Xinhua News Agency
1 February 2008
U.S. President George W. Bush will meet with Malian President Amadou Toumani Toure at the White House on February 8, White House spokesman Tony Fratto said on Friday.
The talks between Bush and Toure will focus on issues like fighting malaria and unrest in northern Mali, Fratto said in a statement.
They will discuss "the shared goal of advancing democracy and human rights worldwide, including through the Community of Democracies. They will also discuss insecurity in northern Mali and the fight against terrorism," Fratto said.
The U.S.-Mali summit meeting occurs before Bush kicks off his African visit, involving Benin, Tanzania, Rwanda, Ghana and Liberia from Feb. 15-21 for talks on economic development and fighting against HIV/AIDS and other diseases.
U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited Africa recently, a sign that shows the United States pays more and more attention to the strategic significance of the African continent.
02 February, 2008
USS Fort McHenry arrives in Equatorial Guinea.
Stars and Stripes
European Edition.
February 2, 2008
The USS Fort McHenry arrived Thursday in Equatorial Guinea, the seventh West African nation visited since it started its Africa Partnership Station deployment in November.
The visit is the first by a U.S. Navy ship to the tiny coastal country in more than 15 years, according to a Navy news release.
The primary reason for the port visit is to establish a dialogue between Equatorial Guinea and officials of the APS program.
APS includes sailors from Africa, Europe and the United States teaching West African navies to secure their own coastlines and waterways, an effort to counter drug smuggling, illegal human trafficking and reduce illegal fishing: a $1 billion industry in the region.
The APS program is being handled by the crews of the Fort McHenry and the High Speed Vessel Swift.
European Edition.
February 2, 2008
The USS Fort McHenry arrived Thursday in Equatorial Guinea, the seventh West African nation visited since it started its Africa Partnership Station deployment in November.
The visit is the first by a U.S. Navy ship to the tiny coastal country in more than 15 years, according to a Navy news release.
The primary reason for the port visit is to establish a dialogue between Equatorial Guinea and officials of the APS program.
APS includes sailors from Africa, Europe and the United States teaching West African navies to secure their own coastlines and waterways, an effort to counter drug smuggling, illegal human trafficking and reduce illegal fishing: a $1 billion industry in the region.
The APS program is being handled by the crews of the Fort McHenry and the High Speed Vessel Swift.
US House panel chair probing Bush provison on Sudan.
By Susan Cornwell
2 February 2008
A senior U.S. lawmaker said on Friday that he would hold a hearing on whether President George W. Bush had undermined a new law designed to promote divestment from Sudan by expressing reservations about it as he signed it.
Rep. Barney Frank said the February 8 hearing will focus on the "negative implications" of the statement Bush issued late last year, as he signed the new law allowing state and local governments to divest from companies doing business with Sudan.
In a document called a "signing statement," Bush expressed concerns that the law could interfere with his right to direct foreign policy, and said he would not allow it to do so.
"As the Constitution vests the exclusive authority to conduct foreign relations with the federal government, the executive branch shall construe and enforce this legislation in a manner that does not conflict with that authority," Bush said in the statement.
The February 8 hearing will be held by the House of Representatives Financial Services Committee, which Frank chairs. Frank plans to call witnesses from the grass-roots organizations that had sought the legislation.
"We will have people from the (Save) Darfur movement, who will say, he's undercutting the very reason we wanted the bill," Frank, a Massachusetts Democrat, told Reuters.
The legislation was aimed at pressuring Sudan to end the violence in the Darfur region, where 200,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million displaced in a four-year conflict that Bush calls a genocide.
Some 20 U.S. states have initiated divestment efforts because of the conflict. But the effort in Illinois was challenged in court, so the new law seeks to provide a legal framework for state and local governments, mutual funds and pension funds to divest from companies involved in Sudan's oil, mining, power and arms industries.
"The purpose (of the law) is to tell people they can go ahead and divest, without fear of being sued," Frank said.
But, he said, if Bush reserves the right to overrule the law, people will still be afraid to divest in companies that do business with Sudan.
Bush has frequently used signing statements to express reservations about laws. Some of his critics have argued that he has used them to expand presidential powers.
2 February 2008
A senior U.S. lawmaker said on Friday that he would hold a hearing on whether President George W. Bush had undermined a new law designed to promote divestment from Sudan by expressing reservations about it as he signed it.
Rep. Barney Frank said the February 8 hearing will focus on the "negative implications" of the statement Bush issued late last year, as he signed the new law allowing state and local governments to divest from companies doing business with Sudan.
In a document called a "signing statement," Bush expressed concerns that the law could interfere with his right to direct foreign policy, and said he would not allow it to do so.
"As the Constitution vests the exclusive authority to conduct foreign relations with the federal government, the executive branch shall construe and enforce this legislation in a manner that does not conflict with that authority," Bush said in the statement.
The February 8 hearing will be held by the House of Representatives Financial Services Committee, which Frank chairs. Frank plans to call witnesses from the grass-roots organizations that had sought the legislation.
"We will have people from the (Save) Darfur movement, who will say, he's undercutting the very reason we wanted the bill," Frank, a Massachusetts Democrat, told Reuters.
The legislation was aimed at pressuring Sudan to end the violence in the Darfur region, where 200,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million displaced in a four-year conflict that Bush calls a genocide.
Some 20 U.S. states have initiated divestment efforts because of the conflict. But the effort in Illinois was challenged in court, so the new law seeks to provide a legal framework for state and local governments, mutual funds and pension funds to divest from companies involved in Sudan's oil, mining, power and arms industries.
"The purpose (of the law) is to tell people they can go ahead and divest, without fear of being sued," Frank said.
But, he said, if Bush reserves the right to overrule the law, people will still be afraid to divest in companies that do business with Sudan.
Bush has frequently used signing statements to express reservations about laws. Some of his critics have argued that he has used them to expand presidential powers.
Iran says invited Chad, Sudan leaders to Tehran.
Reuters
2 February 2008
Iran has invited the leaders of Chad and Sudan for talks as Chadian rebels battled the army in their most determined offensive in two years, Iran's foreign minister said on Saturday at an African summit in Ethiopia.
"Yesterday ... I was in contact with our Chadian and Sudanese friends and we are planning for a trilateral summit in Tehran," Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki told reporters.
Rebels fighting to overthrow President Idriss Deby battled their way into the capital N'Djamena on Saturday and were heading for the presidential palace, a foreign resident in the city said.
Mottaki said he visited Khartoum and N'Djamena last year and expressed Iran's willingness to mediate. He said that trip had been followed by a "constructive" meeting of ministers from the three countries in the Iranian capital.
2 February 2008
Iran has invited the leaders of Chad and Sudan for talks as Chadian rebels battled the army in their most determined offensive in two years, Iran's foreign minister said on Saturday at an African summit in Ethiopia.
"Yesterday ... I was in contact with our Chadian and Sudanese friends and we are planning for a trilateral summit in Tehran," Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki told reporters.
Rebels fighting to overthrow President Idriss Deby battled their way into the capital N'Djamena on Saturday and were heading for the presidential palace, a foreign resident in the city said.
Mottaki said he visited Khartoum and N'Djamena last year and expressed Iran's willingness to mediate. He said that trip had been followed by a "constructive" meeting of ministers from the three countries in the Iranian capital.
CONTRASTING REPORTS ABOUT THE REBELS’ ADVANCE.
MISNA
1 February 2008
Editor's Note: According to the latest reports, the Chadian army, with the help of the French, defended some sections of N'Djamena, but the UFDD is still in control of the city and has reached the Presidential Palace. Col. Gaddafi and President Nguesso, current allies of the U.S and the French respectively, are tipped to lead the diplomatic efforts for a ceasefire. The AU has already proclaimed they will not recognize the UFDD if they take power by force.
While non essential UN staff in N’djamena is being moved to Cameroon, there are contrasting reports about clashes between the army and the rebels. The army claims to have demolished a rebel column in a 40 minute long battle. UFDD (Union des forces pour la démocratie et le développement) spokesman, Hassan Boulmaye, told MISNA, however, that "army vehicles and munitions have been taken, as the army has been dealt a heavy defeat” adding that "the forces could enter N’Djamena this very evening, but they are evaluating the various scenarios before putting civilian lives at risk”. Neither party’s statements are easy to verify, but it seems that, after a busy morning, the situation is now in a ‘wait and see’ phase. The French backed Chadian government troops are waiting in N’djamena in a state of alert.
"I condemn firmly any attempt to take power with arms” said the EU development commissioner, Louis Michel: "the only way to reach power – he added – is through dialogue, political compromise and elections”.
1 February 2008
Editor's Note: According to the latest reports, the Chadian army, with the help of the French, defended some sections of N'Djamena, but the UFDD is still in control of the city and has reached the Presidential Palace. Col. Gaddafi and President Nguesso, current allies of the U.S and the French respectively, are tipped to lead the diplomatic efforts for a ceasefire. The AU has already proclaimed they will not recognize the UFDD if they take power by force.
While non essential UN staff in N’djamena is being moved to Cameroon, there are contrasting reports about clashes between the army and the rebels. The army claims to have demolished a rebel column in a 40 minute long battle. UFDD (Union des forces pour la démocratie et le développement) spokesman, Hassan Boulmaye, told MISNA, however, that "army vehicles and munitions have been taken, as the army has been dealt a heavy defeat” adding that "the forces could enter N’Djamena this very evening, but they are evaluating the various scenarios before putting civilian lives at risk”. Neither party’s statements are easy to verify, but it seems that, after a busy morning, the situation is now in a ‘wait and see’ phase. The French backed Chadian government troops are waiting in N’djamena in a state of alert.
"I condemn firmly any attempt to take power with arms” said the EU development commissioner, Louis Michel: "the only way to reach power – he added – is through dialogue, political compromise and elections”.
REBELS ADVANCE; SUDAN ACCUSED AGAIN.
MISNA
1 Februrary 2008
"The Chadian government intends to use its right to legitimate defense before the aggression orchestrated by Sudan through all possible means, and even in Sudanese territory”: this is the formal reaction to the rebel advance toward N’djamena by the government of president Idriss Deby, presented to the UN Security Council through Chad’s mission at the UN. This morning a rebel leader, to no avail, asked the government to negotiate a sharing of power.
Meanwhile, it is believed that the rebels are but a dozen kilometers away from N’Djamena: The spokesman of the UFDD (one of the three rebel groups forming the anti-government alliance), Hassan Boulmaye, told MISNA that his men “confiscated vehicles and army munitions”, while the army “suffered a heavy defeat”. "The forces could enter N’Djamena this very night, but they are evaluating possibilities before putting any civilian lives at risk” said Boulmaye. The climate in the capital, meanwhile, is ever more tense as thousands of government soldiers and French troops, which offer logistical aid to the government are preparing for a potential advance. French military sources say that the rebels number between 1500 and 2000. The UN has decided to evacuate its non essential staff toward Cameroon. "I condemn firmly any attempt to take power with arms” said the EU development commissioner, Louis Michel: "the only way to reach power – he said – is through dialogue, political compromise and elections”.
1 Februrary 2008
"The Chadian government intends to use its right to legitimate defense before the aggression orchestrated by Sudan through all possible means, and even in Sudanese territory”: this is the formal reaction to the rebel advance toward N’djamena by the government of president Idriss Deby, presented to the UN Security Council through Chad’s mission at the UN. This morning a rebel leader, to no avail, asked the government to negotiate a sharing of power.
Meanwhile, it is believed that the rebels are but a dozen kilometers away from N’Djamena: The spokesman of the UFDD (one of the three rebel groups forming the anti-government alliance), Hassan Boulmaye, told MISNA that his men “confiscated vehicles and army munitions”, while the army “suffered a heavy defeat”. "The forces could enter N’Djamena this very night, but they are evaluating possibilities before putting any civilian lives at risk” said Boulmaye. The climate in the capital, meanwhile, is ever more tense as thousands of government soldiers and French troops, which offer logistical aid to the government are preparing for a potential advance. French military sources say that the rebels number between 1500 and 2000. The UN has decided to evacuate its non essential staff toward Cameroon. "I condemn firmly any attempt to take power with arms” said the EU development commissioner, Louis Michel: "the only way to reach power – he said – is through dialogue, political compromise and elections”.
REBEL ADVANCE: N’DJAMENA PRESIDED BY SOLDIERS, TENSION RISES.
MISNA
31 January 2008
With nightfall, tensions in N’Djamena have risen as news of a rebel advance, aiming toward the capital and intended to overthrow the government of idriss Deby, spreads.
"We do not know where the rebels are now and if there is indeed an intent to launch an attack tonight, but certainly the news in the last hours have fueled a psychosis atmosphere in the city” said Daniel Deuzoumbe Passalet, from the "Rights Without Borders" NGO, to MISNA.
Military vehciles and soldiers are deployed in various parts of the city, while schools and shops closed early; people are worried and have taken refuge in their homes according to Passalet. "Shoudl there be fighting, we ask that civilians be spared and to avoid the loss of innocent lives. We ask the government and the rebels to resolve their problems through political negotiation”. Meanehile, the rebels claim to have taken Massaguet, capital of the department of Haraze al-Biar, and to have shot down a government armed forces helicopter between Bisneye and Karmé. One colonel is said to have been badly wounded, said the rebels. This morning, the rebel forces - including many of Deby's former allies - had announced the takeover of Oum Hadjer, Assinet and Ati, three cities on the East, along the road to the capital.
31 January 2008
With nightfall, tensions in N’Djamena have risen as news of a rebel advance, aiming toward the capital and intended to overthrow the government of idriss Deby, spreads.
"We do not know where the rebels are now and if there is indeed an intent to launch an attack tonight, but certainly the news in the last hours have fueled a psychosis atmosphere in the city” said Daniel Deuzoumbe Passalet, from the "Rights Without Borders" NGO, to MISNA.
Military vehciles and soldiers are deployed in various parts of the city, while schools and shops closed early; people are worried and have taken refuge in their homes according to Passalet. "Shoudl there be fighting, we ask that civilians be spared and to avoid the loss of innocent lives. We ask the government and the rebels to resolve their problems through political negotiation”. Meanehile, the rebels claim to have taken Massaguet, capital of the department of Haraze al-Biar, and to have shot down a government armed forces helicopter between Bisneye and Karmé. One colonel is said to have been badly wounded, said the rebels. This morning, the rebel forces - including many of Deby's former allies - had announced the takeover of Oum Hadjer, Assinet and Ati, three cities on the East, along the road to the capital.
01 February, 2008
REBELS ADVANCE: CALM IN N’DJAMENA, AID WORKERS LEAVE GUEREDA.
MISNA
31 January 2008
“We are following events on the radio; for now the situation in the city is calm but the French embassy has issued a communique alerting the french community of N’djamena, asking that they not leave their homes and announcing the closure of classes at the Lycee ‘Montaigne’. So said father Renzo Piazza, a Combonian missionary, to MISNA, speaking from N’djamena, commenitng reports of a rebel advance toward the capital.
“Life on the streets appears normal, apart from the more frequent buzzing of military helicopters” said local sources.
There are rumors of a group of militiamen, including 300 armored vehciles and some 3,000 to 4, 000 fighters just 200 km away from N'djamena, near Lake Fitri. They are said to have taken several towns in the past 24 hours. Rebel sources contacted near the border with Sudan confirmed that the cities of Oum Hadjer, Assinet, Ati and Goz Beida are siad to have moved to Contorl by the Unified Forces “without any bloodshed”.
The Chadian military, meanwhile, tod the local press that a counteroffensive is in place and that army vehicles, led by president Deby in person, have already left in the direction of the rebels. UN sources told MISNA that a group of men armed with guns attacked some UN facilities in Guereda, taking their vehicles. The UN said it is evacuating its aid staff from the area.
31 January 2008
“We are following events on the radio; for now the situation in the city is calm but the French embassy has issued a communique alerting the french community of N’djamena, asking that they not leave their homes and announcing the closure of classes at the Lycee ‘Montaigne’. So said father Renzo Piazza, a Combonian missionary, to MISNA, speaking from N’djamena, commenitng reports of a rebel advance toward the capital.
“Life on the streets appears normal, apart from the more frequent buzzing of military helicopters” said local sources.
There are rumors of a group of militiamen, including 300 armored vehciles and some 3,000 to 4, 000 fighters just 200 km away from N'djamena, near Lake Fitri. They are said to have taken several towns in the past 24 hours. Rebel sources contacted near the border with Sudan confirmed that the cities of Oum Hadjer, Assinet, Ati and Goz Beida are siad to have moved to Contorl by the Unified Forces “without any bloodshed”.
The Chadian military, meanwhile, tod the local press that a counteroffensive is in place and that army vehicles, led by president Deby in person, have already left in the direction of the rebels. UN sources told MISNA that a group of men armed with guns attacked some UN facilities in Guereda, taking their vehicles. The UN said it is evacuating its aid staff from the area.
31 January, 2008
After Mining Deal, Financier Donated to Clinton.
The New York Times
31 January 2008
By JO BECKER and DON VAN NATTA Jr.
Late on Sept. 6, 2005, a private plane carrying the Canadian mining financier Frank Giustra touched down in Almaty, a ruggedly picturesque city in southeast Kazakhstan. Several hundred miles to the west a fortune awaited: highly coveted deposits of uranium that could fuel nuclear reactors around the world. And Mr. Giustra was in hot pursuit of an exclusive deal to tap them.
Unlike more established competitors, Mr. Giustra was a newcomer to uranium mining in Kazakhstan, a former Soviet republic. But what his fledgling company lacked in experience, it made up for in connections. Accompanying Mr. Giustra on his luxuriously appointed MD-87 jet that day was a former president of the United States, Bill Clinton.
Upon landing on the first stop of a three-country philanthropic tour, the two men were whisked off to share a sumptuous midnight banquet with Kazakhstan’s president, Nursultan A. Nazarbayev, whose 19-year stranglehold on the country has all but quashed political dissent.
Mr. Nazarbayev walked away from the table with a propaganda coup, after Mr. Clinton expressed enthusiastic support for the Kazakh leader’s bid to head an international organization that monitors elections and supports democracy. Mr. Clinton’s public declaration undercut both American foreign policy and sharp criticism of Kazakhstan’s poor human rights record by, among others, Mr. Clinton’s wife, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York.
Within two days, corporate records show that Mr. Giustra also came up a winner when his company signed preliminary agreements giving it the right to buy into three uranium projects controlled by Kazakhstan’s state-owned uranium agency, Kazatomprom.
The monster deal stunned the mining industry, turning an unknown shell company into one of the world’s largest uranium producers in a transaction ultimately worth tens of millions of dollars to Mr. Giustra, analysts said.
Just months after the Kazakh pact was finalized, Mr. Clinton’s charitable foundation received its own windfall: a $31.3 million donation from Mr. Giustra that had remained a secret until he acknowledged it last month. The gift, combined with Mr. Giustra’s more recent and public pledge to give the William J. Clinton Foundation an additional $100 million, secured Mr. Giustra a place in Mr. Clinton’s inner circle, an exclusive club of wealthy entrepreneurs in which friendship with the former president has its privileges.
Mr. Giustra was invited to accompany the former president to Almaty just as the financier was trying to seal a deal he had been negotiating for months.
In separate written responses, both men said Mr. Giustra traveled with Mr. Clinton to Kazakhstan, India and China to see first-hand the philanthropic work done by his foundation.
A spokesman for Mr. Clinton said the former president knew that Mr. Giustra had mining interests in Kazakhstan but was unaware of “any particular efforts” and did nothing to help. Mr. Giustra said he was there as an “observer only” and there was “no discussion” of the deal with Mr. Nazarbayev or Mr. Clinton.
But Moukhtar Dzhakishev, president of Kazatomprom, said in an interview that Mr. Giustra did discuss it, directly with the Kazakh president, and that his friendship with Mr. Clinton “of course made an impression.” Mr. Dzhakishev added that Kazatomprom chose to form a partnership with Mr. Giustra’s company based solely on the merits of its offer.
After The Times told Mr. Giustra that others said he had discussed the deal with Mr. Nazarbayev, Mr. Giustra responded that he “may well have mentioned my general interest in the Kazakhstan mining business to him, but I did not discuss the ongoing” efforts.
As Mrs. Clinton’s presidential campaign has intensified, Mr. Clinton has begun severing financial ties with Ronald W. Burkle, the supermarket magnate, and Vinod Gupta, the chairman of InfoUSA, to avoid any conflicts of interest. Those two men have harnessed the former president’s clout to expand their businesses while making the Clintons rich through partnership and consulting arrangements.
Mr. Clinton has vowed to continue raising money for his foundation if Mrs. Clinton is elected president, maintaining his connections with a wide network of philanthropic partners.
Mr. Giustra said that while his friendship with the former president “may have elevated my profile in the news media, it has not directly affected any of my business transactions.”
Mining colleagues and analysts agree it has not hurt. Neil MacDonald, the chief executive of a Canadian merchant bank that specializes in mining deals, said Mr. Giustra’s financial success was partly due to a “fantastic network” crowned by Mr. Clinton. “That’s a very solid relationship for him,” Mr. MacDonald said. “I’m sure it’s very much a two-way relationship because that’s the way Frank operates.”
Foreseeing Opportunities
Mr. Giustra made his fortune in mining ventures as a broker on the Vancouver Stock Exchange, raising billions of dollars and developing a loyal following of investors. Just as the mining sector collapsed, Mr. Giustra, a lifelong film buff, founded the Lion’s Gate Entertainment Corporation in 1997. But he sold the studio in 2003 and returned to mining.
Mr. Giustra foresaw a bull market in gold and began investing in mines in Argentina, Australia and Mexico. He turned a $20 million shell company into a powerhouse that, after a $2.4 billion merger with Goldcorp Inc., became Canada’s second-largest gold company.
With a net worth estimated in the hundreds of millions of dollars, Mr. Giustra began looking for ways to put his wealth to good use. Meeting Mr. Clinton, and learning about the work his foundation was doing on issues like AIDS treatment in poor countries, “changed my life,” Mr. Giustra told The Vancouver Sun.
The two men were introduced in June 2005 at a fund-raiser for tsunami victims at Mr. Giustra’s Vancouver home and hit it off right away. They share a love of history, geopolitics and music — Mr. Giustra plays the trumpet to Mr. Clinton’s saxophone. Soon the dapper Canadian was a regular at Mr. Clinton’s side, as they flew around the world aboard Mr. Giustra’s plane.
Philanthropy may have become his passion, but Mr. Giustra, now 50, was still hunting for ways to make money.
Exploding demand for energy had helped revitalize the nuclear power industry, and uranium, the raw material for reactor fuel, was about to become a hot commodity. In late 2004, Mr. Giustra began talking to investors, and put together a company that would eventually be called UrAsia Energy Ltd.
Kazakhstan, which has about one-fifth of the world’s uranium reserves, was the place to be. But with plenty of suitors, Kazatomprom could be picky about its partners.
“Everyone was asking Kazatomprom to the dance,” said Fadi Shadid, a senior stock analyst covering the uranium industry for Friedman Billings Ramsey, an investment bank. “A second-tier junior player like UrAsia — you’d need all the help you could get.”
The Cameco Corporation, the world’s largest uranium producer, was already a partner of Kazatomprom. But when Cameco expressed interest in the properties Mr. Giustra was already eying, the government’s response was lukewarm. “The signals we were getting was, you’ve got your hands full,” said Gerald W. Grandey, Cameco president.
For Cameco, it took five years to “build the right connections” in Kazakhstan, Mr. Grandey said. UrAsia did not have that luxury. Profitability depended on striking before the price of uranium soared.
“Timing was everything,” said Sergey Kurzin, a Russian-born businessman whose London-based company was brought into the deal by UrAsia because of his connections in Kazakhstan. Even with those connections, Mr. Kurzin said, it took four months to arrange a meeting with Kazatomprom.
In August 2005, records show, the company sent an engineering consultant to Kazakhstan to assess the uranium properties. Less than four weeks later, Mr. Giustra arrived with Mr. Clinton.
Mr. Dzhakishev, the Kazatomprom chief, said an aide to Mr. Nazarbayev informed him that Mr. Giustra talked with Mr. Nazarbayev about the deal during the visit. “And when our president asked Giustra, ‘What do you do?’ he said, ‘I’m trying to do business with Kazatomprom,’ ” Mr. Dzhakishev said. He added that Mr. Nazarbayev replied, “Very good, go to it.”
Mr. Clinton’s Kazakhstan visit, the only one of his post-presidency, appears to have been arranged hastily. The United States Embassy got last-minute notice that the president would be making “a private visit,” said a State Department official, who said he was not authorized to speak on the record.
The publicly stated reason for the visit was to announce a Clinton Foundation agreement that enabled the government to buy discounted AIDS drugs. But during a news conference, Mr. Clinton wandered into delicate territory by commending Mr. Nazarbayev for “opening up the social and political life of your country.”
In a statement Kazakhstan would highlight in news releases, Mr. Clinton declared that he hoped it would achieve a top objective: leading the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which would confer legitimacy on Mr. Nazarbayev’s government.
“I think it’s time for that to happen, it’s an important step, and I’m glad you’re willing to undertake it,” Mr. Clinton said.
A Speedy Process
Mr. Clinton’s praise was odd, given that the United States did not support Mr. Nazarbayev’s bid. (Late last year, Kazakhstan finally won the chance to lead the security organization for one year, despite concerns raised by the Bush administration.) Moreover, Mr. Clinton’s wife, who sits on a Congressional commission with oversight of such matters, had also voiced skepticism.
Eleven months before Mr. Clinton’s statement, Mrs. Clinton co-signed a commission letter to the State Department that sounded “alarm bells” about the prospect that Kazakhstan might head the group. The letter stated that Kazakhstan’s bid “would not be acceptable,” citing “serious corruption,” canceled elections and government control of the news media.
In a written statement to The Times, Mr. Clinton’s spokesman said the former president saw “no contradiction” between his statements in Kazakhstan and the position of Mrs. Clinton, who said through a spokeswoman, “Senator Clinton’s position on Kazakhstan remains unchanged.”
Noting that the former president also met with opposition leaders in Almaty, Mr. Clinton’s spokesman said he was only “seeking to suggest that a commitment to political openness and to fair elections would reflect well on Kazakhstan’s efforts to chair the O.S.C.E.”
But Robert Herman, who worked for the State Department in the Clinton administration and is now at Freedom House, a human rights group, said the former president’s statement amounted to an endorsement of Kazakhstan’s readiness to lead the group, a position he called “patently absurd.”
“He was either going off his brief or he was sadly mistaken,” Mr. Herman said. “There was nothing in the record to suggest that they really wanted to move forward on democratic reform.”
Indeed, in December 2005, Mr. Nazarbayev won another election, which the security organization itself said was marred by an “atmosphere of intimidation” and “ballot-box stuffing.”
After Mr. Nazarbayev won with 91 percent of the vote, Mr. Clinton sent his congratulations. “Recognizing that your work has received an excellent grade is one of the most important rewards in life,” Mr. Clinton wrote in a letter released by the Kazakh embassy. Last September, just weeks after Kazakhstan held an election that once again failed to meet international standards, Mr. Clinton honored Mr. Nazarbayev by inviting him to his annual philanthropic conference.
Within 48 hours of Mr. Clinton’s departure from Almaty on Sept. 7, Mr. Giustra got his deal. UrAsia signed two memorandums of understanding that paved the way for the company to become partners with Kazatomprom in three mines.
The cost to UrAsia was more than $450 million, money the company did not have in hand and had only weeks to come up with. The transaction was finalized in November, after UrAsia raised the money through the largest initial public offering in the history of Canada’s Venture Exchange.
Mr. Giustra challenged the notion that UrAsia needed to court Kazatomprom’s favor to seal the deal, contending that the government agency’s approval was not required.
But Mr. Dzhakishev, analysts and Mr. Kurzin, one of Mr. Giustra’s own investors, said that approval was necessary. Mr. Dzhakishev, who said that the deal was almost done when Mr. Clinton arrived, said that Kazatomprom was impressed with the sum Mr. Giustra was willing to pay and his record of attracting investors. He said Mr. Nazarbayev himself ultimately signed off on the transaction.
Longtime market watchers were confounded. Kazatomprom’s choice of UrAsia was a “mystery,” said Gene Clark, the chief executive of Trade Tech, a uranium industry newsletter.
“UrAsia was able to jump-start the whole process somehow,” Mr. Clark said. The company became a “major uranium producer when it didn’t even exist before.”
A Profitable Sale
Records show that Mr. Giustra donated the $31.3 million to the Clinton Foundation in the months that followed in 2006, but neither he nor a spokesman for Mr. Clinton would say exactly when.
In September 2006, Mr. Giustra co-produced a gala 60th birthday for Mr. Clinton that featured stars like Jon Bon Jovi and raised about $21 million for the Clinton Foundation.
In February 2007, a company called Uranium One agreed to pay $3.1 billion to acquire UrAsia. Mr. Giustra, a director and major shareholder in UrAsia, would be paid $7.05 per share for a company that just two years earlier was trading at 10 cents per share.
That same month, Mr. Dzhakishev, the Kazatomprom chief, said he traveled to Chappaqua, N.Y., to meet with Mr. Clinton at his home. Mr. Dzhakishev said Mr. Giustra arranged the three-hour meeting. Mr. Dzhakishev said he wanted to discuss Kazakhstan’s intention — not publicly known at the time — to buy a 10 percent stake in Westinghouse, a United States supplier of nuclear technology.
Nearly a year earlier, Mr. Clinton had advised Dubai on how to handle the political furor after one of that nation’s companies attempted to take over several American ports. Mrs. Clinton was among those on Capitol Hill who raised the national security concerns that helped kill the deal.
Mr. Dzhakishev said he was worried the proposed Westinghouse investment could face similar objections. Mr. Clinton told him that he would not lobby for him, but Mr. Dzhakishev came away pleased by the chance to promote his nation’s proposal to a former president.
Mr. Clinton “said this was very important for America,” said Mr. Dzhakishev, who added that Mr. Giustra was present at Mr. Clinton’s home.
Both Mr. Clinton and Mr. Giustra at first denied that any such meeting occurred. Mr. Giustra also denied ever arranging for Kazakh officials to meet with Mr. Clinton. Wednesday, after The Times told them that others said a meeting, in Mr. Clinton’s home, had in fact taken place, both men acknowledged it.
“You are correct that I asked the president to meet with the head of Kazatomprom,” Mr. Giustra said. “Mr. Dzhakishev asked me in February 2007 to set up a meeting with former President Clinton to discuss the future of the nuclear energy industry.” Mr. Giustra said the meeting “escaped my memory until you raised it.”
Wednesday, Mr. Clinton’s spokesman, Ben Yarrow, issued what he called a “correction,” saying: “Today, Mr. Giustra told our office that in February 2007, he brought Mr. Dzhakishev from Kazatomprom to meet with President Clinton to discuss the future of nuclear energy.”
Mr. Yarrow said his earlier denial was based on the former president’s records, which he said “show a Feb. 27 meeting with Mr. Giustra; no other attendees are listed.”
Mr. Dzhakishev said he had a vivid memory of his Chappaqua visit, and a souvenir to prove it: a photograph of himself with the former president.
“I hung up the photograph of us and people ask me if I met with Clinton and I say, Yes, I met with Clinton,” he said, smiling proudly.
David L. Stern and Margot Williams contributed reporting.
31 January 2008
By JO BECKER and DON VAN NATTA Jr.
Late on Sept. 6, 2005, a private plane carrying the Canadian mining financier Frank Giustra touched down in Almaty, a ruggedly picturesque city in southeast Kazakhstan. Several hundred miles to the west a fortune awaited: highly coveted deposits of uranium that could fuel nuclear reactors around the world. And Mr. Giustra was in hot pursuit of an exclusive deal to tap them.
Unlike more established competitors, Mr. Giustra was a newcomer to uranium mining in Kazakhstan, a former Soviet republic. But what his fledgling company lacked in experience, it made up for in connections. Accompanying Mr. Giustra on his luxuriously appointed MD-87 jet that day was a former president of the United States, Bill Clinton.
Upon landing on the first stop of a three-country philanthropic tour, the two men were whisked off to share a sumptuous midnight banquet with Kazakhstan’s president, Nursultan A. Nazarbayev, whose 19-year stranglehold on the country has all but quashed political dissent.
Mr. Nazarbayev walked away from the table with a propaganda coup, after Mr. Clinton expressed enthusiastic support for the Kazakh leader’s bid to head an international organization that monitors elections and supports democracy. Mr. Clinton’s public declaration undercut both American foreign policy and sharp criticism of Kazakhstan’s poor human rights record by, among others, Mr. Clinton’s wife, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York.
Within two days, corporate records show that Mr. Giustra also came up a winner when his company signed preliminary agreements giving it the right to buy into three uranium projects controlled by Kazakhstan’s state-owned uranium agency, Kazatomprom.
The monster deal stunned the mining industry, turning an unknown shell company into one of the world’s largest uranium producers in a transaction ultimately worth tens of millions of dollars to Mr. Giustra, analysts said.
Just months after the Kazakh pact was finalized, Mr. Clinton’s charitable foundation received its own windfall: a $31.3 million donation from Mr. Giustra that had remained a secret until he acknowledged it last month. The gift, combined with Mr. Giustra’s more recent and public pledge to give the William J. Clinton Foundation an additional $100 million, secured Mr. Giustra a place in Mr. Clinton’s inner circle, an exclusive club of wealthy entrepreneurs in which friendship with the former president has its privileges.
Mr. Giustra was invited to accompany the former president to Almaty just as the financier was trying to seal a deal he had been negotiating for months.
In separate written responses, both men said Mr. Giustra traveled with Mr. Clinton to Kazakhstan, India and China to see first-hand the philanthropic work done by his foundation.
A spokesman for Mr. Clinton said the former president knew that Mr. Giustra had mining interests in Kazakhstan but was unaware of “any particular efforts” and did nothing to help. Mr. Giustra said he was there as an “observer only” and there was “no discussion” of the deal with Mr. Nazarbayev or Mr. Clinton.
But Moukhtar Dzhakishev, president of Kazatomprom, said in an interview that Mr. Giustra did discuss it, directly with the Kazakh president, and that his friendship with Mr. Clinton “of course made an impression.” Mr. Dzhakishev added that Kazatomprom chose to form a partnership with Mr. Giustra’s company based solely on the merits of its offer.
After The Times told Mr. Giustra that others said he had discussed the deal with Mr. Nazarbayev, Mr. Giustra responded that he “may well have mentioned my general interest in the Kazakhstan mining business to him, but I did not discuss the ongoing” efforts.
As Mrs. Clinton’s presidential campaign has intensified, Mr. Clinton has begun severing financial ties with Ronald W. Burkle, the supermarket magnate, and Vinod Gupta, the chairman of InfoUSA, to avoid any conflicts of interest. Those two men have harnessed the former president’s clout to expand their businesses while making the Clintons rich through partnership and consulting arrangements.
Mr. Clinton has vowed to continue raising money for his foundation if Mrs. Clinton is elected president, maintaining his connections with a wide network of philanthropic partners.
Mr. Giustra said that while his friendship with the former president “may have elevated my profile in the news media, it has not directly affected any of my business transactions.”
Mining colleagues and analysts agree it has not hurt. Neil MacDonald, the chief executive of a Canadian merchant bank that specializes in mining deals, said Mr. Giustra’s financial success was partly due to a “fantastic network” crowned by Mr. Clinton. “That’s a very solid relationship for him,” Mr. MacDonald said. “I’m sure it’s very much a two-way relationship because that’s the way Frank operates.”
Foreseeing Opportunities
Mr. Giustra made his fortune in mining ventures as a broker on the Vancouver Stock Exchange, raising billions of dollars and developing a loyal following of investors. Just as the mining sector collapsed, Mr. Giustra, a lifelong film buff, founded the Lion’s Gate Entertainment Corporation in 1997. But he sold the studio in 2003 and returned to mining.
Mr. Giustra foresaw a bull market in gold and began investing in mines in Argentina, Australia and Mexico. He turned a $20 million shell company into a powerhouse that, after a $2.4 billion merger with Goldcorp Inc., became Canada’s second-largest gold company.
With a net worth estimated in the hundreds of millions of dollars, Mr. Giustra began looking for ways to put his wealth to good use. Meeting Mr. Clinton, and learning about the work his foundation was doing on issues like AIDS treatment in poor countries, “changed my life,” Mr. Giustra told The Vancouver Sun.
The two men were introduced in June 2005 at a fund-raiser for tsunami victims at Mr. Giustra’s Vancouver home and hit it off right away. They share a love of history, geopolitics and music — Mr. Giustra plays the trumpet to Mr. Clinton’s saxophone. Soon the dapper Canadian was a regular at Mr. Clinton’s side, as they flew around the world aboard Mr. Giustra’s plane.
Philanthropy may have become his passion, but Mr. Giustra, now 50, was still hunting for ways to make money.
Exploding demand for energy had helped revitalize the nuclear power industry, and uranium, the raw material for reactor fuel, was about to become a hot commodity. In late 2004, Mr. Giustra began talking to investors, and put together a company that would eventually be called UrAsia Energy Ltd.
Kazakhstan, which has about one-fifth of the world’s uranium reserves, was the place to be. But with plenty of suitors, Kazatomprom could be picky about its partners.
“Everyone was asking Kazatomprom to the dance,” said Fadi Shadid, a senior stock analyst covering the uranium industry for Friedman Billings Ramsey, an investment bank. “A second-tier junior player like UrAsia — you’d need all the help you could get.”
The Cameco Corporation, the world’s largest uranium producer, was already a partner of Kazatomprom. But when Cameco expressed interest in the properties Mr. Giustra was already eying, the government’s response was lukewarm. “The signals we were getting was, you’ve got your hands full,” said Gerald W. Grandey, Cameco president.
For Cameco, it took five years to “build the right connections” in Kazakhstan, Mr. Grandey said. UrAsia did not have that luxury. Profitability depended on striking before the price of uranium soared.
“Timing was everything,” said Sergey Kurzin, a Russian-born businessman whose London-based company was brought into the deal by UrAsia because of his connections in Kazakhstan. Even with those connections, Mr. Kurzin said, it took four months to arrange a meeting with Kazatomprom.
In August 2005, records show, the company sent an engineering consultant to Kazakhstan to assess the uranium properties. Less than four weeks later, Mr. Giustra arrived with Mr. Clinton.
Mr. Dzhakishev, the Kazatomprom chief, said an aide to Mr. Nazarbayev informed him that Mr. Giustra talked with Mr. Nazarbayev about the deal during the visit. “And when our president asked Giustra, ‘What do you do?’ he said, ‘I’m trying to do business with Kazatomprom,’ ” Mr. Dzhakishev said. He added that Mr. Nazarbayev replied, “Very good, go to it.”
Mr. Clinton’s Kazakhstan visit, the only one of his post-presidency, appears to have been arranged hastily. The United States Embassy got last-minute notice that the president would be making “a private visit,” said a State Department official, who said he was not authorized to speak on the record.
The publicly stated reason for the visit was to announce a Clinton Foundation agreement that enabled the government to buy discounted AIDS drugs. But during a news conference, Mr. Clinton wandered into delicate territory by commending Mr. Nazarbayev for “opening up the social and political life of your country.”
In a statement Kazakhstan would highlight in news releases, Mr. Clinton declared that he hoped it would achieve a top objective: leading the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which would confer legitimacy on Mr. Nazarbayev’s government.
“I think it’s time for that to happen, it’s an important step, and I’m glad you’re willing to undertake it,” Mr. Clinton said.
A Speedy Process
Mr. Clinton’s praise was odd, given that the United States did not support Mr. Nazarbayev’s bid. (Late last year, Kazakhstan finally won the chance to lead the security organization for one year, despite concerns raised by the Bush administration.) Moreover, Mr. Clinton’s wife, who sits on a Congressional commission with oversight of such matters, had also voiced skepticism.
Eleven months before Mr. Clinton’s statement, Mrs. Clinton co-signed a commission letter to the State Department that sounded “alarm bells” about the prospect that Kazakhstan might head the group. The letter stated that Kazakhstan’s bid “would not be acceptable,” citing “serious corruption,” canceled elections and government control of the news media.
In a written statement to The Times, Mr. Clinton’s spokesman said the former president saw “no contradiction” between his statements in Kazakhstan and the position of Mrs. Clinton, who said through a spokeswoman, “Senator Clinton’s position on Kazakhstan remains unchanged.”
Noting that the former president also met with opposition leaders in Almaty, Mr. Clinton’s spokesman said he was only “seeking to suggest that a commitment to political openness and to fair elections would reflect well on Kazakhstan’s efforts to chair the O.S.C.E.”
But Robert Herman, who worked for the State Department in the Clinton administration and is now at Freedom House, a human rights group, said the former president’s statement amounted to an endorsement of Kazakhstan’s readiness to lead the group, a position he called “patently absurd.”
“He was either going off his brief or he was sadly mistaken,” Mr. Herman said. “There was nothing in the record to suggest that they really wanted to move forward on democratic reform.”
Indeed, in December 2005, Mr. Nazarbayev won another election, which the security organization itself said was marred by an “atmosphere of intimidation” and “ballot-box stuffing.”
After Mr. Nazarbayev won with 91 percent of the vote, Mr. Clinton sent his congratulations. “Recognizing that your work has received an excellent grade is one of the most important rewards in life,” Mr. Clinton wrote in a letter released by the Kazakh embassy. Last September, just weeks after Kazakhstan held an election that once again failed to meet international standards, Mr. Clinton honored Mr. Nazarbayev by inviting him to his annual philanthropic conference.
Within 48 hours of Mr. Clinton’s departure from Almaty on Sept. 7, Mr. Giustra got his deal. UrAsia signed two memorandums of understanding that paved the way for the company to become partners with Kazatomprom in three mines.
The cost to UrAsia was more than $450 million, money the company did not have in hand and had only weeks to come up with. The transaction was finalized in November, after UrAsia raised the money through the largest initial public offering in the history of Canada’s Venture Exchange.
Mr. Giustra challenged the notion that UrAsia needed to court Kazatomprom’s favor to seal the deal, contending that the government agency’s approval was not required.
But Mr. Dzhakishev, analysts and Mr. Kurzin, one of Mr. Giustra’s own investors, said that approval was necessary. Mr. Dzhakishev, who said that the deal was almost done when Mr. Clinton arrived, said that Kazatomprom was impressed with the sum Mr. Giustra was willing to pay and his record of attracting investors. He said Mr. Nazarbayev himself ultimately signed off on the transaction.
Longtime market watchers were confounded. Kazatomprom’s choice of UrAsia was a “mystery,” said Gene Clark, the chief executive of Trade Tech, a uranium industry newsletter.
“UrAsia was able to jump-start the whole process somehow,” Mr. Clark said. The company became a “major uranium producer when it didn’t even exist before.”
A Profitable Sale
Records show that Mr. Giustra donated the $31.3 million to the Clinton Foundation in the months that followed in 2006, but neither he nor a spokesman for Mr. Clinton would say exactly when.
In September 2006, Mr. Giustra co-produced a gala 60th birthday for Mr. Clinton that featured stars like Jon Bon Jovi and raised about $21 million for the Clinton Foundation.
In February 2007, a company called Uranium One agreed to pay $3.1 billion to acquire UrAsia. Mr. Giustra, a director and major shareholder in UrAsia, would be paid $7.05 per share for a company that just two years earlier was trading at 10 cents per share.
That same month, Mr. Dzhakishev, the Kazatomprom chief, said he traveled to Chappaqua, N.Y., to meet with Mr. Clinton at his home. Mr. Dzhakishev said Mr. Giustra arranged the three-hour meeting. Mr. Dzhakishev said he wanted to discuss Kazakhstan’s intention — not publicly known at the time — to buy a 10 percent stake in Westinghouse, a United States supplier of nuclear technology.
Nearly a year earlier, Mr. Clinton had advised Dubai on how to handle the political furor after one of that nation’s companies attempted to take over several American ports. Mrs. Clinton was among those on Capitol Hill who raised the national security concerns that helped kill the deal.
Mr. Dzhakishev said he was worried the proposed Westinghouse investment could face similar objections. Mr. Clinton told him that he would not lobby for him, but Mr. Dzhakishev came away pleased by the chance to promote his nation’s proposal to a former president.
Mr. Clinton “said this was very important for America,” said Mr. Dzhakishev, who added that Mr. Giustra was present at Mr. Clinton’s home.
Both Mr. Clinton and Mr. Giustra at first denied that any such meeting occurred. Mr. Giustra also denied ever arranging for Kazakh officials to meet with Mr. Clinton. Wednesday, after The Times told them that others said a meeting, in Mr. Clinton’s home, had in fact taken place, both men acknowledged it.
“You are correct that I asked the president to meet with the head of Kazatomprom,” Mr. Giustra said. “Mr. Dzhakishev asked me in February 2007 to set up a meeting with former President Clinton to discuss the future of the nuclear energy industry.” Mr. Giustra said the meeting “escaped my memory until you raised it.”
Wednesday, Mr. Clinton’s spokesman, Ben Yarrow, issued what he called a “correction,” saying: “Today, Mr. Giustra told our office that in February 2007, he brought Mr. Dzhakishev from Kazatomprom to meet with President Clinton to discuss the future of nuclear energy.”
Mr. Yarrow said his earlier denial was based on the former president’s records, which he said “show a Feb. 27 meeting with Mr. Giustra; no other attendees are listed.”
Mr. Dzhakishev said he had a vivid memory of his Chappaqua visit, and a souvenir to prove it: a photograph of himself with the former president.
“I hung up the photograph of us and people ask me if I met with Clinton and I say, Yes, I met with Clinton,” he said, smiling proudly.
David L. Stern and Margot Williams contributed reporting.
ITURI: ARMY CLASHES WITH ‘LAST OF THE REBELS.'
MISNA
30 January 2008
At least ten rebels have been killed in Ituri in the past few days in clashes with the Congolese army. UN sources said that the corpses of at least ten fighters, believed to be connected to the Patriotic Ituri Resistance Front (FRPI) were found near Thcey, 100km. south of Bunia, Ituri’s capital. The area, an FRPI stronghold, has been under increasing army control for the past months. Despite the peace accord and the disarmament program, the area south of Bunia remains tense as some 400 fighters have not given up their weapons and the fighting. Last January 16, they ambushed an army patrol, killing two soldiers.
About 3,000 civilians have fled the area because of clashes between the army and the rebels, but the number of refugees remains unclear for the time being. Ituri is rich in mineral resources and it saw (along with Kivu) the worse violence after the formal end of the 1998-2003 Congolese war. It is estimated that some 60,000 people have been killed in the area as a result of a struggle over control of the region’s vast mining resources.
30 January 2008
At least ten rebels have been killed in Ituri in the past few days in clashes with the Congolese army. UN sources said that the corpses of at least ten fighters, believed to be connected to the Patriotic Ituri Resistance Front (FRPI) were found near Thcey, 100km. south of Bunia, Ituri’s capital. The area, an FRPI stronghold, has been under increasing army control for the past months. Despite the peace accord and the disarmament program, the area south of Bunia remains tense as some 400 fighters have not given up their weapons and the fighting. Last January 16, they ambushed an army patrol, killing two soldiers.
About 3,000 civilians have fled the area because of clashes between the army and the rebels, but the number of refugees remains unclear for the time being. Ituri is rich in mineral resources and it saw (along with Kivu) the worse violence after the formal end of the 1998-2003 Congolese war. It is estimated that some 60,000 people have been killed in the area as a result of a struggle over control of the region’s vast mining resources.
NORTH-KIVU: EFFORTS IN FAVOR OF GOMA ACCORD.
MISNA
30 January 2008
The effort to establish the monitoring bodies for the accords of the Goma conference – which ended a week ago – and a ceasefire continue. Government, international and UN officials from MONUC participated at the talks; the committee entrusted with composing and assigning roles of the ‘technical mixed monitoring mission’ ; it shall also meets delegates from the armed groups.
Meanwhile, because the fighting continued, last Monday in Kiseguro and Katwiguru (North-Kivu) supposedly between rival factions of the Rwandan FDLR (not invited to Goma). At least 2000 civilians are fleeing toward Rutshuru and surrounding area. According to the UN’s humanitarian affairs office OCHA, which is recording the new refugees, families have found shelter in schools and churches.
On Monday there were also more clashes involving soldiers loyal to dissident General Nkunda and the Mayi-Mayi in PARECO, violating the ceasefire commitment signed just days before. Meanwhile, the armed groups have reiterated their desire to respect the agreements and to make an effort for peace.
A peace needed to enable some 300,000 Congolese refugees to return: in the past two days, UNHCR has organized the return to South Kivu for 255 Congolese from Tanzania and 254 others from RD Congo to the Equator province.
30 January 2008
The effort to establish the monitoring bodies for the accords of the Goma conference – which ended a week ago – and a ceasefire continue. Government, international and UN officials from MONUC participated at the talks; the committee entrusted with composing and assigning roles of the ‘technical mixed monitoring mission’ ; it shall also meets delegates from the armed groups.
Meanwhile, because the fighting continued, last Monday in Kiseguro and Katwiguru (North-Kivu) supposedly between rival factions of the Rwandan FDLR (not invited to Goma). At least 2000 civilians are fleeing toward Rutshuru and surrounding area. According to the UN’s humanitarian affairs office OCHA, which is recording the new refugees, families have found shelter in schools and churches.
On Monday there were also more clashes involving soldiers loyal to dissident General Nkunda and the Mayi-Mayi in PARECO, violating the ceasefire commitment signed just days before. Meanwhile, the armed groups have reiterated their desire to respect the agreements and to make an effort for peace.
A peace needed to enable some 300,000 Congolese refugees to return: in the past two days, UNHCR has organized the return to South Kivu for 255 Congolese from Tanzania and 254 others from RD Congo to the Equator province.
Chevron Expands in Kazakhstan.
Rigzone
29 January 2008
Chevron Corporation announced that its affiliate Tengizchevroil LLP has started up new facilities as part of the first phase of its expansion at the Tengiz Field in Kazakhstan.
This initial expansion of 90,000 barrels per day brings Tengizchevroil's current capacity to a total of approximately 400,000 barrels per day.
Included in the startup is the Sour Gas Injection (SGI) project and the front end of the Second Generation Plant (SGP). SGI reinjects produced sour gas into the
reservoir at very high pressures to boost production. SGP was brought up to about one-third of its full capacity and is currently separating the natural gas for injection while also stabilizing and sweetening the crude oil. Once fully operational, SGP is designed to also process sour gas into gas products and elemental sulfur.
The addition of full facilities is projected to further increase daily crude production capacity at Tengiz to 540,000 barrels. Start-up of full facilities is expected during the second half of 2008.
"The successful startup of the first phase of the expansion is a state-of-the-art technological achievement and a demonstration of our ability to execute next-generation, highly complex projects," said Guy Hollingsworth, president of Chevron Europe, Eurasia and Middle East Exploration and Production.
Once at full operating capacity, approximately one-third of the sour gas produced from the expansion is planned to be injected into the reservoir. The remaining volumes will be processed as commercial gas, propane, butane and sulfur.
"This multibillion-dollar SGI/SGP expansion of the world's deepest producing supergiant oil field is another step forward in partnering with Kazakhstan to develop the full potential of the country's vast energy resources," said Jay Johnson, managing director of Chevron's Eurasia business unit. "We will continue to grow and modernize the country's energy sector and generate economic prosperity."
Chevron has a 50% interest in Tengizchevroil. Other partners are KazMunaiGas, 20%; ExxonMobil Kazakhstan Ventures Inc., 25%; and LUKArco, 5%.
29 January 2008
Chevron Corporation announced that its affiliate Tengizchevroil LLP has started up new facilities as part of the first phase of its expansion at the Tengiz Field in Kazakhstan.
This initial expansion of 90,000 barrels per day brings Tengizchevroil's current capacity to a total of approximately 400,000 barrels per day.
Included in the startup is the Sour Gas Injection (SGI) project and the front end of the Second Generation Plant (SGP). SGI reinjects produced sour gas into the
reservoir at very high pressures to boost production. SGP was brought up to about one-third of its full capacity and is currently separating the natural gas for injection while also stabilizing and sweetening the crude oil. Once fully operational, SGP is designed to also process sour gas into gas products and elemental sulfur.
The addition of full facilities is projected to further increase daily crude production capacity at Tengiz to 540,000 barrels. Start-up of full facilities is expected during the second half of 2008.
"The successful startup of the first phase of the expansion is a state-of-the-art technological achievement and a demonstration of our ability to execute next-generation, highly complex projects," said Guy Hollingsworth, president of Chevron Europe, Eurasia and Middle East Exploration and Production.
Once at full operating capacity, approximately one-third of the sour gas produced from the expansion is planned to be injected into the reservoir. The remaining volumes will be processed as commercial gas, propane, butane and sulfur.
"This multibillion-dollar SGI/SGP expansion of the world's deepest producing supergiant oil field is another step forward in partnering with Kazakhstan to develop the full potential of the country's vast energy resources," said Jay Johnson, managing director of Chevron's Eurasia business unit. "We will continue to grow and modernize the country's energy sector and generate economic prosperity."
Chevron has a 50% interest in Tengizchevroil. Other partners are KazMunaiGas, 20%; ExxonMobil Kazakhstan Ventures Inc., 25%; and LUKArco, 5%.
30 January, 2008
NATO bases to be set up in Bulgaria.
by Elitsa Savova
Sofia Echo
3 January 2008
Editor's Note: Recall that Secretary General Moon was in Bulgaria before he travelled to Rwanda earlier this week.
A US military base might be set up near the village of Chubra in the region of Bourgas, Chubra mayor Georgi Kendov said.
The municipality was hoping that establishing the base would lead to the modernisation of infrastructure in the region, Dnevnik daily said.
Kendov said that the money to be earned from the base could be used for a polyclinic and daily emergency centre with ambulances.
NATO asked if the former buildings of a tank brigade in the town of Aitos could be turned into a reserve storage base. NATO planned to store here the equipment for one or two battalions, which would be based in the military bases of Novo Selo and Bezmer.
The US investment in the municipalities where military bases would be set up, would be nearly $200 million, Dnevnik said.
In late December 2007, at a public discussion, experts explained that the bases would remain Bulgarian, under Bulgarian flag and command. The villages near the bases would benefit from infrastructure development. The US planned charity for the social institutions in the region of the bases, Dnevnik said.
Sungulare mayor Georgi Kenov said that the bases were a possible way to solve some of the problems in the municipality, including unemployment.
Sofia Echo
3 January 2008
Editor's Note: Recall that Secretary General Moon was in Bulgaria before he travelled to Rwanda earlier this week.
A US military base might be set up near the village of Chubra in the region of Bourgas, Chubra mayor Georgi Kendov said.
The municipality was hoping that establishing the base would lead to the modernisation of infrastructure in the region, Dnevnik daily said.
Kendov said that the money to be earned from the base could be used for a polyclinic and daily emergency centre with ambulances.
NATO asked if the former buildings of a tank brigade in the town of Aitos could be turned into a reserve storage base. NATO planned to store here the equipment for one or two battalions, which would be based in the military bases of Novo Selo and Bezmer.
The US investment in the municipalities where military bases would be set up, would be nearly $200 million, Dnevnik said.
In late December 2007, at a public discussion, experts explained that the bases would remain Bulgarian, under Bulgarian flag and command. The villages near the bases would benefit from infrastructure development. The US planned charity for the social institutions in the region of the bases, Dnevnik said.
Sungulare mayor Georgi Kenov said that the bases were a possible way to solve some of the problems in the municipality, including unemployment.
World Bank targets change to oil law.
Macau Hub
29 January 2008
The World Bank plans to discuss with the government of Sao Tome and Principe a proposal to alter the oil law that aims to do away with public tenders, the bank’s representative for the archipelago said in Libreville Monday.
In a telephone interview, Olivier Fremond told Portuguese news agency Lusa that the Sao Tome authorities had to ensure transparency and a competitive legal framework, in order to have “quality oil companies” working on the archipelago.
The World Bank representative, who is due to arrive in Sao Tome Wednesday, said he was not aware of the government’s arguments for enforcing the new law and said he would give further details after the meeting, which is due to take place between Friday and Monday.
The proposal to change the Framework Law of Oil Revenues, approved by the Sao Tome National Assembly in November 2004 to regulate the granting of licenses in the Sao Tome Exclusive Economic Area, was put together without consulting Columbia University (United States), whose exports drew up the original law.
The change made to the law, which was recently presented by Prime Minister Tomé Vera Cruz to the parliamentary parties, relates to article 22.
In this article, the government plans to establish two exceptions to the obligation to launch a public tender: “direct negotiation for the survey phase” and “exceptional and occasional dispensation for surveying and production,” which are consider “complementary” to a tender.
29 January 2008
The World Bank plans to discuss with the government of Sao Tome and Principe a proposal to alter the oil law that aims to do away with public tenders, the bank’s representative for the archipelago said in Libreville Monday.
In a telephone interview, Olivier Fremond told Portuguese news agency Lusa that the Sao Tome authorities had to ensure transparency and a competitive legal framework, in order to have “quality oil companies” working on the archipelago.
The World Bank representative, who is due to arrive in Sao Tome Wednesday, said he was not aware of the government’s arguments for enforcing the new law and said he would give further details after the meeting, which is due to take place between Friday and Monday.
The proposal to change the Framework Law of Oil Revenues, approved by the Sao Tome National Assembly in November 2004 to regulate the granting of licenses in the Sao Tome Exclusive Economic Area, was put together without consulting Columbia University (United States), whose exports drew up the original law.
The change made to the law, which was recently presented by Prime Minister Tomé Vera Cruz to the parliamentary parties, relates to article 22.
In this article, the government plans to establish two exceptions to the obligation to launch a public tender: “direct negotiation for the survey phase” and “exceptional and occasional dispensation for surveying and production,” which are consider “complementary” to a tender.
Somalia and Ethiopia to be united, says Somali Minister.
SomaliNet
January 2, 2007
Mohamed Abdi Farah
Hussein Mohamed Aideed, the Interior Minister of the Transitional Federal Government has said on Tuesday the government wants Somalia and Ethiopia to share a single passport and wipe out the boundary between the countries – citing the unity of European countries as one nation and share one currency.
Mr. Aideed who met today with clan and traditional elders in the former presidential palace in the Somalia capital, Mogadishu, said since Somalis and Ethiopians are brothers and both countries share 2000 km long border my government would suggest to use a single passport in the two countries and a unified security force because there is blood relations between both communities in Somalia and Ethiopia.
“There are thousands of Somali refugees living in Ethiopian and who hold Ethiopian passports who can travel everywhere in the world,” Mr. Aideed said.
Hussein Aideed said 60% the Somali refugees are in Ethiopia and argued that nothing can prevent us from joining hands with Ethiopia since they came to help us from thousands miles away.
The Interior Minister asked the elders to welcome the Ethiopian forces helping the government in restoring peace and stability.
He said the Ethiopians should be seen as friends and not as enemies. “Ethiopia is the only country which supported Somalia out of the problem,” he said.
December 10, 2006, some members of the transitional parliament in Somalia put on view publicly a map which they said secretly stolen from the office of Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi in Baidoa. The map shows all countries in African continent with Ethiopia annexing Somalia. But the premier Gedi denied the allegation as false paper.
January 2, 2007
Mohamed Abdi Farah
Hussein Mohamed Aideed, the Interior Minister of the Transitional Federal Government has said on Tuesday the government wants Somalia and Ethiopia to share a single passport and wipe out the boundary between the countries – citing the unity of European countries as one nation and share one currency.
Mr. Aideed who met today with clan and traditional elders in the former presidential palace in the Somalia capital, Mogadishu, said since Somalis and Ethiopians are brothers and both countries share 2000 km long border my government would suggest to use a single passport in the two countries and a unified security force because there is blood relations between both communities in Somalia and Ethiopia.
“There are thousands of Somali refugees living in Ethiopian and who hold Ethiopian passports who can travel everywhere in the world,” Mr. Aideed said.
Hussein Aideed said 60% the Somali refugees are in Ethiopia and argued that nothing can prevent us from joining hands with Ethiopia since they came to help us from thousands miles away.
The Interior Minister asked the elders to welcome the Ethiopian forces helping the government in restoring peace and stability.
He said the Ethiopians should be seen as friends and not as enemies. “Ethiopia is the only country which supported Somalia out of the problem,” he said.
December 10, 2006, some members of the transitional parliament in Somalia put on view publicly a map which they said secretly stolen from the office of Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi in Baidoa. The map shows all countries in African continent with Ethiopia annexing Somalia. But the premier Gedi denied the allegation as false paper.
Kouchner's Attempts to Normalise French, Rwandese Ties - Reyntjens.
Hirondelle News Agency
28 January 2008
A Belgian Professor of Law, Filip Reyntjens, who often has testified as an expert witness before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), has said that the recent French initiative of normalizing relations with Rwanda smacked of double standards.
He was reacting to the last week's visit of the French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner to Kigali to try to normalize the strained relationship between Paris and Kigali. The visit followed an earlier meeting between Presidents of France and Rwanda in Lisbon, Portugal during the European Union.
According to the former professor of law at the University of Butare "the regime in Kigali is accustomed to reasoning in terms of power and weakness. It will consider the step by Kouchner as a sign of weakness which it will exploit as soon as an opportunity arises ".
"When this moment comes," the professor adds, " It will be very difficult to maintain normal relations such as the head of the French diplomacy thinks of them", he concludes.
Being ironic about the 48 hours that Kouchner spent in Rwanda during the genocide and which makes him write, "I was there", the Belgian researcher states:
"Rather than by the respect of the truth, Kouchner seems to be inspired by 'Realpolitik ', and in particular, he says himself the role that is impossible to avoid of Rwanda in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country which it occupied and plundered and where five million people perished because of the wars imposed by neighbours.
The article of the head of the French diplomacy and his denunciation in Kigali of a "political fault" committed by France in 1994 also led to a reaction by the head of the French government at the time.
Alain Juppe, former Prime Minister, notably denounced "the amalgams of repentance".
"We have been assisting for several years as an insidious attempt to rewrite history, which aims at transforming France from an engaged actor into an accomplice of the genocide", regretted the former Prime Minister.
Kouchner responded that he did not target anyone but it is, he said, "to make the truth, to establish justice and to restore diplomatic relations with a country that broke off ties".
28 January 2008
A Belgian Professor of Law, Filip Reyntjens, who often has testified as an expert witness before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), has said that the recent French initiative of normalizing relations with Rwanda smacked of double standards.
He was reacting to the last week's visit of the French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner to Kigali to try to normalize the strained relationship between Paris and Kigali. The visit followed an earlier meeting between Presidents of France and Rwanda in Lisbon, Portugal during the European Union.
According to the former professor of law at the University of Butare "the regime in Kigali is accustomed to reasoning in terms of power and weakness. It will consider the step by Kouchner as a sign of weakness which it will exploit as soon as an opportunity arises ".
"When this moment comes," the professor adds, " It will be very difficult to maintain normal relations such as the head of the French diplomacy thinks of them", he concludes.
Being ironic about the 48 hours that Kouchner spent in Rwanda during the genocide and which makes him write, "I was there", the Belgian researcher states:
"Rather than by the respect of the truth, Kouchner seems to be inspired by 'Realpolitik ', and in particular, he says himself the role that is impossible to avoid of Rwanda in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country which it occupied and plundered and where five million people perished because of the wars imposed by neighbours.
The article of the head of the French diplomacy and his denunciation in Kigali of a "political fault" committed by France in 1994 also led to a reaction by the head of the French government at the time.
Alain Juppe, former Prime Minister, notably denounced "the amalgams of repentance".
"We have been assisting for several years as an insidious attempt to rewrite history, which aims at transforming France from an engaged actor into an accomplice of the genocide", regretted the former Prime Minister.
Kouchner responded that he did not target anyone but it is, he said, "to make the truth, to establish justice and to restore diplomatic relations with a country that broke off ties".
US vows to help Southern Sudan build a ‘professional’ army.
Sudan Tribune
29 January 2008
The US administration today affirmed its commitment to helping Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) transform into a modernized army.
The top US diplomat for Africa, Undersecretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazier, broke the news on the occasion of inaugurating an interim SPLA headquarters funded by Washington.
The statement posted on the US State Department's website did not specify the location of the new buildings.
“These buildings are more than a new home for the leadership of the SPLA. They are a symbol of the partnership that exists between the people of Southern Sudan and the people of the United States of America” the statement read.
The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the civil war in Sudan provides for two armies in the North and the South with joint units in certain areas such as oil fields.
The Sudanese government at the time refused to fund the Southern army from the federal budget so a compromise was reached that will allow the South to receive military assistance from abroad.
Reuters reported last year that the US administration wanted to upgrade the capabilities of South Sudan army as part of a sanctions package against Khartoum for failing to halt the violence in the Western region of Darfur.
29 January 2008
The US administration today affirmed its commitment to helping Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) transform into a modernized army.
The top US diplomat for Africa, Undersecretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazier, broke the news on the occasion of inaugurating an interim SPLA headquarters funded by Washington.
The statement posted on the US State Department's website did not specify the location of the new buildings.
“These buildings are more than a new home for the leadership of the SPLA. They are a symbol of the partnership that exists between the people of Southern Sudan and the people of the United States of America” the statement read.
The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the civil war in Sudan provides for two armies in the North and the South with joint units in certain areas such as oil fields.
The Sudanese government at the time refused to fund the Southern army from the federal budget so a compromise was reached that will allow the South to receive military assistance from abroad.
Reuters reported last year that the US administration wanted to upgrade the capabilities of South Sudan army as part of a sanctions package against Khartoum for failing to halt the violence in the Western region of Darfur.
AFRICOM staff to grow to 1,300 as it takes over military activities.
By Charlie Coon
Stars and Stripes
Mideast edition, Tuesday, January 29, 2008
By the time it becomes fully operational on Oct. 1, the U.S. Africa Command will be home to about 1,300 Defense Department personnel: 500 more than originally estimated, a top command official said Monday.
The military’s newest headquarters command — made up largely of planners, logisticians and analysts — also will be staying in Stuttgart for the foreseeable future, said Vice Adm. Robert T. Moeller, deputy to the commander for military operations, in an interview Monday at AFRICOM headquarters.
“From here we can do all the activities we need to do with our African partners,” Moeller said.
The eventual staff of 1,300 does not include people coming from other agencies. The State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development will place staff at AFRICOM. The Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps also are forming small component commands to address needs in Africa that are specific to those service branches, he said.
Other U.S. agencies, such as the departments of Commerce, Justice, Treasury and Agriculture, are being examined for ways to contribute to the command.
AFRICOM staff will spend this year taking ownership of ongoing U.S. military activities in Africa. Three other U.S. commands — the Stuttgart-based European Command, the Honolulu-based Pacific Command and Tampa, Fla.-based Central Command — currently oversee military training, exercises and other activities on various parts of the continent.
“First and foremost, in terms of hitting the ground running, is to maintain all that level of activity,” Moeller said. “With one command solely focused on all these activities, we certainly believe we will be more effective and more responsive to our African partners.”
Once the command is at full strength, Moeller said, the military would look for further ways to work with African nations who request U.S. assistance.
For a number of years, U.S. troops have trained with militaries from various nations on the African continent, in addition to performing medical and humanitarian missions.
Currently, in Djibouti on the eastern side of the continent, about 1,800 mostly-U.S. personnel operate Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa. They provide military and civil services to nations in that region.
In the west, the logistics ship USS Fort McHenry is cruising the Gulf of Guinea and making port calls as the flagship of the Africa Partnership Station, a sort of floating military base. Its troops are serving a seven-month deployment.
“All of this is about the idea of building the capacity of our African partners,” Moeller said. “It all has to be done in a measured way, in conjunction with their desires and their interests and what makes sense from their perspective.”
Stars and Stripes
Mideast edition, Tuesday, January 29, 2008
By the time it becomes fully operational on Oct. 1, the U.S. Africa Command will be home to about 1,300 Defense Department personnel: 500 more than originally estimated, a top command official said Monday.
The military’s newest headquarters command — made up largely of planners, logisticians and analysts — also will be staying in Stuttgart for the foreseeable future, said Vice Adm. Robert T. Moeller, deputy to the commander for military operations, in an interview Monday at AFRICOM headquarters.
“From here we can do all the activities we need to do with our African partners,” Moeller said.
The eventual staff of 1,300 does not include people coming from other agencies. The State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development will place staff at AFRICOM. The Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps also are forming small component commands to address needs in Africa that are specific to those service branches, he said.
Other U.S. agencies, such as the departments of Commerce, Justice, Treasury and Agriculture, are being examined for ways to contribute to the command.
AFRICOM staff will spend this year taking ownership of ongoing U.S. military activities in Africa. Three other U.S. commands — the Stuttgart-based European Command, the Honolulu-based Pacific Command and Tampa, Fla.-based Central Command — currently oversee military training, exercises and other activities on various parts of the continent.
“First and foremost, in terms of hitting the ground running, is to maintain all that level of activity,” Moeller said. “With one command solely focused on all these activities, we certainly believe we will be more effective and more responsive to our African partners.”
Once the command is at full strength, Moeller said, the military would look for further ways to work with African nations who request U.S. assistance.
For a number of years, U.S. troops have trained with militaries from various nations on the African continent, in addition to performing medical and humanitarian missions.
Currently, in Djibouti on the eastern side of the continent, about 1,800 mostly-U.S. personnel operate Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa. They provide military and civil services to nations in that region.
In the west, the logistics ship USS Fort McHenry is cruising the Gulf of Guinea and making port calls as the flagship of the Africa Partnership Station, a sort of floating military base. Its troops are serving a seven-month deployment.
“All of this is about the idea of building the capacity of our African partners,” Moeller said. “It all has to be done in a measured way, in conjunction with their desires and their interests and what makes sense from their perspective.”
U.S. official: U.S. radar base to be part of NATO system.
Xinhua
29 January 2008
The U.S. radar base in the Czech Republic would be a part of NATO architecture, Deputy Director of the Missile Defense Agency (MDA) Patrick O'Reilly said at a seminar on anti-missile defense here on Tuesday.
NATO was developing a system protecting against short-range missiles, while the U.S. shield was against long-range missiles, O'Reilly said.
The systems would cooperate and share the information on danger, he pointed out.
The radar in the Czech Republic would not serve as any early warning station and would not be constantly switched on, he said.
It was chiefly devised to precisely watch the missiles that had already been launched, he added.
The base would be fully functional in 2014 or 2015, O'Reilly said, adding that the construction itself would last four years and the system would be tested for another year.
He said by 2015, there would be a real danger of an attack from the U.S. viewpoint. The threat might not only be posed by nuclear, but also biological and chemical weapons that could carry the warheads.
According to O'Reilly, the United States has set aside 90 million U.S. dollars that may be earned by Czech firms thanks to the construction of the U.S. radar base.
After the radar base were completed, the United States would provide investment bids for 40 million dollars annually, he said.
The United States initiated the plan to deploy an anti-missile radar base in the Czech Republic and a missile interceptor base in Poland. Negotiations between the Czech Republic and the United States are still underway.
Russia has expressed strong objections to the U.S. missile defense program in Poland and the Czech Republic.
Some 70 percent of Czech citizens are opposed to the base, according to recent public opinion polls.
29 January 2008
The U.S. radar base in the Czech Republic would be a part of NATO architecture, Deputy Director of the Missile Defense Agency (MDA) Patrick O'Reilly said at a seminar on anti-missile defense here on Tuesday.
NATO was developing a system protecting against short-range missiles, while the U.S. shield was against long-range missiles, O'Reilly said.
The systems would cooperate and share the information on danger, he pointed out.
The radar in the Czech Republic would not serve as any early warning station and would not be constantly switched on, he said.
It was chiefly devised to precisely watch the missiles that had already been launched, he added.
The base would be fully functional in 2014 or 2015, O'Reilly said, adding that the construction itself would last four years and the system would be tested for another year.
He said by 2015, there would be a real danger of an attack from the U.S. viewpoint. The threat might not only be posed by nuclear, but also biological and chemical weapons that could carry the warheads.
According to O'Reilly, the United States has set aside 90 million U.S. dollars that may be earned by Czech firms thanks to the construction of the U.S. radar base.
After the radar base were completed, the United States would provide investment bids for 40 million dollars annually, he said.
The United States initiated the plan to deploy an anti-missile radar base in the Czech Republic and a missile interceptor base in Poland. Negotiations between the Czech Republic and the United States are still underway.
Russia has expressed strong objections to the U.S. missile defense program in Poland and the Czech Republic.
Some 70 percent of Czech citizens are opposed to the base, according to recent public opinion polls.
29 January, 2008
NORTH: CIVILIANS ABDUCTED: REBELS DENY INVOLVEMENT.
MISNA
28 January 2008
Four civilians were abducted by armed men onboard three jeeps in Titirtagatt, in the department of Arlit, in northern Niger. The AFP news agency reports the version of the local administration of Agadez, which claimed that the abduction was carried out on Friday by members of the Niger Movement for Change (MNJ), the Tuareg majority rebellion active for a year in the north of the nation. An MNJ representative contacted by MISNA categorically denied any involvement of the movement: “It is not in our nature to kidnap civilians. We do not know who was responsible for the gesture, maybe it was a settling of scores or a staging… But our combatants were not involved”. The MNJ instead confirmed the kidnapping of Garba Kona, prefect of Tanout, in quality of “state symbol”, on January 20 in an attack on the town. Some thirty soldiers captured in previous attacks are also still held by the MNJ. The rebels claim to be combating against the government policy of allowing western multinationals to exploit the rich mineral resources of northern Niger without any benefits for the local population.
28 January 2008
Four civilians were abducted by armed men onboard three jeeps in Titirtagatt, in the department of Arlit, in northern Niger. The AFP news agency reports the version of the local administration of Agadez, which claimed that the abduction was carried out on Friday by members of the Niger Movement for Change (MNJ), the Tuareg majority rebellion active for a year in the north of the nation. An MNJ representative contacted by MISNA categorically denied any involvement of the movement: “It is not in our nature to kidnap civilians. We do not know who was responsible for the gesture, maybe it was a settling of scores or a staging… But our combatants were not involved”. The MNJ instead confirmed the kidnapping of Garba Kona, prefect of Tanout, in quality of “state symbol”, on January 20 in an attack on the town. Some thirty soldiers captured in previous attacks are also still held by the MNJ. The rebels claim to be combating against the government policy of allowing western multinationals to exploit the rich mineral resources of northern Niger without any benefits for the local population.
Ecuador Pinches Big Oil: 45 Days to Pay Up or Get Out.
by Kerry Laird
Rigzone
January 28, 2008
Ecuador President Rafael Correa told oil companies operating in Ecuador they had three choices: sign agreements with the State for services, cough up 99% of surplus income from commercialization of oil, or end all operations in Ecuador, reported Prensa Latina news on Jan. 28.
In a speech given on Jan. 28, Correa said changes in the country's oil and mining sectors are "top priority" for his administration. He said the focus must be on keeping those resources under the operation of the State.
In October 2007, President Rafael Correa signed an executive decree that increased the state's share of oil revenues. During the same period, Ecuador's top energy official was making claims that the country wanted to seize full ownership of oil resources and production.
Shortly thereafter, foreign oil companies operating in Ecuador began renegotiating contracts to facilitate the country's preferred changes. Dow Jones reported that instead of letting companies produce and sell oil in exchange for a royalty, the government would pay them a fee to extract the oil, which would belong to the state.
Correa gave foreign investment companies a 45-day term to finalize contract negotiations with his government.
Prensa Latina reported that if companies choose to end operations in Ecuador, Correa "pointed out the State promises to return investment funds, and Petroecuador state oil company will assume exploitation of those fields."
Just last week, PFC Energy named the 50 most profitable oil and gas companies. Three of the top companies mentioned were national oil companies ran by China, Russia, and Brazil.
According to the Energy Information Administration, total oil production for Ecuador is 510,000 bbl/d, which ranks Ecuador thirtieth in the world for oil production. In 2006, Ecuador recorded 10 Bcf/d production.
Rigzone
January 28, 2008
Ecuador President Rafael Correa told oil companies operating in Ecuador they had three choices: sign agreements with the State for services, cough up 99% of surplus income from commercialization of oil, or end all operations in Ecuador, reported Prensa Latina news on Jan. 28.
In a speech given on Jan. 28, Correa said changes in the country's oil and mining sectors are "top priority" for his administration. He said the focus must be on keeping those resources under the operation of the State.
In October 2007, President Rafael Correa signed an executive decree that increased the state's share of oil revenues. During the same period, Ecuador's top energy official was making claims that the country wanted to seize full ownership of oil resources and production.
Shortly thereafter, foreign oil companies operating in Ecuador began renegotiating contracts to facilitate the country's preferred changes. Dow Jones reported that instead of letting companies produce and sell oil in exchange for a royalty, the government would pay them a fee to extract the oil, which would belong to the state.
Correa gave foreign investment companies a 45-day term to finalize contract negotiations with his government.
Prensa Latina reported that if companies choose to end operations in Ecuador, Correa "pointed out the State promises to return investment funds, and Petroecuador state oil company will assume exploitation of those fields."
Just last week, PFC Energy named the 50 most profitable oil and gas companies. Three of the top companies mentioned were national oil companies ran by China, Russia, and Brazil.
According to the Energy Information Administration, total oil production for Ecuador is 510,000 bbl/d, which ranks Ecuador thirtieth in the world for oil production. In 2006, Ecuador recorded 10 Bcf/d production.
EX-RWANDAN FOREIGN MINISTER WORKED FOR PEACE, CLAIMS BELGIAN DIPLOMAT.
Hirondelle News Agency
28 January 2008
Genocide accused Former Rwandan Foreign Minister Jerome Bicamumpaka wanted to restore peace in his country devastated by the war and the massacres, claimed a Belgian diplomat Monday before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
Accused of committing genocide and crimes against humanity, Bicampaka, 51, was his country’s top diplomat in the interim Rwandan Government from April to July 1994. He has pleaded not guilty.
The defence witness, Jean Ghiste, was a diplomat in neighbouring Bujumbura, Burundi, in April 1994. He represented the French-speaking community of Belgium in Rwanda and Burundi since December 1992.
The Belgian told the UN Court that he had met Bicamumpaka in Bujumbura on 16 and 17 April 1994. On 16 April, Bicamumpaka had represented his country at the funeral services for the Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, killed in the attack on the plane of his Rwandan counterpart Juvenal Habyarimana ten days earlier. The attack sparked the genocide in Rwanda.
Ghiste said that on 17 April, he had discussed at length with Bicamumpaka the political situation which prevailed in Rwanda at the time.
"What he said to me was completely related to the support of the international community, in particular of the Belgian community, to negotiate with the RPF and to put an end to the hostilities and massacres which were in progress", he explained.
He had observed in the former minister “will to support the international community and to have contacts, which appeared difficult at that time". Ghiste said, adding that he had noticed in Bicamumpaka a feeling of impotence owing to the fact that the interim government of which he was member was isolated.
Bicamumpaka is on trial alongside three of his colleagues who were in the interim government.--T Casmir Bizimungu (health), Justin Mugenzi (trade) and Prosper Mugiraneza (civil service).
28 January 2008
Genocide accused Former Rwandan Foreign Minister Jerome Bicamumpaka wanted to restore peace in his country devastated by the war and the massacres, claimed a Belgian diplomat Monday before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
Accused of committing genocide and crimes against humanity, Bicampaka, 51, was his country’s top diplomat in the interim Rwandan Government from April to July 1994. He has pleaded not guilty.
The defence witness, Jean Ghiste, was a diplomat in neighbouring Bujumbura, Burundi, in April 1994. He represented the French-speaking community of Belgium in Rwanda and Burundi since December 1992.
The Belgian told the UN Court that he had met Bicamumpaka in Bujumbura on 16 and 17 April 1994. On 16 April, Bicamumpaka had represented his country at the funeral services for the Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, killed in the attack on the plane of his Rwandan counterpart Juvenal Habyarimana ten days earlier. The attack sparked the genocide in Rwanda.
Ghiste said that on 17 April, he had discussed at length with Bicamumpaka the political situation which prevailed in Rwanda at the time.
"What he said to me was completely related to the support of the international community, in particular of the Belgian community, to negotiate with the RPF and to put an end to the hostilities and massacres which were in progress", he explained.
He had observed in the former minister “will to support the international community and to have contacts, which appeared difficult at that time". Ghiste said, adding that he had noticed in Bicamumpaka a feeling of impotence owing to the fact that the interim government of which he was member was isolated.
Bicamumpaka is on trial alongside three of his colleagues who were in the interim government.--T Casmir Bizimungu (health), Justin Mugenzi (trade) and Prosper Mugiraneza (civil service).
28 January, 2008
North Kivu: Civil Society Satisfied After Goma.
MISNA
25 January 2008
“A great step forward has been made before the international community. Weapons will now give way to peace and reconciliation”, said Jason Luneno, a civil society representative who spoke to MISNA from Goma about the achievements of the Conference for peace and development in North and South Kivu.
Delegates from South and North-Kivu have signed the statement of commitment signed by armed groups and by the government in Kinshasa: “it meets our demands, including a ceasefire, dismantling of militias, integration of the rebels in civilian life, return of refugees. It has the makings of stability in the long tormented region” said Luneno to MISNA. As for Kinshasa’s decision to issue an amnesty in favor of those involved in the insurgency since 2003 is also accepted: “the amnesty debate was tense, but in the name of peace, we have accepted. However, it is not concerned with war crimes. There is a real hope to see justice” said Luneno, referring in particular to dissident general Laurent Nkunda, leader of the CNDP, which has been involved in harsh fighting over the past four months in North-Kivu; Nkunda has an international arrest warrant against him after his takeover of Bukavu (capital of South -Kivu) in 2004.
Many have also appreciated the effort to resolve, with their return home, the issue of the presence in the North east of the FDLR and other Hutu refugees, who oppose Rwandan president Paul Kagame, who used the pretext of their presence to justify putting pressure on the country. Today, the minister of foreign affairs Mbusa Nyamwisi (former leader of a pro-Rwandan rebel group) has headed toa Mbwa-Vinywa, in Lubero, to sensitize the FDLR to disarm and return to Rwanda. The presence of 1700 guests at the peace conference, including international diplomats, is considered as an additional guarantee for the success of the conference. This time, said Luneno, “we have felt a real interest from the world for our country….Let us hope that this time we got it right; we cannot miss out on this opportunity for peace”.
25 January 2008
“A great step forward has been made before the international community. Weapons will now give way to peace and reconciliation”, said Jason Luneno, a civil society representative who spoke to MISNA from Goma about the achievements of the Conference for peace and development in North and South Kivu.
Delegates from South and North-Kivu have signed the statement of commitment signed by armed groups and by the government in Kinshasa: “it meets our demands, including a ceasefire, dismantling of militias, integration of the rebels in civilian life, return of refugees. It has the makings of stability in the long tormented region” said Luneno to MISNA. As for Kinshasa’s decision to issue an amnesty in favor of those involved in the insurgency since 2003 is also accepted: “the amnesty debate was tense, but in the name of peace, we have accepted. However, it is not concerned with war crimes. There is a real hope to see justice” said Luneno, referring in particular to dissident general Laurent Nkunda, leader of the CNDP, which has been involved in harsh fighting over the past four months in North-Kivu; Nkunda has an international arrest warrant against him after his takeover of Bukavu (capital of South -Kivu) in 2004.
Many have also appreciated the effort to resolve, with their return home, the issue of the presence in the North east of the FDLR and other Hutu refugees, who oppose Rwandan president Paul Kagame, who used the pretext of their presence to justify putting pressure on the country. Today, the minister of foreign affairs Mbusa Nyamwisi (former leader of a pro-Rwandan rebel group) has headed toa Mbwa-Vinywa, in Lubero, to sensitize the FDLR to disarm and return to Rwanda. The presence of 1700 guests at the peace conference, including international diplomats, is considered as an additional guarantee for the success of the conference. This time, said Luneno, “we have felt a real interest from the world for our country….Let us hope that this time we got it right; we cannot miss out on this opportunity for peace”.
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