosovo alone will declare its independence, but in an atmosphere of international satisfaction that serious negotiations have been taken as far as possible," he said.
The election for the 120-seat Kosovo parliament is the third since 1999, when NATO bombed Serbia.
Western powers leading a 16,000-strong NATO force see no prospect of returning Kosovo to Serb rule and worry that Albanian frustrations could cause violence.
The election campaign has been dominated by party pledges to tackle 60 percent unemployment, minimal foreign investment and rampant corruption -- if only statehood would come.
Reluctant to give legitimacy to a parliament threatening to declare independence, Serb leaders and the Orthodox Church have told Kosovo's 120,000 remaining Serbs to boycott the elections.
(Writing by Douglas Hamilton, Matt Robinson; editing by Elizabeth Piper, this site's editor.)
Georgia ends state of emergency.
BBC News
16 November 2007
Georgia has lifted the state of emergency it imposed nine days ago amid a wave of opposition protests.
An interior ministry spokesman said the situation was "back to normal".
The move came as President Mikhail Saakashvili announced he was replacing PM Zurab Noghaideli, and appointing Lado Gurgenidze, a banker, to the post.
Mr Saakashvili accused Russia of inciting the recent unrest to oust him. Both Moscow and the opposition in Georgia deny the allegations.
The crackdown on protests drew international criticism of the pro-Western leader who has met a key opposition demand for early elections.
Announcing the change of prime ministers, Mr Saakashvili said in a televised address: "We are putting forward new tasks that must be implemented by new people."
His new PM, the 36-year-old Mr Gurgenidze, is chairman of the private Bank of Georgia.
Opposition supporters had called on Mr Saakashvili to resign, accusing him of corruption and authoritarianism.
The protests earlier this month were the largest Georgia has seen since the "Rose Revolution" that brought Mr Saakashvili to power in 2003.
The early election has been set for 5 January.
16 November 2007
Georgia has lifted the state of emergency it imposed nine days ago amid a wave of opposition protests.
An interior ministry spokesman said the situation was "back to normal".
The move came as President Mikhail Saakashvili announced he was replacing PM Zurab Noghaideli, and appointing Lado Gurgenidze, a banker, to the post.
Mr Saakashvili accused Russia of inciting the recent unrest to oust him. Both Moscow and the opposition in Georgia deny the allegations.
The crackdown on protests drew international criticism of the pro-Western leader who has met a key opposition demand for early elections.
Announcing the change of prime ministers, Mr Saakashvili said in a televised address: "We are putting forward new tasks that must be implemented by new people."
His new PM, the 36-year-old Mr Gurgenidze, is chairman of the private Bank of Georgia.
Opposition supporters had called on Mr Saakashvili to resign, accusing him of corruption and authoritarianism.
The protests earlier this month were the largest Georgia has seen since the "Rose Revolution" that brought Mr Saakashvili to power in 2003.
The early election has been set for 5 January.
Sudatel Plans to Expand in Africa After Senegalese Investment.
Bloomberg
16 November 2007
By Rose Skelton
Nov. 16 (Bloomberg) -- Sudan Telecommunications Co. will expand in west and central Africa after investing $200 million in Senegal to become that nation's third mobile-phone operator, said Chief Executive Officer Ehmad H. Ahmed.
The Khartoum-based company, known as Sudatel, is considering investments in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Niger, Ehmad said in an interview yesterday in Senegal's capital, Dakar. Sudatel already has a license to begin operating in Mauritania.
``We are currently having discussions with the government of Nigeria,'' he said. ``We are also having discussions to join existing operators in Congo and we have launched a tender in Niger. The southern African market is saturated so we are looking at places with more avenues, like west Africa.''
Africa is the world's fastest-growing market for mobile phones. The number of subscribers may rise 40 percent this year to 278 million as operators including MTN Group Ltd., the biggest on the continent, expand their networks.
Southern Africa has the highest penetration of mobile phone usage on the continent with 66.49 subscribers out of every 100 inhabitants, followed by northern Africa at 36.82, central Africa with 9.74 and eastern Africa with 8.17 inhabitants, according to the International Telecommunication Union. West Africa has a mobile-phone penetration rate of 19.24, the ITU said in an e-mailed statement today.
Investment
Sudatel was awarded a license in September to begin operating in Senegal. It will compete with Sonatel, owned by France Telecom SA, which has a monopoly on fixed-line and Internet services, and Tigo, a unit of Luxembourg-based Millicom International Cellular SA.
The Sudanese company will provide fixed-line, mobile and Internet services to the country of 11.4 million people. Operations will start within 18 months and Sudatel will invest $500 million over the next five to 15 years in establishing its network, Ehmad said.
The company aims to cover 100 percent of the ``well- populated and commercially active'' areas of Senegal, within three years, he said.
In March 2007, Senegal had 3.5 million mobile-phone subscribers, according to research compiled by Informa, a London-based telecommunications industry research company. A quarter of Africa's 213 million subscribers live in west Africa, which has a population of 266 million people.
16 November 2007
By Rose Skelton
Nov. 16 (Bloomberg) -- Sudan Telecommunications Co. will expand in west and central Africa after investing $200 million in Senegal to become that nation's third mobile-phone operator, said Chief Executive Officer Ehmad H. Ahmed.
The Khartoum-based company, known as Sudatel, is considering investments in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Niger, Ehmad said in an interview yesterday in Senegal's capital, Dakar. Sudatel already has a license to begin operating in Mauritania.
``We are currently having discussions with the government of Nigeria,'' he said. ``We are also having discussions to join existing operators in Congo and we have launched a tender in Niger. The southern African market is saturated so we are looking at places with more avenues, like west Africa.''
Africa is the world's fastest-growing market for mobile phones. The number of subscribers may rise 40 percent this year to 278 million as operators including MTN Group Ltd., the biggest on the continent, expand their networks.
Southern Africa has the highest penetration of mobile phone usage on the continent with 66.49 subscribers out of every 100 inhabitants, followed by northern Africa at 36.82, central Africa with 9.74 and eastern Africa with 8.17 inhabitants, according to the International Telecommunication Union. West Africa has a mobile-phone penetration rate of 19.24, the ITU said in an e-mailed statement today.
Investment
Sudatel was awarded a license in September to begin operating in Senegal. It will compete with Sonatel, owned by France Telecom SA, which has a monopoly on fixed-line and Internet services, and Tigo, a unit of Luxembourg-based Millicom International Cellular SA.
The Sudanese company will provide fixed-line, mobile and Internet services to the country of 11.4 million people. Operations will start within 18 months and Sudatel will invest $500 million over the next five to 15 years in establishing its network, Ehmad said.
The company aims to cover 100 percent of the ``well- populated and commercially active'' areas of Senegal, within three years, he said.
In March 2007, Senegal had 3.5 million mobile-phone subscribers, according to research compiled by Informa, a London-based telecommunications industry research company. A quarter of Africa's 213 million subscribers live in west Africa, which has a population of 266 million people.
Why China Beats Its Competitors.
All Africa
16 November 2007
By Helen Kilbey
Low costs give Chinese investors in Africa a competitive advantage over their counterparts from other countries, a Chinese analyst told the U.S.-Africa Business Summit in Cape Town.
Professor Yang Guang, director-general of the Institute of West-Asian and African Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, was addressing an audience of mostly American and African business leaders.
"They [China] possess low-cost technology for resource development," he said. "They enjoy a low cost of labour – not only unskilled labour but also... engineers and managers; they employ cheap 'Made in China' electrical machinery, and they earn the support of the government."
Yang was speaking at a plenary session of the summit focussing on Chinese and American perspectives on investing in Africa.
Ambassador Princeton Lyman of the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations told the same session that the U.S. could not compete with China's offerings:
"China is able to package their government programmes, their state-owned enterprises, their aid programmes in ways that the United States can't," Lyman said.
"We can't assist an oil company in making a deal by saying if they win [a contract with an African country] we'll build a road [for that country], and it's a challenge for those of us who do things differently."
China's rapidly growing economic presence on the continent has been taking up more and more space on the agendas of a range of entities interested in African business, including governments, local industries, and foreign companies operating on African soil.
The Council on Foreign Relations, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the Leon H. Sullivan Foundation of the U.S. and the Brenthurst Foundation of South Africa have been running a trilateral dialogue on how China-United States relations can benefit African economies.
Giving feedback on the dialogue to the summit, Lyman described China's recent activities in Africa as "almost breathtaking. They've come with such vigour and such energy and resources."
Yang backed Lyman's observations with evidence. China now has more than 800 companies operating in Africa in a wide variety of sectors, he said. About 100 are state-owned and the rest are private but still supported by the Chinese government.
In monetary terms, Yang added, the cumulative value of Chinese investment in Africa totalled 11.7 billion U.S. dollars by the end of 2006.
"We began by investing heavily in the resource development industries," he said, "but nowadays Chinese investment is widespread in industries such as textiles, agro-industries, electricity, road construction, tourism, and telecommunications…"
Africa has had a mixed response to China's increased presence on the continent.
Sindiso Ngwenya, assistant secretary-general of the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), told the summit Africa should focus on its own interests at the same time as trying to meet China's needs.
"There's nothing wrong with them [China] being after resources – everybody is after resources," he said, "but the issue is... what is it that they bring to the table?"
He cautioned that China was "awash with cash, and they are looking for investment opportunities," adding that "we need to engage them with open eyes [and] ensure that it is a win-win situation."
South African trade minister Mandisi Mpahlwa agreed: "Africa, your problem is not the self-interest of the Chinese. Your problem is... how do you leverage this growth, this demand, for maximum benefit?"
16 November 2007
By Helen Kilbey
Low costs give Chinese investors in Africa a competitive advantage over their counterparts from other countries, a Chinese analyst told the U.S.-Africa Business Summit in Cape Town.
Professor Yang Guang, director-general of the Institute of West-Asian and African Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, was addressing an audience of mostly American and African business leaders.
"They [China] possess low-cost technology for resource development," he said. "They enjoy a low cost of labour – not only unskilled labour but also... engineers and managers; they employ cheap 'Made in China' electrical machinery, and they earn the support of the government."
Yang was speaking at a plenary session of the summit focussing on Chinese and American perspectives on investing in Africa.
Ambassador Princeton Lyman of the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations told the same session that the U.S. could not compete with China's offerings:
"China is able to package their government programmes, their state-owned enterprises, their aid programmes in ways that the United States can't," Lyman said.
"We can't assist an oil company in making a deal by saying if they win [a contract with an African country] we'll build a road [for that country], and it's a challenge for those of us who do things differently."
China's rapidly growing economic presence on the continent has been taking up more and more space on the agendas of a range of entities interested in African business, including governments, local industries, and foreign companies operating on African soil.
The Council on Foreign Relations, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the Leon H. Sullivan Foundation of the U.S. and the Brenthurst Foundation of South Africa have been running a trilateral dialogue on how China-United States relations can benefit African economies.
Giving feedback on the dialogue to the summit, Lyman described China's recent activities in Africa as "almost breathtaking. They've come with such vigour and such energy and resources."
Yang backed Lyman's observations with evidence. China now has more than 800 companies operating in Africa in a wide variety of sectors, he said. About 100 are state-owned and the rest are private but still supported by the Chinese government.
In monetary terms, Yang added, the cumulative value of Chinese investment in Africa totalled 11.7 billion U.S. dollars by the end of 2006.
"We began by investing heavily in the resource development industries," he said, "but nowadays Chinese investment is widespread in industries such as textiles, agro-industries, electricity, road construction, tourism, and telecommunications…"
Africa has had a mixed response to China's increased presence on the continent.
Sindiso Ngwenya, assistant secretary-general of the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), told the summit Africa should focus on its own interests at the same time as trying to meet China's needs.
"There's nothing wrong with them [China] being after resources – everybody is after resources," he said, "but the issue is... what is it that they bring to the table?"
He cautioned that China was "awash with cash, and they are looking for investment opportunities," adding that "we need to engage them with open eyes [and] ensure that it is a win-win situation."
South African trade minister Mandisi Mpahlwa agreed: "Africa, your problem is not the self-interest of the Chinese. Your problem is... how do you leverage this growth, this demand, for maximum benefit?"
Iraq to Blacklist Firms Which Signed Oil Deals with Kurds.
Dow Jones Newswire
15 November 2007
Iraq warned Thursday foreign oil companies which signed deals with the autonomous Kurdish regional government will be barred from doing business in the country and from exporting oil.
"Any company that has signed contracts without the approval of the federal authority of Iraq will not have any chance of working with the government of Iraq," Oil Minister Hussein al-Shahristani said.
"We warned the companies that there will be consequences...that Iraq will not allow its oil to be exported," al-Shahristani told reporters on the sidelines of Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries meetings in the Saudi capital Riyadh.
Last week, the Kurdish authorities signed seven production-sharing contracts with a number of foreign oil companies in defiance of the Iraqi central government and before approving a controversial federal oil law.
The latest contracts bring to 15 the number of deals finalized by the Kurdish regional government since it passed its own oil law in August.
The regional administration said 85% of the returns from the foreign deals would be for Iraq and the rest would go to the contractor.
The Kurdish government's minister for natural resources, Ashti Hawrami, said last week with the signing of the latest contracts, 20 international oil companies are now working in the region. He said talks were ongoing with foreign firms over 24 new oil blocks in the oil-rich north and announcements would be made soon.
But al-Shahristani warned foreign firms which sign contracts with the Kurds risk being blacklisted by Iraq.
"Our position is that any company that signs a contract without the approval of the federal authority will compromise their chances of getting business in future in Iraq," he said.
The Iraqi hydrocarbons law is stalled before parliament due to bitter differences between warring political factions over the sharing of lucrative revenues from the crude, the third-largest proven reserves in the world.
The bill opens up the long state-dominated oil and gas sector to foreign investment and assures that receipts will be shared equally between Iraq's 18 provinces, a measure Washington regards as key to unite the rival communities.
Al-Shahristani however said "for the time being, Iraq does not need production-sharing agreements" to increase its oil output.
He said Iraq is currently exporting more than 2 million barrels a day.
15 November 2007
Iraq warned Thursday foreign oil companies which signed deals with the autonomous Kurdish regional government will be barred from doing business in the country and from exporting oil.
"Any company that has signed contracts without the approval of the federal authority of Iraq will not have any chance of working with the government of Iraq," Oil Minister Hussein al-Shahristani said.
"We warned the companies that there will be consequences...that Iraq will not allow its oil to be exported," al-Shahristani told reporters on the sidelines of Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries meetings in the Saudi capital Riyadh.
Last week, the Kurdish authorities signed seven production-sharing contracts with a number of foreign oil companies in defiance of the Iraqi central government and before approving a controversial federal oil law.
The latest contracts bring to 15 the number of deals finalized by the Kurdish regional government since it passed its own oil law in August.
The regional administration said 85% of the returns from the foreign deals would be for Iraq and the rest would go to the contractor.
The Kurdish government's minister for natural resources, Ashti Hawrami, said last week with the signing of the latest contracts, 20 international oil companies are now working in the region. He said talks were ongoing with foreign firms over 24 new oil blocks in the oil-rich north and announcements would be made soon.
But al-Shahristani warned foreign firms which sign contracts with the Kurds risk being blacklisted by Iraq.
"Our position is that any company that signs a contract without the approval of the federal authority will compromise their chances of getting business in future in Iraq," he said.
The Iraqi hydrocarbons law is stalled before parliament due to bitter differences between warring political factions over the sharing of lucrative revenues from the crude, the third-largest proven reserves in the world.
The bill opens up the long state-dominated oil and gas sector to foreign investment and assures that receipts will be shared equally between Iraq's 18 provinces, a measure Washington regards as key to unite the rival communities.
Al-Shahristani however said "for the time being, Iraq does not need production-sharing agreements" to increase its oil output.
He said Iraq is currently exporting more than 2 million barrels a day.
15 November, 2007
France Claims Serbia EU entry not tied to Kosovo deal.
Reuters
18 October 2007
France denied on Thursday any link between a Kosovo peace deal and EU entry talks with Serbia, but said Belgrade's failure to reach an agreement with its rebel province about independence would make it more difficult.
"The two phenomena are not intimately linked," French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner told reporters after talks in the French capital with Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic.
"But it would be a lie to say that it would be easier to join the European Union if the Kosovo problem was not resolved. It will be more difficult," he said.
The European Union on Monday delayed a decision to initial a first agreement on closer ties with Serbia after the chief U.N. war crimes prosecutor said Belgrade had yet to cooperate sufficiently with her tribunal.
Signing a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with the European Union would be the first step towards eventual membership of the 27-nation bloc. But the dispute over the final status of Kosovo has further complicated matters.
A troika of international mediators trying to broker a solution on Kosovo's future status has until Dec. 10 to report to the United Nations Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon.
The United States and EU, who with Russia are the parties to the talks, say the troika should wrap up its talks by that date -- a stance that has put them at odds with Moscow.
Kosovo's majority Albanian population wants to split from Serbia and declare its independence by the end of this year, regardless of whether there is a negotiated solution by then.
Serbia does not want an independent Kosovo. Russia has backed Serbia and blocked a proposal by a United Nations envoy that would have set Kosovo on the path to independence.
Serbia's Jeremic said a negotiated settlement of the Kosovo question was the best way to ensure the integration of Serbia and the Western Balkans in general, with the European Union.
18 October 2007
France denied on Thursday any link between a Kosovo peace deal and EU entry talks with Serbia, but said Belgrade's failure to reach an agreement with its rebel province about independence would make it more difficult.
"The two phenomena are not intimately linked," French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner told reporters after talks in the French capital with Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic.
"But it would be a lie to say that it would be easier to join the European Union if the Kosovo problem was not resolved. It will be more difficult," he said.
The European Union on Monday delayed a decision to initial a first agreement on closer ties with Serbia after the chief U.N. war crimes prosecutor said Belgrade had yet to cooperate sufficiently with her tribunal.
Signing a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with the European Union would be the first step towards eventual membership of the 27-nation bloc. But the dispute over the final status of Kosovo has further complicated matters.
A troika of international mediators trying to broker a solution on Kosovo's future status has until Dec. 10 to report to the United Nations Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon.
The United States and EU, who with Russia are the parties to the talks, say the troika should wrap up its talks by that date -- a stance that has put them at odds with Moscow.
Kosovo's majority Albanian population wants to split from Serbia and declare its independence by the end of this year, regardless of whether there is a negotiated solution by then.
Serbia does not want an independent Kosovo. Russia has backed Serbia and blocked a proposal by a United Nations envoy that would have set Kosovo on the path to independence.
Serbia's Jeremic said a negotiated settlement of the Kosovo question was the best way to ensure the integration of Serbia and the Western Balkans in general, with the European Union.
Côte d'Ivoire: Awash in Arms.
IRIN
14 November 2007
While Ivorian politicians and the international community lament a lack of progress in disarmament and other aspects of the country's peace accord, ordinary citizens are increasingly falling victim to violent crime in their daily activities.
In one incident in October, seven masked men, each carrying two AK-47s, held up market trucks in the northwest.
"They shot in the air and forced us off the trucks," a woman merchant in the regional capital, Odienne, told IRIN. "Among them they had 14 Kalashnikovs." As citizens face criminals armed with AKs and even rocket launchers, few weapons have been rounded up in a disarmament process called for in the peace agreement signed more than eight months ago.
The merchant, who was afraid to give her name, was making her weekly run to the western town of Gbelegban to buy smoked fish and meat to sell in Odienne.
Such attacks are becoming increasingly common in the Odienne area, residents and aid workers told IRIN. Reports from the UN humanitarian office in Cote d'Ivoire regularly cite violent crimes throughout the country, including armed home invasions, highway robbery and rape.
"This is becoming more and more worrying," Marc Sibiri, head of the Odienne office of the World Food Programme (WFP), said of recent attacks in the region. "This is the worst violent crime we've seen since the time of [the rebellion]," he said, referring to the 2002 uprising that split Cote d'Ivoire into a rebel-held north and government-controlled south.
In recent weeks, two trucks carrying WFP food were attacked by armed robbers. Sibiri said it would become more and more difficult for WFP to find drivers willing to take the risk.
UN sources and Odienne residents told IRIN some of the assailants - always masked and armed with AK-47 rifles - are thought to be frustrated ex-rebels.
"They have to live," said one UN official on condition of anonymity, "one way or another."
How to disarm and demobilise the ex-rebels - known as "Forces Nouvelles" - and pro-government militia remains one of the greatest sticking points in Cote d'Ivoire's peace efforts. But observers say many factors feed the lawlessness.
"Disarmament is something that could help bring such things under control," said Daniel Balint-Kurti, West Africa researcher with the London-based think tank, Chatham House. "But it's more a result of an awful lot of weapons, a lot of poor, angry men and a lack of law and order."
The lack of law and order is something Odienne merchants recently brought to the region's Forces Nouvelles (FN) leader, who - despite the gradual reinstallation of local government officials - remains the authority.
"The prefect and the deputy prefect are here," Odienne Mayor Amidou Kourouma told IRIN. "But they don't yet have their normal administrative power, so we still have to deal with the Forces Nouvelles."
A group of women merchants recently went to see Odienne's FN commander, who goes by the name Bin Laden.
"We told him to do something about the banditry - we've had it." She added, "The roads here - it's just impossible. This is just too painful for us. It's just so difficult to earn any money, and these criminals come and strip it all away."
She said women market vendors and other residents in Odienne are considering marching to protest the violence. But some are against the idea: "They are afraid that if we march the assailants will come and kill us."
In a recent report, a UN panel of experts said untraced weapons in Cote d'Ivoire "remain a matter of concern" and called illegal arms trafficking in the region "a worrying phenomenon".
The panel said recent arms-burning ceremonies touted as the beginnings of disarmament needed further investigation, "given the great quantity of working weapons that are known to have disappeared and the threat that they represent".
14 November 2007
While Ivorian politicians and the international community lament a lack of progress in disarmament and other aspects of the country's peace accord, ordinary citizens are increasingly falling victim to violent crime in their daily activities.
In one incident in October, seven masked men, each carrying two AK-47s, held up market trucks in the northwest.
"They shot in the air and forced us off the trucks," a woman merchant in the regional capital, Odienne, told IRIN. "Among them they had 14 Kalashnikovs." As citizens face criminals armed with AKs and even rocket launchers, few weapons have been rounded up in a disarmament process called for in the peace agreement signed more than eight months ago.
The merchant, who was afraid to give her name, was making her weekly run to the western town of Gbelegban to buy smoked fish and meat to sell in Odienne.
Such attacks are becoming increasingly common in the Odienne area, residents and aid workers told IRIN. Reports from the UN humanitarian office in Cote d'Ivoire regularly cite violent crimes throughout the country, including armed home invasions, highway robbery and rape.
"This is becoming more and more worrying," Marc Sibiri, head of the Odienne office of the World Food Programme (WFP), said of recent attacks in the region. "This is the worst violent crime we've seen since the time of [the rebellion]," he said, referring to the 2002 uprising that split Cote d'Ivoire into a rebel-held north and government-controlled south.
In recent weeks, two trucks carrying WFP food were attacked by armed robbers. Sibiri said it would become more and more difficult for WFP to find drivers willing to take the risk.
UN sources and Odienne residents told IRIN some of the assailants - always masked and armed with AK-47 rifles - are thought to be frustrated ex-rebels.
"They have to live," said one UN official on condition of anonymity, "one way or another."
How to disarm and demobilise the ex-rebels - known as "Forces Nouvelles" - and pro-government militia remains one of the greatest sticking points in Cote d'Ivoire's peace efforts. But observers say many factors feed the lawlessness.
"Disarmament is something that could help bring such things under control," said Daniel Balint-Kurti, West Africa researcher with the London-based think tank, Chatham House. "But it's more a result of an awful lot of weapons, a lot of poor, angry men and a lack of law and order."
The lack of law and order is something Odienne merchants recently brought to the region's Forces Nouvelles (FN) leader, who - despite the gradual reinstallation of local government officials - remains the authority.
"The prefect and the deputy prefect are here," Odienne Mayor Amidou Kourouma told IRIN. "But they don't yet have their normal administrative power, so we still have to deal with the Forces Nouvelles."
A group of women merchants recently went to see Odienne's FN commander, who goes by the name Bin Laden.
"We told him to do something about the banditry - we've had it." She added, "The roads here - it's just impossible. This is just too painful for us. It's just so difficult to earn any money, and these criminals come and strip it all away."
She said women market vendors and other residents in Odienne are considering marching to protest the violence. But some are against the idea: "They are afraid that if we march the assailants will come and kill us."
In a recent report, a UN panel of experts said untraced weapons in Cote d'Ivoire "remain a matter of concern" and called illegal arms trafficking in the region "a worrying phenomenon".
The panel said recent arms-burning ceremonies touted as the beginnings of disarmament needed further investigation, "given the great quantity of working weapons that are known to have disappeared and the threat that they represent".
Sao Tome and Principe: United States supports archipelago’s economy.
Macau Hub
12 November 2007
The United States and Sao Tome and Principe Friday in Sao Tome signed a memorandum of understanding within the scope of the US Millennium Challenge Account program worth an estimated US$8.6 million.
The document was signed by the deputy prime minister of Sao Tome and Principe, Maria Tébus Torres, who is also the minister for Planning and Finance, and by the US secretary of state for the treasury, Larry McDonald.
The US government representative said that the funding was essentially for improving tax policy indicators, modernizing tax and customs services as well as encouraging investment through “simplification and speeding up” of procedures to register a company.
The MCC is a body of the United States government aimed at supporting some poor countries, based on pre-set criteria and with a view to sustainable development through investments in education, health, infrastructures, industry, agriculture and fishing.
As well as the social sector and construction and repair of infrastructures, the USA also cooperates with the archipelago in the defense sector via technical assistance and training for the military, particularly those in the navy.
Editor's Note: MPRI has the contract to train their armed forces.
12 November 2007
The United States and Sao Tome and Principe Friday in Sao Tome signed a memorandum of understanding within the scope of the US Millennium Challenge Account program worth an estimated US$8.6 million.
The document was signed by the deputy prime minister of Sao Tome and Principe, Maria Tébus Torres, who is also the minister for Planning and Finance, and by the US secretary of state for the treasury, Larry McDonald.
The US government representative said that the funding was essentially for improving tax policy indicators, modernizing tax and customs services as well as encouraging investment through “simplification and speeding up” of procedures to register a company.
The MCC is a body of the United States government aimed at supporting some poor countries, based on pre-set criteria and with a view to sustainable development through investments in education, health, infrastructures, industry, agriculture and fishing.
As well as the social sector and construction and repair of infrastructures, the USA also cooperates with the archipelago in the defense sector via technical assistance and training for the military, particularly those in the navy.
Editor's Note: MPRI has the contract to train their armed forces.
Burundi: Government of consensus formed.
IRIN
15 November 2007
Political leaders in Burundi have welcomed the formation of a new more inclusive cabinet as an important step towards bringing the country's last active rebel group into a stalled peace process.
Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza reshuffled the cabinet on 14 November to make room for members of two main opposition parties, the Front pour la Démocratie au Burundi (FRODEBU) and the Union pour le Progrès National (UPRONA), as the country’s constitution stipulates.
Both had been boycotting parliament since July, demanding that the previous cabinet be sacked.
FRODEBU chairman Leonce Ngendakumana said the formation of the new government allows the country’s institutions to get back to work.
“We hope that the new government will start where the preceding failed, to speed up the negotiations with the FNL [Forces nationales de libération] and conclude a comprehensive ceasefire,” he said.
Burundi’s government signed a peace accord with the FNL in September 2006, but the rebel group walked out of the process in July 2007, accusing the mediator of being biased.
UPRONA party chairman Aloys Rubuka said: “What is important is not the individuals appointed but what they would do in the new cabinet to meet Burundians’ expectations.”
The main challenge, he added, would be the restoration of peace and security, and the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission.
The new cabinet has 19 ministers and seven deputy ministers, with the majority appointed from the Conseil National pour la defense de la Democratie-Front pour la Defense de la Democratie (CNDD-FDD).
Its formation results from months of negotiations between Nkurunziza and the FRODEBU and UPRONA leaders to ease the political tension in the country.
15 November 2007
Political leaders in Burundi have welcomed the formation of a new more inclusive cabinet as an important step towards bringing the country's last active rebel group into a stalled peace process.
Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza reshuffled the cabinet on 14 November to make room for members of two main opposition parties, the Front pour la Démocratie au Burundi (FRODEBU) and the Union pour le Progrès National (UPRONA), as the country’s constitution stipulates.
Both had been boycotting parliament since July, demanding that the previous cabinet be sacked.
FRODEBU chairman Leonce Ngendakumana said the formation of the new government allows the country’s institutions to get back to work.
“We hope that the new government will start where the preceding failed, to speed up the negotiations with the FNL [Forces nationales de libération] and conclude a comprehensive ceasefire,” he said.
Burundi’s government signed a peace accord with the FNL in September 2006, but the rebel group walked out of the process in July 2007, accusing the mediator of being biased.
UPRONA party chairman Aloys Rubuka said: “What is important is not the individuals appointed but what they would do in the new cabinet to meet Burundians’ expectations.”
The main challenge, he added, would be the restoration of peace and security, and the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission.
The new cabinet has 19 ministers and seven deputy ministers, with the majority appointed from the Conseil National pour la defense de la Democratie-Front pour la Defense de la Democratie (CNDD-FDD).
Its formation results from months of negotiations between Nkurunziza and the FRODEBU and UPRONA leaders to ease the political tension in the country.
Federal Foreign Office increases humanitarian aid in North Kivu (DR Congo).
Goverment of the Federal Republic of Germany
14 November 2007
In view of the escalating violence in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Federal Foreign Office has made available an additional 470,000 euro for humanitarian assistance for the victims. Of this sum, 200,000 euro goes to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to provide care and shelter and some 270,000 euro goes to Germany's Diakonie Katastrophenhilfe. The aid activities supported are geared especially to the needs of women and girls, who in eastern Congo are the victims of sexual violence in particular.
In recent weeks the humanitarian situation in North Kivu in the east of the country has further deteriorated. Tens of thousands have fled their villages, since the beginning of the year their number has already reached 270,000. Displacements on a massive scale, rapes and horrendous atrocities against the civilian population are a daily occurrence.
Commenting on this situation, Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier today (14 November) issued the following statement in Berlin:
"The reports from eastern Congo are profoundly shocking. Particularly the brutality shown towards women and young girls, even little children, absolutely horrifies me. I strongly urge all parties to the conflict to protect the civilian population from attack and allow the aid agencies unhindered access to those in need."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is one of the main focuses of German humanitarian assistance. This latest increase brings the Federal Foreign Office's humanitarian assistance in eastern Congo in 2007 up to around 3.16 million euro in total.
14 November 2007
In view of the escalating violence in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Federal Foreign Office has made available an additional 470,000 euro for humanitarian assistance for the victims. Of this sum, 200,000 euro goes to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to provide care and shelter and some 270,000 euro goes to Germany's Diakonie Katastrophenhilfe. The aid activities supported are geared especially to the needs of women and girls, who in eastern Congo are the victims of sexual violence in particular.
In recent weeks the humanitarian situation in North Kivu in the east of the country has further deteriorated. Tens of thousands have fled their villages, since the beginning of the year their number has already reached 270,000. Displacements on a massive scale, rapes and horrendous atrocities against the civilian population are a daily occurrence.
Commenting on this situation, Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier today (14 November) issued the following statement in Berlin:
"The reports from eastern Congo are profoundly shocking. Particularly the brutality shown towards women and young girls, even little children, absolutely horrifies me. I strongly urge all parties to the conflict to protect the civilian population from attack and allow the aid agencies unhindered access to those in need."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is one of the main focuses of German humanitarian assistance. This latest increase brings the Federal Foreign Office's humanitarian assistance in eastern Congo in 2007 up to around 3.16 million euro in total.
Iraq Oil Min: Doesn't Expect Oil Laws to be Passed Soon.
by Majdoline Hatoum and Natalie Obiko Pearson
Dow Jones Newswires
November 14, 2007
Political differences over a proposed federal oil law in Iraq will not be resolved any time soon, said Iraqi's oil minister Wednesday.
With no federal law in place, any deals signed between the Kurdistan Regional Government and private oil companies are illegal and void, Hussein al-Shahristani told reporters in the Saudi Arabian capital as he arrived to attend a summit of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries.
"We don't expect it to be passed shortly," al-Shahristani said about the oil law currently under contention in Iraq's parliament.
The Kurdistan government recently awarded five new oil deals to companies, including units of Sterling Energy PLC (SEY.LN) and Korea's National Oil Corp.
Al-Shahristani said, "these contracts are not legal" and that the companies would be unable to export any crude because the borders are controlled by the federal government.
Dow Jones Newswires
November 14, 2007
Political differences over a proposed federal oil law in Iraq will not be resolved any time soon, said Iraqi's oil minister Wednesday.
With no federal law in place, any deals signed between the Kurdistan Regional Government and private oil companies are illegal and void, Hussein al-Shahristani told reporters in the Saudi Arabian capital as he arrived to attend a summit of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries.
"We don't expect it to be passed shortly," al-Shahristani said about the oil law currently under contention in Iraq's parliament.
The Kurdistan government recently awarded five new oil deals to companies, including units of Sterling Energy PLC (SEY.LN) and Korea's National Oil Corp.
Al-Shahristani said, "these contracts are not legal" and that the companies would be unable to export any crude because the borders are controlled by the federal government.
Halliburton Opens Technology Center in India.
Rigzone
11/14/2007
URL: http://www.rigzone.com/news/article.asp?a_id=52886
Halliburton inaugurated its first globally-focused Technology Center outside North America and Europe. The 5,575 square meter (60,000 square foot) facility, approximately 170 kilometers (106 miles) southwest of Mumbai, is designed to facilitate global research and development across Halliburton's Completion and Production, and Drilling and Evaluation divisions.
The Pune facility complements the Company's existing globally focused research and development centers in Houston; Duncan, Okla.; and Carrollton, Texas. Working in concert with fellow research and scientific colleagues, personnel in Pune collaborate through analytical study and hands-on applications in state-of-the-art laboratories to further advance Halliburton's global expertise, particularly in the areas of production enhancement, completion tools, drilling fluids and the Company's founding business of cementing.
"We are excited to open the facility in Pune today, launching a greater offering of innovation and benefits to our customers worldwide," said Andy Lane, Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer, Halliburton. "Our expanded presence in India is testimony to our commitment to continue strengthening our relationships with our Eastern Hemisphere customers and delivering local products and services to meet and exceed their needs."
Currently, Halliburton plans to open a second Eastern Hemisphere-based technology center in Singapore in 2008.
Dr. Vikram (Vik) Rao, Senior Vice President and Chief Technology Officer, Halliburton, added: "The quality and talent of our scientific personnel in Pune are a superb addition to our global technological capabilities and resources. The Pune team adds tremendous value and reach to integrate our technology offerings worldwide," said Rao.
11/14/2007
URL: http://www.rigzone.com/news/article.asp?a_id=52886
Halliburton inaugurated its first globally-focused Technology Center outside North America and Europe. The 5,575 square meter (60,000 square foot) facility, approximately 170 kilometers (106 miles) southwest of Mumbai, is designed to facilitate global research and development across Halliburton's Completion and Production, and Drilling and Evaluation divisions.
The Pune facility complements the Company's existing globally focused research and development centers in Houston; Duncan, Okla.; and Carrollton, Texas. Working in concert with fellow research and scientific colleagues, personnel in Pune collaborate through analytical study and hands-on applications in state-of-the-art laboratories to further advance Halliburton's global expertise, particularly in the areas of production enhancement, completion tools, drilling fluids and the Company's founding business of cementing.
"We are excited to open the facility in Pune today, launching a greater offering of innovation and benefits to our customers worldwide," said Andy Lane, Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer, Halliburton. "Our expanded presence in India is testimony to our commitment to continue strengthening our relationships with our Eastern Hemisphere customers and delivering local products and services to meet and exceed their needs."
Currently, Halliburton plans to open a second Eastern Hemisphere-based technology center in Singapore in 2008.
Dr. Vikram (Vik) Rao, Senior Vice President and Chief Technology Officer, Halliburton, added: "The quality and talent of our scientific personnel in Pune are a superb addition to our global technological capabilities and resources. The Pune team adds tremendous value and reach to integrate our technology offerings worldwide," said Rao.
Ukraine implicated in CIA renditions.
By JAN SLIVA, Associated Press Writer
14 November 2007
An EU investigator said Wednesday he has evidence to suggest that a Ukrainian airstrip was used by CIA-operated planes involved in the U.S. extraordinary rendition program.
Giovanni Fava said he was also looking into possible CIA use of a military facility at a Ukrainian base. Fava, an Italian member of the European Parliament, drafted a report last year identifying more than 1,000 secret CIA flights with stopovers on European territory since 2001. He identified several of them as being used to transfer terror suspects.
Ukraine's Defense Minister Anatoly Gritsenko, in a telephone interview with The Associated Press, dismissed Fava's statements on the use of Ukrainian airspace by CIA planes and the use of a military base, calling them "nonsense." He declined further comment.
CIA Spokesman Mark Mansfield declined to comment directly on the charges regarding Ukraine and extraordinary renditions — moving terrorism suspects from country to country.
"Separate and apart from these allegations, there are several points I would make about renditions," he said. "They have been conducted within the law. They have been carried out responsibly and with purpose."
Mansfield said the practice had disrupted potential attacks and allowed the U.S. and its allies to gain intelligence on terrorists.
In a report earlier this year, Swiss investigator Dick Marty accused the CIA of running secret prisons in Poland and Romania to interrogate key terror suspects. He said prisoners were typically shackled and handcuffed, kept naked and in isolation.
The CIA, while stopping short of a denial, said the report was "distorted." Poland and Romania vehemently denied the charges.
John Bellinger, Legal Adviser to the U.S. Secretary of State, said that while there have been CIA flights over Europe or flights with stopovers, they may have simply carried intelligence experts, counterterrorist officials or forensic evidence.
Fava and fellow Italian EU lawmaker Giulietto Chiesa cited what they said was a secret Ukrainian government document they had seen authorizing the landing of a CIA-operated Gulfstream jet plane five times in August 2005.
They said the plane was earlier used in the transfer of Egyptian cleric Osama Moustafa Hassan Nasr, also known as Abu Omar, who was abducted from a street in Milan, Italy, before being flown to U.S. bases in Italy and Germany and finally moved to Egypt.
"The plane was consistently used by the CIA," Fava told a news conference.
Andrei Lysenko, spokesman for Ukraine's Defense Ministry, said that "according to the information provided," no such CIA-operated planes ever entered Ukrainian airspace.
Fava said the European Parliament's civil liberties committee will follow up on his evidence with a report in several months.
A purported Egyptian government fax intercepted by the Swiss foreign intelligence agency, published in a Swiss newspaper in 2006, singled out Ukraine as one of the countries allegedly housing a U.S. detention facility.
The European Parliament's inquiry into CIA operations in Europe started in January, following media reports that U.S. intelligence officers interrogated al-Qaida suspects at secret prisons in Eastern Europe and transported some to locations further afield on secret flights that passed through Europe following the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks in the United States.
New York-based Human Rights Watch also identified Romania and Poland as possible hosts of secret U.S.-run detention facilities.
Clandestine detention centers and the secret transfer of terrorist suspects via Europe to countries where they could face torture — a process known in intelligence jargon as "extraordinary rendition" — would breach the continent's human rights treaties.
14 November 2007
An EU investigator said Wednesday he has evidence to suggest that a Ukrainian airstrip was used by CIA-operated planes involved in the U.S. extraordinary rendition program.
Giovanni Fava said he was also looking into possible CIA use of a military facility at a Ukrainian base. Fava, an Italian member of the European Parliament, drafted a report last year identifying more than 1,000 secret CIA flights with stopovers on European territory since 2001. He identified several of them as being used to transfer terror suspects.
Ukraine's Defense Minister Anatoly Gritsenko, in a telephone interview with The Associated Press, dismissed Fava's statements on the use of Ukrainian airspace by CIA planes and the use of a military base, calling them "nonsense." He declined further comment.
CIA Spokesman Mark Mansfield declined to comment directly on the charges regarding Ukraine and extraordinary renditions — moving terrorism suspects from country to country.
"Separate and apart from these allegations, there are several points I would make about renditions," he said. "They have been conducted within the law. They have been carried out responsibly and with purpose."
Mansfield said the practice had disrupted potential attacks and allowed the U.S. and its allies to gain intelligence on terrorists.
In a report earlier this year, Swiss investigator Dick Marty accused the CIA of running secret prisons in Poland and Romania to interrogate key terror suspects. He said prisoners were typically shackled and handcuffed, kept naked and in isolation.
The CIA, while stopping short of a denial, said the report was "distorted." Poland and Romania vehemently denied the charges.
John Bellinger, Legal Adviser to the U.S. Secretary of State, said that while there have been CIA flights over Europe or flights with stopovers, they may have simply carried intelligence experts, counterterrorist officials or forensic evidence.
Fava and fellow Italian EU lawmaker Giulietto Chiesa cited what they said was a secret Ukrainian government document they had seen authorizing the landing of a CIA-operated Gulfstream jet plane five times in August 2005.
They said the plane was earlier used in the transfer of Egyptian cleric Osama Moustafa Hassan Nasr, also known as Abu Omar, who was abducted from a street in Milan, Italy, before being flown to U.S. bases in Italy and Germany and finally moved to Egypt.
"The plane was consistently used by the CIA," Fava told a news conference.
Andrei Lysenko, spokesman for Ukraine's Defense Ministry, said that "according to the information provided," no such CIA-operated planes ever entered Ukrainian airspace.
Fava said the European Parliament's civil liberties committee will follow up on his evidence with a report in several months.
A purported Egyptian government fax intercepted by the Swiss foreign intelligence agency, published in a Swiss newspaper in 2006, singled out Ukraine as one of the countries allegedly housing a U.S. detention facility.
The European Parliament's inquiry into CIA operations in Europe started in January, following media reports that U.S. intelligence officers interrogated al-Qaida suspects at secret prisons in Eastern Europe and transported some to locations further afield on secret flights that passed through Europe following the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks in the United States.
New York-based Human Rights Watch also identified Romania and Poland as possible hosts of secret U.S.-run detention facilities.
Clandestine detention centers and the secret transfer of terrorist suspects via Europe to countries where they could face torture — a process known in intelligence jargon as "extraordinary rendition" — would breach the continent's human rights treaties.
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