Hirondelle News Agency
29 February 2008
The former Rwandan Commerce Minister, Justin Mugenzi, accused of 1994 genocide, has filed a motion before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) seeking to re-open his defence case on grounds that the prosecution concealed some important documents which could have an effect on the trial's outcome.
The accused argues in his motion that the Prosecutor disclosed to his [Mugenzi's] representative four contents on 18 February which constitute materials which may suggest the innocence or mitigate his guilt. He filed the motion on February 25 through his lead counsel Ben Gumpert.
The statements indicate, he claimed, to have been recorded in 2002-- a year or more before the commencement of the trial in November 2003.
Mugenzi is jointly tried with his other three former ministers Casimir Bizimungu (Health), Jerome Bicamumpaka (Foreign) and Prosper Mugiraneza (Civil Service). They all have pleaded not guilty to charges of genocide and crimes against humanity.
Currently the last defendant Mugiraneza is presenting his defence witnesses.
"There has been significant breach of the Prosecutor's obligation of disclosure under Rule 68(A)," the motion reads in part, adding: Had the statements been disclosed when they should have been, at or before the commencement of the trial, the defence would have had availed to them significant material to use in cross examination of the prosecution witnesses.
It is further stated that early disclosure would have helped to call the makers of the statements as witnesses to give their evidence.
"For three of the four defence teams that opportunity has been lost because they have closed the presentatation of defence evidence," according to the motion.
The four witnesses who made satements, he says, should be allowed to testify to consolidate the defence's line of arguments, such as that the government did not have the power to control or even effectively monitor events during the genocide.
The motion adds that the recent publication of indictment and arrest warrant issued by Spanish Judge for some 40 members of RPF fortifies defence submissions.
"The chamber should order the prosecutor to make a proper search of all of the material held in his possession, including materials gathered during investigations into the possible commission of offences by the RPF", claimed Gumpert.
Tim Gallimore, spokesman of Prosecutor, confirmed to Hirondelle that the motion has been filed, adding that it will be dealt with in a normal process just like other motions. "Yes, the motion has been filed and will be handled like any other motions," he stressed.
01 March, 2008
British firm to demine Sudan’s Darfur region.
Sudan Tribune
1 March 08
The MineTech International is awarded three United Nations contracts for demining in Sudan among them one in the war-torn Darfur region, the British firm announced.
Deminers wearing protective helmets and full-length flak jackets with their bred dogs.The MTI firm that uses specially bred dogs alongside hi-tech radar systems to detect and clear mines has won an important contract in Sudan. The firm which considered as world leader in mine clearing, will be paid 10 million (£5m) by the UN for work in Darfur and other war zones.
Two of the projects are in Darfur, the strife-torn province in the west of Sudan where conflict still rages. As well as clearing mines and explosives there, MineTech will run education projects to reduce casualties among local people.
Unexploded shells are a particular problem in Darfur because their bright colours and unusual shapes can have a fatal attraction to children.
MineTech teams will also be sent to Juba in southern Sudan and Kassala in the east, where landmines were planted during the civil war from 1983 to 2005.
The Sudan project is part of a 20m (£10m) international humanitarian initiative to clear the explosive remnants of 22 years of conflict.
The firm will be sending 115 specialist personnel to work on four projects in the country.
Mike Jaques, managing director at Exploration Logistics, said "Mines pose a significant threat to the people of Sudan causing death and injury.
MineTech develops its own mine clearance machines.
An armour-plated bulldozer scoops up mines at the same time as clearing soil and roots from battlefields. The heavyweight vehicle is robust enough to withstand the impact of any explosions set off during removal.
An alternative for harder terrain such as roads is a lighter vehicle which carries metal detectors or ground penetrating radar to locate mines.
Both machines will be used on Sudan’s project. MineTech will also be taking teams of detection dogs that find mines by recognising the smell of explosives.
The Gloucestershire firm was one of the first contracted for clearance work in Iraq in 2003 but was also awarded for contracts in Afghanistan and Lebanon.
1 March 08
The MineTech International is awarded three United Nations contracts for demining in Sudan among them one in the war-torn Darfur region, the British firm announced.
Deminers wearing protective helmets and full-length flak jackets with their bred dogs.The MTI firm that uses specially bred dogs alongside hi-tech radar systems to detect and clear mines has won an important contract in Sudan. The firm which considered as world leader in mine clearing, will be paid 10 million (£5m) by the UN for work in Darfur and other war zones.
Two of the projects are in Darfur, the strife-torn province in the west of Sudan where conflict still rages. As well as clearing mines and explosives there, MineTech will run education projects to reduce casualties among local people.
Unexploded shells are a particular problem in Darfur because their bright colours and unusual shapes can have a fatal attraction to children.
MineTech teams will also be sent to Juba in southern Sudan and Kassala in the east, where landmines were planted during the civil war from 1983 to 2005.
The Sudan project is part of a 20m (£10m) international humanitarian initiative to clear the explosive remnants of 22 years of conflict.
The firm will be sending 115 specialist personnel to work on four projects in the country.
Mike Jaques, managing director at Exploration Logistics, said "Mines pose a significant threat to the people of Sudan causing death and injury.
MineTech develops its own mine clearance machines.
An armour-plated bulldozer scoops up mines at the same time as clearing soil and roots from battlefields. The heavyweight vehicle is robust enough to withstand the impact of any explosions set off during removal.
An alternative for harder terrain such as roads is a lighter vehicle which carries metal detectors or ground penetrating radar to locate mines.
Both machines will be used on Sudan’s project. MineTech will also be taking teams of detection dogs that find mines by recognising the smell of explosives.
The Gloucestershire firm was one of the first contracted for clearance work in Iraq in 2003 but was also awarded for contracts in Afghanistan and Lebanon.
29 February, 2008
Cameroon officials call for talks.
News 24
29 February 2008
Yaounde - Cameroon's authorities appealed for dialogue on Thursday to defuse the worst anti-government riots in more than a decade, but opposition leaders called President Paul Biya "out of touch" after 25 years in power.
Officials estimated that up to 20 people had been killed in five days of protests in several cities, including the main port of Douala and the capital, Yaounde.
Protesters had vented their rage over high fuel and food prices and a bid by Biya to prolong his presidential mandate in the central African oil producer.
Police and soldiers patrolled the streets, but most businesses were closed and public transport was not operating.
A sombre-faced Biya, 75, appeared on state television late on Wednesday to accuse political opponents of fomenting the riots to try to topple him by force.
'Peace is in danger'
He offered no concessions to protesters demanding falls in the cost of fuel and basic foods, beyond slight fuel price cuts agreed by the government on Tuesday.
The government would use "all legal means" to guarantee the rule of law, Biya said.
Communication Minister Jean Pierre Biyiti bi Essam followed up on Thursday with an appeal for dialogue.
"Our beautiful country is at a crossroads, people are dying in our main cities and peace is in danger ... Let's call for dialogue and negotiations between people whenever there are differences," he told Reuters after meeting newspaper editors to urge them to contribute to the dialogue process.
Biyiti bi Essam said it was difficult to give a precise death toll from the riots, in which stone-throwing protesters clashed with armed riot police and public buildings, businesses, shops and vehicles were set ablaze in a string of western towns.
"The death toll is very high, but less than 20," the minister said. But he said not all the deaths took place in clashes between security forces and protesters.
Far from pacifying citizens, Biya's broadcast appeared to have infuriated many protesters, including taxi drivers whose strike over high fuel prices on Monday triggered the wider unrest.
The strike continues...
"This man is not serious. Is he taking us for fools?" said Sebastien Ebanga, a taxi driver in Yaounde. "The strike will continue," he added.
John Fru Ndi, president of the main opposition Social Democratic Front party, denied Biya's charge that the opposition was behind the demonstrations.
He said Biya ruled like an "absentee landlord, not always in touch with the people".
"He does not know their problems," he added.
Biya announced eight weeks ago he might change the constitution to stay in power when his term ends in 2011.
The riots followed similar protests against the high cost of living in other West African countries after soaring oil prices pushed up prices for energy products and basic foodstuffs.
29 February 2008
Yaounde - Cameroon's authorities appealed for dialogue on Thursday to defuse the worst anti-government riots in more than a decade, but opposition leaders called President Paul Biya "out of touch" after 25 years in power.
Officials estimated that up to 20 people had been killed in five days of protests in several cities, including the main port of Douala and the capital, Yaounde.
Protesters had vented their rage over high fuel and food prices and a bid by Biya to prolong his presidential mandate in the central African oil producer.
Police and soldiers patrolled the streets, but most businesses were closed and public transport was not operating.
A sombre-faced Biya, 75, appeared on state television late on Wednesday to accuse political opponents of fomenting the riots to try to topple him by force.
'Peace is in danger'
He offered no concessions to protesters demanding falls in the cost of fuel and basic foods, beyond slight fuel price cuts agreed by the government on Tuesday.
The government would use "all legal means" to guarantee the rule of law, Biya said.
Communication Minister Jean Pierre Biyiti bi Essam followed up on Thursday with an appeal for dialogue.
"Our beautiful country is at a crossroads, people are dying in our main cities and peace is in danger ... Let's call for dialogue and negotiations between people whenever there are differences," he told Reuters after meeting newspaper editors to urge them to contribute to the dialogue process.
Biyiti bi Essam said it was difficult to give a precise death toll from the riots, in which stone-throwing protesters clashed with armed riot police and public buildings, businesses, shops and vehicles were set ablaze in a string of western towns.
"The death toll is very high, but less than 20," the minister said. But he said not all the deaths took place in clashes between security forces and protesters.
Far from pacifying citizens, Biya's broadcast appeared to have infuriated many protesters, including taxi drivers whose strike over high fuel prices on Monday triggered the wider unrest.
The strike continues...
"This man is not serious. Is he taking us for fools?" said Sebastien Ebanga, a taxi driver in Yaounde. "The strike will continue," he added.
John Fru Ndi, president of the main opposition Social Democratic Front party, denied Biya's charge that the opposition was behind the demonstrations.
He said Biya ruled like an "absentee landlord, not always in touch with the people".
"He does not know their problems," he added.
Biya announced eight weeks ago he might change the constitution to stay in power when his term ends in 2011.
The riots followed similar protests against the high cost of living in other West African countries after soaring oil prices pushed up prices for energy products and basic foodstuffs.
Taylor put on sick leave.
News 24
29 February 2008
Charles Taylor's war crimes trial was adjourned on Thursday until Monday so the former Liberian President could rest on doctor's advice, a spokesperson for the United Nations-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone said.
"He wasn't feeling well a few days back," the spokesperson said on Thursday.
"The doctor said it wasn't serious, but he needed some rest. He came to court yesterday and today, but the defence counsel asked for an adjournment so he could rest on doctor's advice."
Taylor, once one of Africa's most feared warlords, faced charges of rape, murder, mutilation and recruitment of child soldiers at the court, set up to try those most responsible for the 1991-2002 conflict.
The trial was being held in The Hague because of fears it could spur instability if held in Sierra Leone.
The 60-year-old had pleaded not guilty to all charges. His trial was delayed for six months since its opening in June 2007 after he appealed for more resources to fund his defence.
29 February 2008
Charles Taylor's war crimes trial was adjourned on Thursday until Monday so the former Liberian President could rest on doctor's advice, a spokesperson for the United Nations-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone said.
"He wasn't feeling well a few days back," the spokesperson said on Thursday.
"The doctor said it wasn't serious, but he needed some rest. He came to court yesterday and today, but the defence counsel asked for an adjournment so he could rest on doctor's advice."
Taylor, once one of Africa's most feared warlords, faced charges of rape, murder, mutilation and recruitment of child soldiers at the court, set up to try those most responsible for the 1991-2002 conflict.
The trial was being held in The Hague because of fears it could spur instability if held in Sierra Leone.
The 60-year-old had pleaded not guilty to all charges. His trial was delayed for six months since its opening in June 2007 after he appealed for more resources to fund his defence.
OUAGADOUGOU ''DEAD CITY'', DEMONSTRATION AGAINST HIGH PRICE.
MISNA
28 February 2008
“Some burned tires and a broken traffic light are the only signs of the riots that took place this morning in Ouagadougou”, said a missionary source to MISNA, speaking from the capital. He said the atmosphere is calm, contrasting with the alarming events reported by the mainstream press. The media linked the demonstrations to the increased cost of living in the capital, in Bobo Dioulasso (southwest), Banfora (west) and Ouahigouya (north), which resulted in hundreds of arrests and dozens of wounded. Some local sources have taken to the streets, clashing with police which used tear gas to repel them. “The demonstration that started today was peaceful – said the missionary – it mostly involved a general closure of shops, in order to paralyze normal activities in daily life”. Most shops and banks have been shut down, even if the offices and public – with the exception of schools – are functioning normally.
28 February 2008
“Some burned tires and a broken traffic light are the only signs of the riots that took place this morning in Ouagadougou”, said a missionary source to MISNA, speaking from the capital. He said the atmosphere is calm, contrasting with the alarming events reported by the mainstream press. The media linked the demonstrations to the increased cost of living in the capital, in Bobo Dioulasso (southwest), Banfora (west) and Ouahigouya (north), which resulted in hundreds of arrests and dozens of wounded. Some local sources have taken to the streets, clashing with police which used tear gas to repel them. “The demonstration that started today was peaceful – said the missionary – it mostly involved a general closure of shops, in order to paralyze normal activities in daily life”. Most shops and banks have been shut down, even if the offices and public – with the exception of schools – are functioning normally.
POLITICAL CRISIS: CONGRESS APPROVES REFERENDUM ON CONSTITUTION.
MISNA
29 February 2008
In absence of the opposition, which walked out of the assembly, Bolivia’s Congress approved two referendums for the new Constitution strongly opposed by the governors (‘prefectos’) of six of the nine departments of the nation. In an atmosphere of growing tension, with the arrival in the capital of thousands of indigenous, farmers and miners in support of the new Constitution, the legislators of the ruling Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) set the two national votes for May 4: the first on a limitation of private land ownership and the second on the global text of the Constitution. Bolivia’s first indigenous President Evo Morales, who strongly pushed the new Constitution that grants greater political power to the nation’s long-oppressed indigenous and ‘campesinos’ groups and consolidates the nationalisation of energy resources, will formally convoke the two votes later today. The legislators also established that the Congress has the exclusive faculty of calling popular consultations on a departmental level. May 4 is the same date set by the rich Santa Cruz department, stronghold of the opposition and leader in the secessionist push, for a local referendum to establish a ‘de facto’ regional autonomy, already approved in December by the local ‘civic community’; the same measure, defined “Illegal” by President Morales, announced also by the departments of Beni, Tarija, Beni, Tarija, Chuquisaca, Pando, Cochabamba and La Paz.
29 February 2008
In absence of the opposition, which walked out of the assembly, Bolivia’s Congress approved two referendums for the new Constitution strongly opposed by the governors (‘prefectos’) of six of the nine departments of the nation. In an atmosphere of growing tension, with the arrival in the capital of thousands of indigenous, farmers and miners in support of the new Constitution, the legislators of the ruling Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) set the two national votes for May 4: the first on a limitation of private land ownership and the second on the global text of the Constitution. Bolivia’s first indigenous President Evo Morales, who strongly pushed the new Constitution that grants greater political power to the nation’s long-oppressed indigenous and ‘campesinos’ groups and consolidates the nationalisation of energy resources, will formally convoke the two votes later today. The legislators also established that the Congress has the exclusive faculty of calling popular consultations on a departmental level. May 4 is the same date set by the rich Santa Cruz department, stronghold of the opposition and leader in the secessionist push, for a local referendum to establish a ‘de facto’ regional autonomy, already approved in December by the local ‘civic community’; the same measure, defined “Illegal” by President Morales, announced also by the departments of Beni, Tarija, Beni, Tarija, Chuquisaca, Pando, Cochabamba and La Paz.
Singapore armed forces to deploy construction engineering teams to Afghanistan.
Xinhua News Agency
29 February 2008
The Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) will deployed two construction engineering teams to Bamiyan in Afghanistan this year, local TV Channel News Asia reported Friday.
The two teams, for about three months each, will support the multinational reconstruction effort there, said the report.
In addition, an SAF medical team comprising 20 nursing and medical officers will also be deployed to the provincial capital of Oruzgan.
About 2,000 SAF personnel have served in international missions.
Singapore's Defense Minister Teo Chee Hean was quoted as saying that it is important Singaporeans understand the reason behind such deployments.
"A number of JI (Jemaah Islamiyah) detainees who had planned attacks in Singapore had trained in Afghanistan, and more recently, a self-radicalized Singaporean was detained on the way to join the Taliban in Afghanistan," said Teo.
He added that "The international community recognizes that the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan is critical in the global fight against terrorism."
So Singapore will contribute where it can to enhance its overall security, Teo added.
29 February 2008
The Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) will deployed two construction engineering teams to Bamiyan in Afghanistan this year, local TV Channel News Asia reported Friday.
The two teams, for about three months each, will support the multinational reconstruction effort there, said the report.
In addition, an SAF medical team comprising 20 nursing and medical officers will also be deployed to the provincial capital of Oruzgan.
About 2,000 SAF personnel have served in international missions.
Singapore's Defense Minister Teo Chee Hean was quoted as saying that it is important Singaporeans understand the reason behind such deployments.
"A number of JI (Jemaah Islamiyah) detainees who had planned attacks in Singapore had trained in Afghanistan, and more recently, a self-radicalized Singaporean was detained on the way to join the Taliban in Afghanistan," said Teo.
He added that "The international community recognizes that the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan is critical in the global fight against terrorism."
So Singapore will contribute where it can to enhance its overall security, Teo added.
U.S. hopes to promote relations with Maghreb nations.
Xinhua News Agency
28 February 2008
The United States enjoys a sound relation with the Maghreb nations and hopes to further enhance ties with them, said U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David C. Welch on Thursday.
Welch met Tunisian President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, Foreign Minister Abdelwahab Abdallah and Defense Minister Kamel Morjane onbilateral ties, the U.S. relations with the Maghreb nations, Iran's nuclear issue and the situations in the Mideast, the Tunisian news agency reported.
Welch said he had "very important" talks with President Ben Aliand expressed hopes to bring the cooperative ties between Washington and Tunis to a higher level.
The U.S. senior diplomat has visited Morocco and Algeria beforearriving in Tunisia. Welch made the tour amid rising violence in the Maghreb, especially in Algeria, where a terrorist attack killed 41 people, including 17 UN employees at the end of 2007.
The tour was also aimed to warm up ties between the United States and the Maghreb nations as the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA) voiced strong opposition to a U.S. military command base on their soil.
The Maghreb traditionally includes the three north African nations of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, which formed the UMA together with Libya and Mauritania in 1989.
28 February 2008
The United States enjoys a sound relation with the Maghreb nations and hopes to further enhance ties with them, said U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David C. Welch on Thursday.
Welch met Tunisian President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, Foreign Minister Abdelwahab Abdallah and Defense Minister Kamel Morjane onbilateral ties, the U.S. relations with the Maghreb nations, Iran's nuclear issue and the situations in the Mideast, the Tunisian news agency reported.
Welch said he had "very important" talks with President Ben Aliand expressed hopes to bring the cooperative ties between Washington and Tunis to a higher level.
The U.S. senior diplomat has visited Morocco and Algeria beforearriving in Tunisia. Welch made the tour amid rising violence in the Maghreb, especially in Algeria, where a terrorist attack killed 41 people, including 17 UN employees at the end of 2007.
The tour was also aimed to warm up ties between the United States and the Maghreb nations as the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA) voiced strong opposition to a U.S. military command base on their soil.
The Maghreb traditionally includes the three north African nations of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, which formed the UMA together with Libya and Mauritania in 1989.
US sends warships to Lebanon-Syria Coast
by ANNE GEARAN and ROBERT BURNS
AP News
Feb 28, 2008
The U.S. Navy is sending three ships to the eastern Mediterranean Sea in a show of strength during a period of tensions with Syria and political uncertainty in Lebanon.
Adm. Michael Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told reporters the deployment should not be viewed as threatening or in response to events in any single country in that volatile region.
"This is an area that is important to us, the eastern Med," he said when asked about news reports of the ship movements. "It's a group of ships that will operate in the vicinity there for a while," adding that "it isn't meant to send any stronger signals than that. But it does signal that we're engaged, we're going to be in the vicinity and that's a very, very important part of the world."
Another military officer, speaking on condition of anonymity because full details about the ship movements are not yet public, said a Navy guided missile destroyer, the USS Cole, was headed for patrol in the eastern Mediterranean and that the USS Nassau, an amphibious warship, would be joining it shortly. The officer said a third ship would go later, but he did not identify it by type or name.
The U.S. Sixth Fleet, whose area of operations includes the entire Mediterranean, is based at Naples, Italy.
The decision to send the ships appeared to be a not-too-subtle show of U.S. force in the region as international frustration mounts over a long political deadlock in Lebanon. The U.S. blames Syria for the impasse.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is due to visit the Middle East next week.
Mustafa Alloush, a member of the Lebanese Parliament from the U.S.-backed majority, told the majority's Future television that neither the government nor the anti-Syrian majority had any links to the dispatching of the Cole.
"But we remind what caused the situation to bring the American equation into the arena," he said, blaming Syria indirectly for inviting such American intervention. "It (the deployment) could be aimed directly at Syria or a declaration by the United States of America that it could be part of this equation that could develop if conditions remain the way they are," Alloush said.
Mullen was asked whether the deployment of the ships was linked to the timing of the Lebanese election.
"To say it's absolutely directly tied would be incorrect, but we are certainly aware that elections out there are both important and they are due at some point in time," he replied.
And when asked whether Syria is the reason for the deployment, he said, "It's not specifically sent to any one country, as much as it is to the region itself."
The Cole was rebuilt after nearly being sunk in a terrorist attack in Aden, Yemen, in October 2000. It was recommissioned in April 2002 and went on its first post-attack deployment in November 2003.
National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe said the deployment of the Cole is meant as "a show of support for regional stability." He added that President Bush is concerned about the situation in Lebanon.
The Cole, whose homeport is Norfolk, Va., is sailing to the region from Malta.
Associated Press writers Sam F. Ghattas in Beirut, Lebanon, and Deb Riechmann in Washington contributed to this report.
AP News
Feb 28, 2008
The U.S. Navy is sending three ships to the eastern Mediterranean Sea in a show of strength during a period of tensions with Syria and political uncertainty in Lebanon.
Adm. Michael Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told reporters the deployment should not be viewed as threatening or in response to events in any single country in that volatile region.
"This is an area that is important to us, the eastern Med," he said when asked about news reports of the ship movements. "It's a group of ships that will operate in the vicinity there for a while," adding that "it isn't meant to send any stronger signals than that. But it does signal that we're engaged, we're going to be in the vicinity and that's a very, very important part of the world."
Another military officer, speaking on condition of anonymity because full details about the ship movements are not yet public, said a Navy guided missile destroyer, the USS Cole, was headed for patrol in the eastern Mediterranean and that the USS Nassau, an amphibious warship, would be joining it shortly. The officer said a third ship would go later, but he did not identify it by type or name.
The U.S. Sixth Fleet, whose area of operations includes the entire Mediterranean, is based at Naples, Italy.
The decision to send the ships appeared to be a not-too-subtle show of U.S. force in the region as international frustration mounts over a long political deadlock in Lebanon. The U.S. blames Syria for the impasse.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is due to visit the Middle East next week.
Mustafa Alloush, a member of the Lebanese Parliament from the U.S.-backed majority, told the majority's Future television that neither the government nor the anti-Syrian majority had any links to the dispatching of the Cole.
"But we remind what caused the situation to bring the American equation into the arena," he said, blaming Syria indirectly for inviting such American intervention. "It (the deployment) could be aimed directly at Syria or a declaration by the United States of America that it could be part of this equation that could develop if conditions remain the way they are," Alloush said.
Mullen was asked whether the deployment of the ships was linked to the timing of the Lebanese election.
"To say it's absolutely directly tied would be incorrect, but we are certainly aware that elections out there are both important and they are due at some point in time," he replied.
And when asked whether Syria is the reason for the deployment, he said, "It's not specifically sent to any one country, as much as it is to the region itself."
The Cole was rebuilt after nearly being sunk in a terrorist attack in Aden, Yemen, in October 2000. It was recommissioned in April 2002 and went on its first post-attack deployment in November 2003.
National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe said the deployment of the Cole is meant as "a show of support for regional stability." He added that President Bush is concerned about the situation in Lebanon.
The Cole, whose homeport is Norfolk, Va., is sailing to the region from Malta.
Associated Press writers Sam F. Ghattas in Beirut, Lebanon, and Deb Riechmann in Washington contributed to this report.
28 February, 2008
Oil Wars: Pentagon's Policy Since 1999.
Sidney Morning Herald
By Ritt Goldstein
May 20 2003
A top-level United States policy document has emerged that explicitly confirms the Defence Department's readiness to fight an oil war.
According to the report, Strategic Assessment 1999, prepared for the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Secretary of Defence, "energy and resource issues will continue to shape international security".
Oil conflicts over production facilities and transport routes, particularly in the Persian Gulf and Caspian regions, are specifically envisaged.
Although the policy does not forecast imminent US military conflict, it vividly highlights how the highest levels of the US Defence community accepted the waging of an oil war as a legitimate military option.
Strategic Assessment also forecasts that if an oil "problem" arises, "US forces might be used to ensure adequate supplies".
Although Strategic Assessment 1999 predicts adequate US energy supplies, it also finds that supply shortages could "exacerbate regional political tensions, potentially causing regional conflicts".
The Bush Administration has stated that providing for US energy needs is a priority.
Strategic Assessment was prepared by the Institute for National Strategic Studies, part of the US Department of Defence's National Defence University. The institute lists its primary mission as policy research and analysis for the Joint Chiefs, the Defence Secretary, and a variety of government security and defence bodies.
According to the report, national security depends on successful engagement in the global economy, so national defence no longer means protecting the nation from military threats alone, but economic challenges, too.
The fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s brought an end to the US's ideological basis for potential conflict. In 1992 Bill Clinton urged that "our economic strength must become a central defining element of our national security policy".
Since then, members of the Bush Administration have promoted the need for the consolidation of the Cold War victory.
In what many may see as an apparent parallel to present events, Strategic Assessment 1999 drew attention to pre-World War II Britain's pursuit of an approach where control over territory was seen as essential to ensuring resource supplies.
However, the Defence Department policymakers behind Strategic Assessment also appear to recognise the potential consequences of such policies.
The authors warn that if the great powers return to the 19th century approach of securing resources, of conquering resource suppliers, the world economy will suffer and world politics will become more tense.
By Ritt Goldstein
May 20 2003
A top-level United States policy document has emerged that explicitly confirms the Defence Department's readiness to fight an oil war.
According to the report, Strategic Assessment 1999, prepared for the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Secretary of Defence, "energy and resource issues will continue to shape international security".
Oil conflicts over production facilities and transport routes, particularly in the Persian Gulf and Caspian regions, are specifically envisaged.
Although the policy does not forecast imminent US military conflict, it vividly highlights how the highest levels of the US Defence community accepted the waging of an oil war as a legitimate military option.
Strategic Assessment also forecasts that if an oil "problem" arises, "US forces might be used to ensure adequate supplies".
Although Strategic Assessment 1999 predicts adequate US energy supplies, it also finds that supply shortages could "exacerbate regional political tensions, potentially causing regional conflicts".
The Bush Administration has stated that providing for US energy needs is a priority.
Strategic Assessment was prepared by the Institute for National Strategic Studies, part of the US Department of Defence's National Defence University. The institute lists its primary mission as policy research and analysis for the Joint Chiefs, the Defence Secretary, and a variety of government security and defence bodies.
According to the report, national security depends on successful engagement in the global economy, so national defence no longer means protecting the nation from military threats alone, but economic challenges, too.
The fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s brought an end to the US's ideological basis for potential conflict. In 1992 Bill Clinton urged that "our economic strength must become a central defining element of our national security policy".
Since then, members of the Bush Administration have promoted the need for the consolidation of the Cold War victory.
In what many may see as an apparent parallel to present events, Strategic Assessment 1999 drew attention to pre-World War II Britain's pursuit of an approach where control over territory was seen as essential to ensuring resource supplies.
However, the Defence Department policymakers behind Strategic Assessment also appear to recognise the potential consequences of such policies.
The authors warn that if the great powers return to the 19th century approach of securing resources, of conquering resource suppliers, the world economy will suffer and world politics will become more tense.
KURDISTAN: TURKEY TO STAY UNTIL PKK BASES ARE DESTROYED.
MISNA
27 February 2008
Turkey has yet to set a date to withdraw from Iraqi Kurdistan said Ahmet Davutoglu, foreign policy advisor to the Turkish government, speaking from Baghdad. Dautoglu advised that Turkey would not set a timetable for withdrawal until “all reel posts have been destroyed” during a press conference with the Iraq foreign affairs minister Hoshyar Zebari, adding that “the PKK presence in northern Iraq is unbearable for the Turkish government, Iraq and the international community”. For his part, Zebari condemned “terror actions and the PKK, but also violations of Iraq’s sovrerignty”.
Meanwhile, the US secretary of defense Robert Gates, expected to visit Turkey today, said that he would ask Turkish leaders to end the military operation as soon as possible. “The Turkish incursion in Iraq – said Gates – shall have to last in terms of days, one or two weeks, not months”. This morning the Turkish military leadership said that last night 77 more PKK militiamen and five Turkish soldiers were killed. Davutoglu is expected to meet Iraqi president Jalal Talabani and the American military commander in Iraq, general David Petraeus. Meanwhile, the violence in the country continued as two car bombs exploded in Baghdad killing one person and Mosul, killing two.
27 February 2008
Turkey has yet to set a date to withdraw from Iraqi Kurdistan said Ahmet Davutoglu, foreign policy advisor to the Turkish government, speaking from Baghdad. Dautoglu advised that Turkey would not set a timetable for withdrawal until “all reel posts have been destroyed” during a press conference with the Iraq foreign affairs minister Hoshyar Zebari, adding that “the PKK presence in northern Iraq is unbearable for the Turkish government, Iraq and the international community”. For his part, Zebari condemned “terror actions and the PKK, but also violations of Iraq’s sovrerignty”.
Meanwhile, the US secretary of defense Robert Gates, expected to visit Turkey today, said that he would ask Turkish leaders to end the military operation as soon as possible. “The Turkish incursion in Iraq – said Gates – shall have to last in terms of days, one or two weeks, not months”. This morning the Turkish military leadership said that last night 77 more PKK militiamen and five Turkish soldiers were killed. Davutoglu is expected to meet Iraqi president Jalal Talabani and the American military commander in Iraq, general David Petraeus. Meanwhile, the violence in the country continued as two car bombs exploded in Baghdad killing one person and Mosul, killing two.
Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung, 24.02.2008, Nr. 8 /
Seite 12
Das große Morden
Bisher galten die Tutsi in Ruanda als die Guten. Aber auch sie haben
gewütet. Jetzt könnte Licht ins Dunkel kommen
Von Thomas Scheen
Wenn es um die Frage geht, wer den Völkermord in Ruanda 1994
zu verantworten hat, stand die Antwort bislang immer fest: Eine entfesselte
Soldateska der Hutu-Regierung im Verbund mit den Interahamwe genannten
Milizen der Hutu war es, die im Frühsommer 1994 mehr als 800 000 Menschen
massakrierte, weil sie zur verhassten Volksgruppe der Tutsi gehörten oder
aber Hutu waren, die sich dem Wahnsinn widersetzten. Ebenso eindeutig war
die Antwort, wer den Genozid beendete und damit automatisch auf die Rolle
des Guten abonniert ist: die aus dem ugandischen Exil einmarschierte
Rebellenarmee unter dem Kommando des heutigen Präsidenten Ruandas, Paul
Kagame. Die Monstrosität des Völkermordes und die unsäglichen Opfer der
Tutsi ließen an dieser Interpretation nie Zweifel aufkommen. Bis vor kurzem.
Die spanische Justiz nämlich sieht das mittlerweile anders und mit ihr die
französische. Spanien hat unlängst 40 Haftbefehle wegen "Völkermord,
Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Terrorismus" gegen nahezu die
gesamte ehemalige Führung der Tutsi-Rebellenarmee "Front patriotique
rwandais" (FPR) erlassen. Dass für Kagame nicht auch so ein Haftbefehl
ausgestellt ist, liegt nur an seinem Amt als Präsident. Das schützt ihn
davor. Hintergrund der seit 2005 laufenden Ermittlungen sind die Morde an
neun spanischen Staatsbürgern zwischen 1994 und 2000, die mutmaßlich von
Mitgliedern der Tutsi-Armee verübt worden waren. Unter den Verdächtigen
sind James Kabarebe, Generalstabschef der ruandischen Armee, General
Kayumba Nyamwasa, ehedem Chef des militärischen Geheimdienstes und heute
ruandischer Botschafter in Indien, und General Karenzi Karake, der
stellvertretende Oberkommandierende der Friedenstruppe der Afrikanischen
Union in Darfur.
Die Anschuldigungen wirken auf den ersten Blick grotesk, weil sie das
Täter-Opfer-Verhältnis auf den Kopf stellen. Entsprechend groß war der
Aufschrei der Ruanda-Lobby in Europa. Von "Instrumentalisierung" durch die
Hutu-Extremisten war die Rede und von "Propaganda". Doch ganz so einfach
ist es nicht. Die spanische Justiz hat vielmehr ein Fenster zu einer
umfassenden Klärung der damaligen Vorgänge aufgestoßen. Die Anklageschrift,
die sich auf Ereignisse zwischen 1994 und 2000 bezieht, wirft der Führung
der FPR nicht weniger vor, als durch gezielte Angriffe auf Würdenträger des
Hutu-Regimes den Völkermord regelrecht provoziert zu haben. "Die FPR hat
selektive Angriffe auf prominente Hutu unternommen, um sie zu eliminieren,
damit Terror zu verbreiten und die Reaktion der Zivilbevölkerung zu testen,
die nach jedem Mord an einem Hutu Morde an Tutsi beging", heißt es dort.
Das ist in etwa die gleiche These, die auch der französische
Antiterrorrichter Jean-Louis Bruguière vertritt, der schon 2006 Haftbefehle
gegen einige der jetzt ins Visier der Spanier geratenen Militärs erlassen
hatte. Bruguière hatte den Abschuss des Flugzeugs des ruandischen
Präsidenten Juvénal Habyarimana untersucht, bei dem auch die beiden
französischen Piloten ums Leben gekommen waren. Der Abschuss des Learjets
am Abend des 6. April 1994 gilt als der Startschuss für den Völkermord.
Auch in diesem Fall war bislang stets argumentiert worden, die Maschine mit
dem Hutu-Präsidenten sei von den Extremisten des eigenen Lagers
abgeschossen worden, und zwar auf Geheiß seiner Frau Agatha. Der Grund sei
gewesen, dass Habyarimana, der von Friedensverhandlungen in Tansania kam,
den Tutsi um Kagame, die schon im Norden des Landes standen, weitreichende
Zugeständnisse machen wollte. Bruguière will anhand der verwendeten
Boden-Luft-Raketen russischer Bauart und gestützt auf Zeugenaussagen
beweisen können, dass der Abschuss von der FPR verübt wurde, und zwar auf
direkten Befehl von Kagame. Damit, so der französische Richter, wollte
Kagame die Hutu-Extremisten zum Äußersten treiben, nämlich dem Völkermord,
und sie gleichzeitig in eine militärische Konfrontation verwickeln, für die
er bestens gerüstet war. Alles andere hätte die Tutsi, die nur 15 Prozent
der Bevölkerung stellten, nie an die Macht gebracht.
Der ruandischen Regierung war es damals leichtgefallen, den
Bruguière-Bericht als "politisch" abzutun. Schließlich war Frankreich
selbst in den Genozid verwickelt gewesen. Auf dem Höhepunkt des
Völkermordes hatte der damalige Präsident François Mitterrand seine
Fremdenlegion nach Ruanda geschickt und der Welt die "Opération Turquoise"
als humanitäre Hilfe verkauft. Tatsächlich aber hatten die Legionäre den
bedrängten Völkermördern der Interahamwe einen Korridor freigekämpft, über
den sie in das Nachbarland Kongo-Kinshasa flüchten konnten.
Bei den spanischen Ermittlungsergebnissen aber verhält es sich anders. Die
Staatsanwälte in Madrid haben ihre Ermittlungen über die Dauer des
Völkermordes hinaus ausgedehnt und damit die Geschehnisse in Kongo
untersucht, wo 1996 in der Stadt Bukavu vier spanische Mönche ermordet
worden waren. Die spanische Justiz hat damit an ein Tabu gerührt, nämlich
den sogenannten zweiten Genozid, diesmal verübt an den Hutu-Flüchtlingen in
Kongo-Kinshasa, und zwar von der Tutsi-Armee.
Es waren apokalyptische Bilder, damals im Sommer 1994, als vier Millionen
Hutu und damit die Hälfte der Bevölkerung vor der anrückenden Tutsi-Armee
nach Kongo flohen. Rund um die kongolesische Stadt Goma entstanden
Flüchtlingslager riesigen Ausmaßes. Weder die kongolesische Regierung noch
die Hilfsorganisationen waren dem gewachsen. Jeden Morgen wurden die Toten
der Nacht in hastig ausgehobenen Massengräbern verscharrt. Als sich aber
der erste Staub gelegt hatte, organisierten sich die Interahamwe in den
Lagern neu und griffen Ruanda, das von Goma einen Steinwurf entfernt liegt,
abermals an. Sie schreckten nicht einmal davor zurück, Granatwerfer mitten
in den Flüchtlingslagern zu installieren und sie mit Zeltbahnen des
UN-Flüchtlingswerkes zu tarnen. Es war eine unhaltbare Situation.
Kagame ließ die riesigen Flüchtlingslager im Jahr 1996 angreifen und
rechtfertigte dies mit dem Terror, der nach wie vor von den Interahamwe
ausgehe. Bei gleicher Gelegenheit aber sollte der kongolesische Diktator
Mobutu Sese Seko gestürzt werden, von dem man annahm, er unterstütze die
Hutu-Extremisten. Mit dem im tansanischen Exil lebenden kongolesischen
Rebellen Laurent-Désiré Kabila war eine Marionette schnell gefunden. Was
folgte, beschrieb die Hilfsorganisation "Médécins sans frontières" in einem
Bericht von 1997 als "Ausrottungskrieg". Nach vorsichtigen Schätzungen 190
000, anderen Quellen zufolge 250 000 Hutu kamen damals ums Leben, als sie
von den Soldaten Kagames buchstäblich quer durch Kongo gejagt wurden. Wer
in die Hände der Tutsi geriet, wurde massakriert.
Es gibt zahlreiche Dokumentationen dieser Hetzjagd und der mit ihr
einhergehenden Massaker. Trotzdem blieb das Regime in Kigali, das sich
meisterlich als Opfer darzustellen vermag, unbehelligt. Kagames erklärtes
Ziel aber, nämlich die Vernichtung der Interahamwe-Milizen, wurde nicht
erreicht. Dafür aber saß in Kinshasa mit Kabila ein neuer Präsident, der
formal über ein Kabinett gebot, in dem Kinyrwanda, die Sprache aus dem
Nachbarland, gesprochen wurde. Die Ruander hatten Kongo schlichtweg
übernommen. Als Kabila die Ruander loswerden wollte, reagierten die von
1998 an mit einem neuen Krieg. Auch in diesem Fall wurde die Präsenz der
Interahamwe rund um Goma und Bukavu als Grund genannt. Die hatten in den
beiden ostkongolesischen Provinzen Nord- und Südkivu seit 1994 ein
Schreckensregime errichtet, unter dem die kongolesische Bevölkerung
unsäglich litt. Von 1998 an aber tauchte eine neue Gruppe auf, die sich
"Rasta" nannte und die bemüht war, die Barbarei der Interahamwe noch zu
übertreffen. Morde, Brandschatzungen und Massenvergewaltigungen wurden zum
Alltag. Weil die Rasta Kinyrwanda sprachen, wurden sie zunächst als
Splittergruppe der Interahamwe betrachtet. Die Kongolesen hingegen sahen
hinter den Rasta den langen Arm Kigalis. Der Verdacht war begründet: Die
ruandische Armee, die sich mit dem Plündern der kongolesischen Rohstoffe
eine goldene Nase verdiente, brauchte die Interahamwe als Grund für ihre
Präsenz in Kongo. Also schuf sie ihre eigenen Interahamwe.
Auch in dieses Kapitel versuchen die Spanier nunmehr ein wenig Licht zu
bringen. So zählt zu den 40 mit Haftbefehl Gesuchten auch der ruandische
Offizier Colonel Erik Murokore. Die Anklageschrift wirft ihm vor,
Kommandant der Rasta zu sein, womit zum ersten Mal ein offizieller
Zusammenhang zwischen den Totschlägern aus Kivu und dem Regime in Kigali
hergestellt wird.
Ob sich dieser Verdacht erhärtet, bleibt abzuwarten. Viele der
Ermittlungsergebnisse der Spanier beruhen weniger auf materiellen Beweisen
als auf Zeugenaussagen wie der Bericht des französischen Antiterrorrichters
Bruguière auch. Beide Ermittlungen aber sind längst überfällige Beiträge
zur Entzauberung der von Tutsi dominierten Regierung Ruandas. Und sie
können helfen, das andere große Verbrechen in Zentralafrika aufzuklären:
die beiden ruandischen Angriffskriege auf Kongo, bei denen direkt und
indirekt fünf Millionen Menschen ums Leben kamen; fünfmal mehr als beim
ruandischen Genozid.
Seite 12
Das große Morden
Bisher galten die Tutsi in Ruanda als die Guten. Aber auch sie haben
gewütet. Jetzt könnte Licht ins Dunkel kommen
Von Thomas Scheen
Wenn es um die Frage geht, wer den Völkermord in Ruanda 1994
zu verantworten hat, stand die Antwort bislang immer fest: Eine entfesselte
Soldateska der Hutu-Regierung im Verbund mit den Interahamwe genannten
Milizen der Hutu war es, die im Frühsommer 1994 mehr als 800 000 Menschen
massakrierte, weil sie zur verhassten Volksgruppe der Tutsi gehörten oder
aber Hutu waren, die sich dem Wahnsinn widersetzten. Ebenso eindeutig war
die Antwort, wer den Genozid beendete und damit automatisch auf die Rolle
des Guten abonniert ist: die aus dem ugandischen Exil einmarschierte
Rebellenarmee unter dem Kommando des heutigen Präsidenten Ruandas, Paul
Kagame. Die Monstrosität des Völkermordes und die unsäglichen Opfer der
Tutsi ließen an dieser Interpretation nie Zweifel aufkommen. Bis vor kurzem.
Die spanische Justiz nämlich sieht das mittlerweile anders und mit ihr die
französische. Spanien hat unlängst 40 Haftbefehle wegen "Völkermord,
Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Terrorismus" gegen nahezu die
gesamte ehemalige Führung der Tutsi-Rebellenarmee "Front patriotique
rwandais" (FPR) erlassen. Dass für Kagame nicht auch so ein Haftbefehl
ausgestellt ist, liegt nur an seinem Amt als Präsident. Das schützt ihn
davor. Hintergrund der seit 2005 laufenden Ermittlungen sind die Morde an
neun spanischen Staatsbürgern zwischen 1994 und 2000, die mutmaßlich von
Mitgliedern der Tutsi-Armee verübt worden waren. Unter den Verdächtigen
sind James Kabarebe, Generalstabschef der ruandischen Armee, General
Kayumba Nyamwasa, ehedem Chef des militärischen Geheimdienstes und heute
ruandischer Botschafter in Indien, und General Karenzi Karake, der
stellvertretende Oberkommandierende der Friedenstruppe der Afrikanischen
Union in Darfur.
Die Anschuldigungen wirken auf den ersten Blick grotesk, weil sie das
Täter-Opfer-Verhältnis auf den Kopf stellen. Entsprechend groß war der
Aufschrei der Ruanda-Lobby in Europa. Von "Instrumentalisierung" durch die
Hutu-Extremisten war die Rede und von "Propaganda". Doch ganz so einfach
ist es nicht. Die spanische Justiz hat vielmehr ein Fenster zu einer
umfassenden Klärung der damaligen Vorgänge aufgestoßen. Die Anklageschrift,
die sich auf Ereignisse zwischen 1994 und 2000 bezieht, wirft der Führung
der FPR nicht weniger vor, als durch gezielte Angriffe auf Würdenträger des
Hutu-Regimes den Völkermord regelrecht provoziert zu haben. "Die FPR hat
selektive Angriffe auf prominente Hutu unternommen, um sie zu eliminieren,
damit Terror zu verbreiten und die Reaktion der Zivilbevölkerung zu testen,
die nach jedem Mord an einem Hutu Morde an Tutsi beging", heißt es dort.
Das ist in etwa die gleiche These, die auch der französische
Antiterrorrichter Jean-Louis Bruguière vertritt, der schon 2006 Haftbefehle
gegen einige der jetzt ins Visier der Spanier geratenen Militärs erlassen
hatte. Bruguière hatte den Abschuss des Flugzeugs des ruandischen
Präsidenten Juvénal Habyarimana untersucht, bei dem auch die beiden
französischen Piloten ums Leben gekommen waren. Der Abschuss des Learjets
am Abend des 6. April 1994 gilt als der Startschuss für den Völkermord.
Auch in diesem Fall war bislang stets argumentiert worden, die Maschine mit
dem Hutu-Präsidenten sei von den Extremisten des eigenen Lagers
abgeschossen worden, und zwar auf Geheiß seiner Frau Agatha. Der Grund sei
gewesen, dass Habyarimana, der von Friedensverhandlungen in Tansania kam,
den Tutsi um Kagame, die schon im Norden des Landes standen, weitreichende
Zugeständnisse machen wollte. Bruguière will anhand der verwendeten
Boden-Luft-Raketen russischer Bauart und gestützt auf Zeugenaussagen
beweisen können, dass der Abschuss von der FPR verübt wurde, und zwar auf
direkten Befehl von Kagame. Damit, so der französische Richter, wollte
Kagame die Hutu-Extremisten zum Äußersten treiben, nämlich dem Völkermord,
und sie gleichzeitig in eine militärische Konfrontation verwickeln, für die
er bestens gerüstet war. Alles andere hätte die Tutsi, die nur 15 Prozent
der Bevölkerung stellten, nie an die Macht gebracht.
Der ruandischen Regierung war es damals leichtgefallen, den
Bruguière-Bericht als "politisch" abzutun. Schließlich war Frankreich
selbst in den Genozid verwickelt gewesen. Auf dem Höhepunkt des
Völkermordes hatte der damalige Präsident François Mitterrand seine
Fremdenlegion nach Ruanda geschickt und der Welt die "Opération Turquoise"
als humanitäre Hilfe verkauft. Tatsächlich aber hatten die Legionäre den
bedrängten Völkermördern der Interahamwe einen Korridor freigekämpft, über
den sie in das Nachbarland Kongo-Kinshasa flüchten konnten.
Bei den spanischen Ermittlungsergebnissen aber verhält es sich anders. Die
Staatsanwälte in Madrid haben ihre Ermittlungen über die Dauer des
Völkermordes hinaus ausgedehnt und damit die Geschehnisse in Kongo
untersucht, wo 1996 in der Stadt Bukavu vier spanische Mönche ermordet
worden waren. Die spanische Justiz hat damit an ein Tabu gerührt, nämlich
den sogenannten zweiten Genozid, diesmal verübt an den Hutu-Flüchtlingen in
Kongo-Kinshasa, und zwar von der Tutsi-Armee.
Es waren apokalyptische Bilder, damals im Sommer 1994, als vier Millionen
Hutu und damit die Hälfte der Bevölkerung vor der anrückenden Tutsi-Armee
nach Kongo flohen. Rund um die kongolesische Stadt Goma entstanden
Flüchtlingslager riesigen Ausmaßes. Weder die kongolesische Regierung noch
die Hilfsorganisationen waren dem gewachsen. Jeden Morgen wurden die Toten
der Nacht in hastig ausgehobenen Massengräbern verscharrt. Als sich aber
der erste Staub gelegt hatte, organisierten sich die Interahamwe in den
Lagern neu und griffen Ruanda, das von Goma einen Steinwurf entfernt liegt,
abermals an. Sie schreckten nicht einmal davor zurück, Granatwerfer mitten
in den Flüchtlingslagern zu installieren und sie mit Zeltbahnen des
UN-Flüchtlingswerkes zu tarnen. Es war eine unhaltbare Situation.
Kagame ließ die riesigen Flüchtlingslager im Jahr 1996 angreifen und
rechtfertigte dies mit dem Terror, der nach wie vor von den Interahamwe
ausgehe. Bei gleicher Gelegenheit aber sollte der kongolesische Diktator
Mobutu Sese Seko gestürzt werden, von dem man annahm, er unterstütze die
Hutu-Extremisten. Mit dem im tansanischen Exil lebenden kongolesischen
Rebellen Laurent-Désiré Kabila war eine Marionette schnell gefunden. Was
folgte, beschrieb die Hilfsorganisation "Médécins sans frontières" in einem
Bericht von 1997 als "Ausrottungskrieg". Nach vorsichtigen Schätzungen 190
000, anderen Quellen zufolge 250 000 Hutu kamen damals ums Leben, als sie
von den Soldaten Kagames buchstäblich quer durch Kongo gejagt wurden. Wer
in die Hände der Tutsi geriet, wurde massakriert.
Es gibt zahlreiche Dokumentationen dieser Hetzjagd und der mit ihr
einhergehenden Massaker. Trotzdem blieb das Regime in Kigali, das sich
meisterlich als Opfer darzustellen vermag, unbehelligt. Kagames erklärtes
Ziel aber, nämlich die Vernichtung der Interahamwe-Milizen, wurde nicht
erreicht. Dafür aber saß in Kinshasa mit Kabila ein neuer Präsident, der
formal über ein Kabinett gebot, in dem Kinyrwanda, die Sprache aus dem
Nachbarland, gesprochen wurde. Die Ruander hatten Kongo schlichtweg
übernommen. Als Kabila die Ruander loswerden wollte, reagierten die von
1998 an mit einem neuen Krieg. Auch in diesem Fall wurde die Präsenz der
Interahamwe rund um Goma und Bukavu als Grund genannt. Die hatten in den
beiden ostkongolesischen Provinzen Nord- und Südkivu seit 1994 ein
Schreckensregime errichtet, unter dem die kongolesische Bevölkerung
unsäglich litt. Von 1998 an aber tauchte eine neue Gruppe auf, die sich
"Rasta" nannte und die bemüht war, die Barbarei der Interahamwe noch zu
übertreffen. Morde, Brandschatzungen und Massenvergewaltigungen wurden zum
Alltag. Weil die Rasta Kinyrwanda sprachen, wurden sie zunächst als
Splittergruppe der Interahamwe betrachtet. Die Kongolesen hingegen sahen
hinter den Rasta den langen Arm Kigalis. Der Verdacht war begründet: Die
ruandische Armee, die sich mit dem Plündern der kongolesischen Rohstoffe
eine goldene Nase verdiente, brauchte die Interahamwe als Grund für ihre
Präsenz in Kongo. Also schuf sie ihre eigenen Interahamwe.
Auch in dieses Kapitel versuchen die Spanier nunmehr ein wenig Licht zu
bringen. So zählt zu den 40 mit Haftbefehl Gesuchten auch der ruandische
Offizier Colonel Erik Murokore. Die Anklageschrift wirft ihm vor,
Kommandant der Rasta zu sein, womit zum ersten Mal ein offizieller
Zusammenhang zwischen den Totschlägern aus Kivu und dem Regime in Kigali
hergestellt wird.
Ob sich dieser Verdacht erhärtet, bleibt abzuwarten. Viele der
Ermittlungsergebnisse der Spanier beruhen weniger auf materiellen Beweisen
als auf Zeugenaussagen wie der Bericht des französischen Antiterrorrichters
Bruguière auch. Beide Ermittlungen aber sind längst überfällige Beiträge
zur Entzauberung der von Tutsi dominierten Regierung Ruandas. Und sie
können helfen, das andere große Verbrechen in Zentralafrika aufzuklären:
die beiden ruandischen Angriffskriege auf Kongo, bei denen direkt und
indirekt fünf Millionen Menschen ums Leben kamen; fünfmal mehr als beim
ruandischen Genozid.
27 February, 2008
New group in south Kordufan accuses SPLM of violating peace deal.
Sudan Tribune
27 February 2008
A new group in southern Kordufan accused the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) of violating the Comprehensive Peace Agreement slamming the failure of federal to take the appropriated measures.
According to a statement circulated in Kadugli, Southern Kordufan, on 23 February, a newly formed group called the “Rawarga Sons General Union” has accused the “Movement Army” of violating the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and committing repeated assassinations in the area.
The statement also criticized Sudanese authorities as well as other governmental entities for failing to take action against the perpetrators of such crimes, the UNMIS reported on Tuesday.
The Union stated there would be no immunity accorded to any SPLM official or Sudan People’s Liberation Army commanders inside or outside Kadugli. The statement also said that UN vehicles would not be granted immunity to travel through Hawazma tribal land to reach SPLM areas.
UNMIS Sector Commander Col. Sherif Seif Eldien Hussein will go with Sudan Armed Forces Fifth Division Commander Maj. Gen. Abed Al Azeem to Torge (south of Kadugli) tomorrow (February 27) to assess the security situation. An emergency Area Joint Military Committee will be held on 28 February to discuss security in the area.
On the other hand, the leadership of the Misiryyah tribe condemned statement made by Sudan people’s liberation movement leader Edward Lino in which he rejected creation of joint administration between Miserria and Dinka Ngok tribes.
They said they are awaiting response from ruling National Congress Party and SPLM on their proposal on joint administration.
Tribal leader Mukhtar Babu Nimr said they are expecting to get a response on the joint administration proposal from the joint administration between NCP, SPLM within today or tomorrow.
He denied reports published by newspapers on opening of the roads leading to Abyei, saying the roads are still closed and will remain so until there will be an outcome from joint committee’s meetings.
He said the joint administration proposal was temporary and not a final solution.
27 February 2008
A new group in southern Kordufan accused the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) of violating the Comprehensive Peace Agreement slamming the failure of federal to take the appropriated measures.
According to a statement circulated in Kadugli, Southern Kordufan, on 23 February, a newly formed group called the “Rawarga Sons General Union” has accused the “Movement Army” of violating the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and committing repeated assassinations in the area.
The statement also criticized Sudanese authorities as well as other governmental entities for failing to take action against the perpetrators of such crimes, the UNMIS reported on Tuesday.
The Union stated there would be no immunity accorded to any SPLM official or Sudan People’s Liberation Army commanders inside or outside Kadugli. The statement also said that UN vehicles would not be granted immunity to travel through Hawazma tribal land to reach SPLM areas.
UNMIS Sector Commander Col. Sherif Seif Eldien Hussein will go with Sudan Armed Forces Fifth Division Commander Maj. Gen. Abed Al Azeem to Torge (south of Kadugli) tomorrow (February 27) to assess the security situation. An emergency Area Joint Military Committee will be held on 28 February to discuss security in the area.
On the other hand, the leadership of the Misiryyah tribe condemned statement made by Sudan people’s liberation movement leader Edward Lino in which he rejected creation of joint administration between Miserria and Dinka Ngok tribes.
They said they are awaiting response from ruling National Congress Party and SPLM on their proposal on joint administration.
Tribal leader Mukhtar Babu Nimr said they are expecting to get a response on the joint administration proposal from the joint administration between NCP, SPLM within today or tomorrow.
He denied reports published by newspapers on opening of the roads leading to Abyei, saying the roads are still closed and will remain so until there will be an outcome from joint committee’s meetings.
He said the joint administration proposal was temporary and not a final solution.
SLM Opens Parallel Gov. Office in Israel.
Sudan Tribune
27 February 2008
A Darfur rebel group announced today that they have inaugurated an office in Israel, according to a press release received today by Sudan Tribune.
Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur“We are telling our people that we opened Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) office in Israel” the statement read.
The SLM faction led by Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur praised the Israeli government “for protecting Darfur youth from genocide”
Al-Nur, speaking to Sudan Tribune by phone from Paris, confirmed the inauguration of the office.
“The office was created by some of the SLM members who sought refuge in Israel from the killings by the Sudanese government. This is our normal practice in any part of the world where we have a presence” the rebel leader said.
“We believe in transparency with our people. We have nothing to hide or be ashamed of” he added.
AL-Nur said the SLM “has a vision for a liberal, secular state in Sudan. As such we encourage tolerance towards all religions and ethnicities as well as peaceful coexistence”.
Sudanese refugees, particularly from Darfur, have been travelling into Israel in increasing numbers over the past year through the Egyptian borders.
This year, Israel granted temporary residency status to 600 refugees from Darfur.
“The revolution that started in Darfur intends to change some of the norms in Sudan including the taboo regarding the relations with Israel” Al-Nur said.
“Our vision of Sudan as we see it would allow for the opening of an Israeli embassy in Khartoum as long as it is in line with the interests of the Sudanese people” he added.
Israel considers Sudan, a Muslim-dominated country, an “enemy state” and maintains a policy of not allowing citizens of a state with this classification to reside in the country.
Sudan has no diplomatic relations established with Israel and remains hostile to the Jewish state on the grounds it is occupying Arab lands.
27 February 2008
A Darfur rebel group announced today that they have inaugurated an office in Israel, according to a press release received today by Sudan Tribune.
Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur“We are telling our people that we opened Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) office in Israel” the statement read.
The SLM faction led by Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur praised the Israeli government “for protecting Darfur youth from genocide”
Al-Nur, speaking to Sudan Tribune by phone from Paris, confirmed the inauguration of the office.
“The office was created by some of the SLM members who sought refuge in Israel from the killings by the Sudanese government. This is our normal practice in any part of the world where we have a presence” the rebel leader said.
“We believe in transparency with our people. We have nothing to hide or be ashamed of” he added.
AL-Nur said the SLM “has a vision for a liberal, secular state in Sudan. As such we encourage tolerance towards all religions and ethnicities as well as peaceful coexistence”.
Sudanese refugees, particularly from Darfur, have been travelling into Israel in increasing numbers over the past year through the Egyptian borders.
This year, Israel granted temporary residency status to 600 refugees from Darfur.
“The revolution that started in Darfur intends to change some of the norms in Sudan including the taboo regarding the relations with Israel” Al-Nur said.
“Our vision of Sudan as we see it would allow for the opening of an Israeli embassy in Khartoum as long as it is in line with the interests of the Sudanese people” he added.
Israel considers Sudan, a Muslim-dominated country, an “enemy state” and maintains a policy of not allowing citizens of a state with this classification to reside in the country.
Sudan has no diplomatic relations established with Israel and remains hostile to the Jewish state on the grounds it is occupying Arab lands.
Lawyers try to halt Rwanda genocide tribunal.
Reuters
By George Obulutsa
27 February 2008
The U.N. Security Council should halt trials by a tribunal because it is biased, defence lawyers said on Wednesday.
Defence lawyers say the court in northern Tanzania is ignoring serious allegations against Rwanda's leader Paul Kagame.
"All convictions should be suspended, which means all trials should be suspended, and there should be an independent investigation of the manipulation of the prosecutor's office," said Peter Erlinder, head of the defence lawyers' association.
"The tribunal itself should cease operations during a complete investigation by the U.N. Security Council."
Judges in France and Spain have called for Kagame and some associates to be prosecuted for killings and other crimes.
Kigali cut ties with Paris in November 2006 after an anti-terrorist judge issued a summons for Kagame to stand trial for the killing of his predecessor Juvenal Habyarimana, an event that unleashed the genocide. Kagame denies any wrongdoing.
Earlier this month, Spain's High Court indicted 40 members of Kagame's rebels for organising the killing of hundreds of thousands of civilians, including nine Spaniards, in the 1990s.
The court said in a statement Judge Fernando Andreu said Kagame ordered killings and personally massacred civilians, based on testimony by a protected witness, but he could not prosecute him because he had immunity as a head of state.
"I believe the warrants from Spain have the same shortcomings as the ones from France in that there may be immunity for a sitting president," Erlinder told Reuters by telephone from the ICTR in the Tanzanian town of Arusha.
"But I think that the Spanish warrants make it clear that complicity extends to President Kagame, and of course there is no immunity at the ICTR."
Rwandan government spokesmen and ICTR officials were not immediately available to comment.
By George Obulutsa
27 February 2008
The U.N. Security Council should halt trials by a tribunal because it is biased, defence lawyers said on Wednesday.
Defence lawyers say the court in northern Tanzania is ignoring serious allegations against Rwanda's leader Paul Kagame.
"All convictions should be suspended, which means all trials should be suspended, and there should be an independent investigation of the manipulation of the prosecutor's office," said Peter Erlinder, head of the defence lawyers' association.
"The tribunal itself should cease operations during a complete investigation by the U.N. Security Council."
Judges in France and Spain have called for Kagame and some associates to be prosecuted for killings and other crimes.
Kigali cut ties with Paris in November 2006 after an anti-terrorist judge issued a summons for Kagame to stand trial for the killing of his predecessor Juvenal Habyarimana, an event that unleashed the genocide. Kagame denies any wrongdoing.
Earlier this month, Spain's High Court indicted 40 members of Kagame's rebels for organising the killing of hundreds of thousands of civilians, including nine Spaniards, in the 1990s.
The court said in a statement Judge Fernando Andreu said Kagame ordered killings and personally massacred civilians, based on testimony by a protected witness, but he could not prosecute him because he had immunity as a head of state.
"I believe the warrants from Spain have the same shortcomings as the ones from France in that there may be immunity for a sitting president," Erlinder told Reuters by telephone from the ICTR in the Tanzanian town of Arusha.
"But I think that the Spanish warrants make it clear that complicity extends to President Kagame, and of course there is no immunity at the ICTR."
Rwandan government spokesmen and ICTR officials were not immediately available to comment.
Bechtel Takes the LNG Train and Storage Construction Project in Angola.
African Oil Journal
27 February 2008
Angola LNG Limited has given Bechtel's Oil, Gas & Chemicals global business unit (Bechtel) notice to proceed with construction of a 5.2 million-metric-ton-per-year liquefied natural gas (LNG) train, along with storage and marine loading facilities for LNG, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and condensate.
Bechtel, in cooperation with ConocoPhillips under the ConocoPhillips-Bechtel Global LNG Collaboration, has been involved in detailed engineering and procurement for the Angola LNG liquefaction train since early 2007. "The first LNG production is slated for early 2012," says Bechtel Project Director Jose Ivo.
The plant, adjacent to the town of Soyo, Republic of Angola, will utilize ConocoPhillips' Optimized Cascade LNG process and will produce LNG; LPGs, such as propane and butane; condensate; and domestic pipeline gas.
The Angola LNG project is an integrated gas utilization project encompassing offshore and onshore operations to monetize gas resources from blocks located offshore of Angola. The project will reduce natural gas flaring and greenhouse gas emissions from offshore oil producing areas, facilitate continued offshore oil field development, and contribute to the development of a future natural gas-based industry within Angola. Bechtel's engineering, procurement, and construction contract covers the onshore portion of this project.
27 February 2008
Angola LNG Limited has given Bechtel's Oil, Gas & Chemicals global business unit (Bechtel) notice to proceed with construction of a 5.2 million-metric-ton-per-year liquefied natural gas (LNG) train, along with storage and marine loading facilities for LNG, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and condensate.
Bechtel, in cooperation with ConocoPhillips under the ConocoPhillips-Bechtel Global LNG Collaboration, has been involved in detailed engineering and procurement for the Angola LNG liquefaction train since early 2007. "The first LNG production is slated for early 2012," says Bechtel Project Director Jose Ivo.
The plant, adjacent to the town of Soyo, Republic of Angola, will utilize ConocoPhillips' Optimized Cascade LNG process and will produce LNG; LPGs, such as propane and butane; condensate; and domestic pipeline gas.
The Angola LNG project is an integrated gas utilization project encompassing offshore and onshore operations to monetize gas resources from blocks located offshore of Angola. The project will reduce natural gas flaring and greenhouse gas emissions from offshore oil producing areas, facilitate continued offshore oil field development, and contribute to the development of a future natural gas-based industry within Angola. Bechtel's engineering, procurement, and construction contract covers the onshore portion of this project.
Lol under house arrest.
News 24
27 February 2008
Chad's government announced on Tuesday that it would place opposition leader Lol Mahamat Choua, detained on February 3 by the presidential guard, under house arrest in N'Djamena.
"The government has decided to put him under house arrest," it said, but gave no news of two other prominent opposition leaders detained that same day in the wake of a rebel offensive on the capital.
Lol would be sent home "with a view to calming the situation," it said.
Three Chadian rebel forces formed a shaky alliance in mid-December to topple President Idriss Deby Itno whose regime describes them as mercenaries backed by neighbour and foe Sudan.
Deby's armed foes, who fought all the way to the capital, acknowledge Sudanese support.
The government was initially silent after its three political opponents vanished in N'Djamena, then announced inquiries, and on February 14 said it had found Lol, a former head of state, who was in police custody.
When Lol was found, Foreign Minister Ahmad Allam-Mi said he had been caught "red-handed with the mercenaries and is in the hands of the police for the purposes of their investigation."
The opposition Rally for Democracy and Progress (RDP) dismissed this as "the grossest political lie," while international body Human Rights Watch on Tuesday issued a detailed report challenging official accounts of the disappearances.
Chadian Communications Minister Hourmadji Moussa Doumgor said on state radio on Tuesday that Lol would be "at the disposal of justice officials until the end of the inquiry under way to determine (people's) responsibilities in this Sudanese aggression."
Veteran lawmaker and government critic Ngarlejy Yorongar was still missing without trace on Tuesday, like Ibni Oumar Mahamet Saleh, the spokesperson of the main opposition coalition.
Yorongar's family denied a government claim that he had reappeared but gone into hiding, and expressed scepticism at a similar statement made late Monday by French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, who cited "fairly credible" witnesses.
"We wonder where Mr Kouchner went to find these witnesses," a family source said, while others close to Yorongar said nobody had seen him in the district and they were very worried about his fate.
"We've had no news, he's not hiding. If he were alive he would come directly to the house," said Saleh Dkekotar, Yorongar's chauffeur and a witness to his abduction by the security forces.
For Ibni Oumar Saleh's family, his cousin Moussa Mahamat Saleh said: "We're really worried. The authorities have told us nothing. Nobody talks to us and we have no trace."
27 February 2008
Chad's government announced on Tuesday that it would place opposition leader Lol Mahamat Choua, detained on February 3 by the presidential guard, under house arrest in N'Djamena.
"The government has decided to put him under house arrest," it said, but gave no news of two other prominent opposition leaders detained that same day in the wake of a rebel offensive on the capital.
Lol would be sent home "with a view to calming the situation," it said.
Three Chadian rebel forces formed a shaky alliance in mid-December to topple President Idriss Deby Itno whose regime describes them as mercenaries backed by neighbour and foe Sudan.
Deby's armed foes, who fought all the way to the capital, acknowledge Sudanese support.
The government was initially silent after its three political opponents vanished in N'Djamena, then announced inquiries, and on February 14 said it had found Lol, a former head of state, who was in police custody.
When Lol was found, Foreign Minister Ahmad Allam-Mi said he had been caught "red-handed with the mercenaries and is in the hands of the police for the purposes of their investigation."
The opposition Rally for Democracy and Progress (RDP) dismissed this as "the grossest political lie," while international body Human Rights Watch on Tuesday issued a detailed report challenging official accounts of the disappearances.
Chadian Communications Minister Hourmadji Moussa Doumgor said on state radio on Tuesday that Lol would be "at the disposal of justice officials until the end of the inquiry under way to determine (people's) responsibilities in this Sudanese aggression."
Veteran lawmaker and government critic Ngarlejy Yorongar was still missing without trace on Tuesday, like Ibni Oumar Mahamet Saleh, the spokesperson of the main opposition coalition.
Yorongar's family denied a government claim that he had reappeared but gone into hiding, and expressed scepticism at a similar statement made late Monday by French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, who cited "fairly credible" witnesses.
"We wonder where Mr Kouchner went to find these witnesses," a family source said, while others close to Yorongar said nobody had seen him in the district and they were very worried about his fate.
"We've had no news, he's not hiding. If he were alive he would come directly to the house," said Saleh Dkekotar, Yorongar's chauffeur and a witness to his abduction by the security forces.
For Ibni Oumar Saleh's family, his cousin Moussa Mahamat Saleh said: "We're really worried. The authorities have told us nothing. Nobody talks to us and we have no trace."
NORTH KIVU: NEW CEASE-FIRE VIOLATIONS.
MISNA
27 February 2008
New clashes erupted over the past 48 hours between armed groups in various areas of North Kivu, north-eastern province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, further jeopardising a fragile January 23 global cease-fire accord. According to local radios, on Monday night and yesterday elements of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) of the renegade general Laurent Nkunda clashed in various occasions with Pareco rebels in three villages north of Masisi (north-west of the provincial capital Goma) and other Mayi-Mayi militants in three villages south-west of Goma. Radio Okapi of the United Nations Mission in DR-Congo (MONUC) reported that CNDP soldiers are extorting money from vehicles, even humanitarian ones, that cross the territory under their control.
27 February 2008
New clashes erupted over the past 48 hours between armed groups in various areas of North Kivu, north-eastern province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, further jeopardising a fragile January 23 global cease-fire accord. According to local radios, on Monday night and yesterday elements of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) of the renegade general Laurent Nkunda clashed in various occasions with Pareco rebels in three villages north of Masisi (north-west of the provincial capital Goma) and other Mayi-Mayi militants in three villages south-west of Goma. Radio Okapi of the United Nations Mission in DR-Congo (MONUC) reported that CNDP soldiers are extorting money from vehicles, even humanitarian ones, that cross the territory under their control.
British FM Recommends Kenyan Gov. Use Army While EU and US Try to Force Power Sharing Deal With Threat of Sanctions.
Mail & Guardian
27 February 2008
Britain on Tuesday said that the Kenyan army is now "by far the best option" to stop a sectarian bloodbath as peace talks in Nairobi between the government and opposition were suspended.
The Foreign Office Minister for Africa, Asia and the United Nations, Mark Malloch-Brown, said that there was a serious risk of renewed bloodshed if talks broke down irrevocably. About a thousand Kenyans have been killed since disputed elections in December and 600 000 have fled their homes after rival gangs, organised largely on ethnic lines, went on the rampage.
The violence has died down recently as the former UN secretary general Kofi Annan has brokered negotiations, but he called a pause to the talks on Tuesday after several fruitless weeks. He said he would now hold direct talks with President Mwai Kibaki and the opposition leader Raila Odinga.
However, Western observers believe that extremists on both sides have used the lull to regroup and prepare for another, and potentially bloodier, bout of violence in Kenya.
"We're going to have to stop the violence," Malloch-Brown said. "The Kenyan military is by far the best option. The question is, can the army be brought in in a non-divisive way?"
He argued that the army is still respected by the Kenyan public as a genuinely national and multi-ethnic institution, unlike the police, but that its generals are reluctant to get involved because they want to maintain its status and unity.
Annan is believed to have issued an ultimatum to Kibaki and Odinga on Tuesday, telling them they were facing their last chance to contain the conflict before it tore their country apart.
"The talks have not broken down," Annan told reporters later. "But I am taking steps to make sure we accelerate the process and give peace to the people as soon as possible."
He was backed by coordinated statements from the United States and European Union threatening sanctions against leaders on both sides if they did not agree to share power.
"I want to emphasise that the future of our relationship with both sides and their legitimacy hinges on their cooperation to achieve this political solution," said Condoleezza Rice, the US Secretary of State. "In that regard, we are exploring a wide range of possible actions. We will draw our own conclusions about who is responsible for lack of progress and take necessary steps."
The European Union statement emphasised "that a means of effective power-sharing in Kenya must be found and that individuals who obstruct the dialogue process will have to face the consequences".
Potential sanctions include travel bans aimed at the political elite on both sides, who holiday and send their children to school in Europe and America.
Annan suspended talks between the government and the opposition negotiating teams after it became clear they were going nowhere.
"It was bad on Friday, and it just got worse," said a diplomat familiar with the talks.
Annan has attempted to broker a solution in which the president maintained control of foreign affairs and defence but devolved control over domestic affairs to an opposition prime minister. One of the reasons for the breakdown has been Kibaki's insistence on keeping a grip on the finance ministry.
Richard Dowden, the director of the Royal African Society, said the deployment of the Kenyan army could be extremely risky.
"The army has always been non-political. It's very professional, it does a lot of peacekeeping, it's trained by the Brits, it's a regular contingent in UN forces," Dowden said. "The last thing they would want to do is step in. But the bigger danger to them is that as this gets more ethnic and tribal, a middle ranking officer finds his grandmother has been killed and takes off, and once bits break off, the whole army unravels. The whole army holding together as a non-ethnic entity is the last barrier between Kenya and complete meltdown."
27 February 2008
Britain on Tuesday said that the Kenyan army is now "by far the best option" to stop a sectarian bloodbath as peace talks in Nairobi between the government and opposition were suspended.
The Foreign Office Minister for Africa, Asia and the United Nations, Mark Malloch-Brown, said that there was a serious risk of renewed bloodshed if talks broke down irrevocably. About a thousand Kenyans have been killed since disputed elections in December and 600 000 have fled their homes after rival gangs, organised largely on ethnic lines, went on the rampage.
The violence has died down recently as the former UN secretary general Kofi Annan has brokered negotiations, but he called a pause to the talks on Tuesday after several fruitless weeks. He said he would now hold direct talks with President Mwai Kibaki and the opposition leader Raila Odinga.
However, Western observers believe that extremists on both sides have used the lull to regroup and prepare for another, and potentially bloodier, bout of violence in Kenya.
"We're going to have to stop the violence," Malloch-Brown said. "The Kenyan military is by far the best option. The question is, can the army be brought in in a non-divisive way?"
He argued that the army is still respected by the Kenyan public as a genuinely national and multi-ethnic institution, unlike the police, but that its generals are reluctant to get involved because they want to maintain its status and unity.
Annan is believed to have issued an ultimatum to Kibaki and Odinga on Tuesday, telling them they were facing their last chance to contain the conflict before it tore their country apart.
"The talks have not broken down," Annan told reporters later. "But I am taking steps to make sure we accelerate the process and give peace to the people as soon as possible."
He was backed by coordinated statements from the United States and European Union threatening sanctions against leaders on both sides if they did not agree to share power.
"I want to emphasise that the future of our relationship with both sides and their legitimacy hinges on their cooperation to achieve this political solution," said Condoleezza Rice, the US Secretary of State. "In that regard, we are exploring a wide range of possible actions. We will draw our own conclusions about who is responsible for lack of progress and take necessary steps."
The European Union statement emphasised "that a means of effective power-sharing in Kenya must be found and that individuals who obstruct the dialogue process will have to face the consequences".
Potential sanctions include travel bans aimed at the political elite on both sides, who holiday and send their children to school in Europe and America.
Annan suspended talks between the government and the opposition negotiating teams after it became clear they were going nowhere.
"It was bad on Friday, and it just got worse," said a diplomat familiar with the talks.
Annan has attempted to broker a solution in which the president maintained control of foreign affairs and defence but devolved control over domestic affairs to an opposition prime minister. One of the reasons for the breakdown has been Kibaki's insistence on keeping a grip on the finance ministry.
Richard Dowden, the director of the Royal African Society, said the deployment of the Kenyan army could be extremely risky.
"The army has always been non-political. It's very professional, it does a lot of peacekeeping, it's trained by the Brits, it's a regular contingent in UN forces," Dowden said. "The last thing they would want to do is step in. But the bigger danger to them is that as this gets more ethnic and tribal, a middle ranking officer finds his grandmother has been killed and takes off, and once bits break off, the whole army unravels. The whole army holding together as a non-ethnic entity is the last barrier between Kenya and complete meltdown."
GENDARMES DID NOT GET ALONG WITH INTERAHAMWE MILITIAMEN, CLAIMS WITNESS.
Hirondelle News Agency
26 February 2008
A witness stated Tuesday before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) that the Rwandan gendarmes did not get along with the Interahamwe militiamen.
"It was well known, gendarmes did not get along with the Interahamwe, they were not on the same wavelength", stated the witness, himself a former gendarme.
Known only by the code name “CBP-72” to preserve his identity, the witness was testifying for the defence of the former Chief of Staff of national gendarmerie.
The prosecution alleges that gendarmes, soldiers, and militiamen worked, hand in glove, to commit the 1994 genocide.
The witness disputed these allegations, affirming, by way of examples that gendarmes had pushed back in April 1994 an attack launched by the Interahamwe on Tutsis who had sought refuge in the buildings of the
Saint-Andrew College in Kigali.
"They occupied the areas where the gendarmerie was not present", he explained.
He added that after the beginning of the genocide, the gendarmerie could no longer arrest criminals, because, he said, people had fled.
The proceedings were deferred to next Monday when new witnesses will testify in the case.
“CBP-72” is the 24th witness to testify for Ndindiliyimana, who has been presenting his case since 16 January.
Ndindiliyimana is on trial alongside three other officers of the former Rwandan Armed Forces (RAF), including the former Chief of Staff of Rwandan army, General Augustin Bizimungu.
After Ndindiliyimana, it will be the turn of the former commander of the reconnaissance battalion, Major François-Xavier Nzuwonemeye, to start his defence.
Last will be Captain Innocent Sagahutu who commanded a squadron of this elite unit.
The trial is presided by Sri Lankan Judge Joseph Asoka De Silva. It opened on 20 September 2004.
26 February 2008
A witness stated Tuesday before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) that the Rwandan gendarmes did not get along with the Interahamwe militiamen.
"It was well known, gendarmes did not get along with the Interahamwe, they were not on the same wavelength", stated the witness, himself a former gendarme.
Known only by the code name “CBP-72” to preserve his identity, the witness was testifying for the defence of the former Chief of Staff of national gendarmerie.
The prosecution alleges that gendarmes, soldiers, and militiamen worked, hand in glove, to commit the 1994 genocide.
The witness disputed these allegations, affirming, by way of examples that gendarmes had pushed back in April 1994 an attack launched by the Interahamwe on Tutsis who had sought refuge in the buildings of the
Saint-Andrew College in Kigali.
"They occupied the areas where the gendarmerie was not present", he explained.
He added that after the beginning of the genocide, the gendarmerie could no longer arrest criminals, because, he said, people had fled.
The proceedings were deferred to next Monday when new witnesses will testify in the case.
“CBP-72” is the 24th witness to testify for Ndindiliyimana, who has been presenting his case since 16 January.
Ndindiliyimana is on trial alongside three other officers of the former Rwandan Armed Forces (RAF), including the former Chief of Staff of Rwandan army, General Augustin Bizimungu.
After Ndindiliyimana, it will be the turn of the former commander of the reconnaissance battalion, Major François-Xavier Nzuwonemeye, to start his defence.
Last will be Captain Innocent Sagahutu who commanded a squadron of this elite unit.
The trial is presided by Sri Lankan Judge Joseph Asoka De Silva. It opened on 20 September 2004.
Iran makes bid for two Indian oil tenders.
Mehr News Agency
22 February 2008
Iranian Offshore Engineering and Construction Company (IOECC) participated in two tenders in the offshore sector of India’s oil industry, managing director of IOECC announced here Friday.
Mas’ud Soltanpur rated each project worth at over 1.1 billion dollars.
Iran’s competitors in these tenders are South Korea, Italy, France, and the United States, he said, adding IOECC has a great chance to win the bids.
Banks can play a more active role in developing offshore oil and gas projects to ease the situation for contractors, Soltanpur said.
“Constructing an onshore rig costs some 9 million euros,” he said and concluded that the figure is to the tune of some 150 million euros for an offshore rig.
22 February 2008
Iranian Offshore Engineering and Construction Company (IOECC) participated in two tenders in the offshore sector of India’s oil industry, managing director of IOECC announced here Friday.
Mas’ud Soltanpur rated each project worth at over 1.1 billion dollars.
Iran’s competitors in these tenders are South Korea, Italy, France, and the United States, he said, adding IOECC has a great chance to win the bids.
Banks can play a more active role in developing offshore oil and gas projects to ease the situation for contractors, Soltanpur said.
“Constructing an onshore rig costs some 9 million euros,” he said and concluded that the figure is to the tune of some 150 million euros for an offshore rig.
Russia, Hungary agree to set up joint venture to build South Stream gas pipeline.
Itar-Tass
25 February 2008
Russia and Hungary have agreed to set up a joint venture on the principles of parity in order to build a section of the South Stream gas pipeline on the territory of Hungary.
Summing up the results of his talks with Russian First Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Mendeleev on Monday, Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany said, “We succeeded in reaching agreement under which the gas pipeline’s section will be guild by a joint venture, which will be set up on the principles of parity (50 percent of Russia and 50 percent of Hungary).”
In his words, “Hungary will be represented by a company, which has 100 percent of state ownership.”
Mendeleev added, “Russia will be represented by Gazprom.”
“The joint venture will be registered on the base of Hungary’s law,” Gyurcsany said. “We’ll seek to make expenses stable during the whole period of its existence.” The prime minister said, “The Hungarian government will guarantee that it will carry out its obligations.”
Mendeleev said, “We’ll create the company on Hungary’s law. We’ll exert maximum effort to provide most favourable treatment and favourable tax regime to the project.”
25 February 2008
Russia and Hungary have agreed to set up a joint venture on the principles of parity in order to build a section of the South Stream gas pipeline on the territory of Hungary.
Summing up the results of his talks with Russian First Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Mendeleev on Monday, Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany said, “We succeeded in reaching agreement under which the gas pipeline’s section will be guild by a joint venture, which will be set up on the principles of parity (50 percent of Russia and 50 percent of Hungary).”
In his words, “Hungary will be represented by a company, which has 100 percent of state ownership.”
Mendeleev added, “Russia will be represented by Gazprom.”
“The joint venture will be registered on the base of Hungary’s law,” Gyurcsany said. “We’ll seek to make expenses stable during the whole period of its existence.” The prime minister said, “The Hungarian government will guarantee that it will carry out its obligations.”
Mendeleev said, “We’ll create the company on Hungary’s law. We’ll exert maximum effort to provide most favourable treatment and favourable tax regime to the project.”
Navy Continues Training in Mayumba, Gabon.
Navy News
L.t. JG Megan Shutka
February 25, 2008
Africa Partnership Station (APS) aboard High Speed Vessel 2 Swift arrived off the coast of Mayumba, Gabon, Feb. 25, marking the ship's fourth APS engagement.
One week earlier, Swift made a brief stop in Mayumba to disembark a team from Expeditionary Training Command (ETC), as well as representatives of the Navy's Meteorology and Oceanography community for training with the Gabonese Navy, Fisheries, National Parks, and Merchant Navy and the non-governmental organization (NGO) Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS).
"During the APS planning process, training needs in support of fisheries control and surveillance efforts at Mayumba National Park were identified by WCS," said Lt. Cmdr. Chuck Bell, a civil affairs planner from Maritime Civil Affairs Squadron 2, and the NGO activities coordinator for APS. "With the help of ETC, we were able to put together a training package to meet some of the needs of a variety of maritime security stakeholders here in Mayumba."
ETC is providing small boat handling, navigation and maintenance training to a diverse group.
"What makes this training unique is that it was facilitated by an NGO and includes not only a military training audience, but civilian maritime agencies with similar needs as well," Bell said.
In addition to the training, the Navy Meteorology and Oceanography team is taking part in a series of meetings with WCS to better understand the NGO's priorities. The team is also conducting a site survey to help determine the feasibility of a bathymetric survey proposal for the area that has been submitted by WCS.
The visit will also consist of community relations activities at four local schools in Mayumba, where the U.S. Navy Band from Commander, Naval Forces Europe-Africa Brass Quintet will be performing.
APS is a U.S. Naval Forces Europe-led initiative, executed by a multi-national staff aboard Swift and amphibious dock landing ship USS Fort McHenry (LSD 43) to promote maritime safety and security.
During its deployment, Swift will work with various government and non-government organizations to support ongoing regional meteorological and oceanography initiatives, host fisheries training events, and deliver humanitarian aid to African nations.
Overseen by a joint staff representing navies of eight European, African and North American countries, APS ships are visiting ports in Senegal, Liberia, Ghana, Cameroon, Gabon, Sao Tome & Principe, Togo and other African countries to conduct training, complete humanitarian projects and build partnerships among participating nations.
L.t. JG Megan Shutka
February 25, 2008
Africa Partnership Station (APS) aboard High Speed Vessel 2 Swift arrived off the coast of Mayumba, Gabon, Feb. 25, marking the ship's fourth APS engagement.
One week earlier, Swift made a brief stop in Mayumba to disembark a team from Expeditionary Training Command (ETC), as well as representatives of the Navy's Meteorology and Oceanography community for training with the Gabonese Navy, Fisheries, National Parks, and Merchant Navy and the non-governmental organization (NGO) Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS).
"During the APS planning process, training needs in support of fisheries control and surveillance efforts at Mayumba National Park were identified by WCS," said Lt. Cmdr. Chuck Bell, a civil affairs planner from Maritime Civil Affairs Squadron 2, and the NGO activities coordinator for APS. "With the help of ETC, we were able to put together a training package to meet some of the needs of a variety of maritime security stakeholders here in Mayumba."
ETC is providing small boat handling, navigation and maintenance training to a diverse group.
"What makes this training unique is that it was facilitated by an NGO and includes not only a military training audience, but civilian maritime agencies with similar needs as well," Bell said.
In addition to the training, the Navy Meteorology and Oceanography team is taking part in a series of meetings with WCS to better understand the NGO's priorities. The team is also conducting a site survey to help determine the feasibility of a bathymetric survey proposal for the area that has been submitted by WCS.
The visit will also consist of community relations activities at four local schools in Mayumba, where the U.S. Navy Band from Commander, Naval Forces Europe-Africa Brass Quintet will be performing.
APS is a U.S. Naval Forces Europe-led initiative, executed by a multi-national staff aboard Swift and amphibious dock landing ship USS Fort McHenry (LSD 43) to promote maritime safety and security.
During its deployment, Swift will work with various government and non-government organizations to support ongoing regional meteorological and oceanography initiatives, host fisheries training events, and deliver humanitarian aid to African nations.
Overseen by a joint staff representing navies of eight European, African and North American countries, APS ships are visiting ports in Senegal, Liberia, Ghana, Cameroon, Gabon, Sao Tome & Principe, Togo and other African countries to conduct training, complete humanitarian projects and build partnerships among participating nations.
Iran to sign gas deal with China on Wednesday.
Reuters
26 February 2008
Iran will finally sign a contract with China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) this week to develop its northern Pars gas field, a news agency reported on Tuesday.
The Oil Ministry's news website SHANA said the contract will be signed on Wednesday and was believed to be worth about $16 billion without giving further details.
The deal was first announced in late 2006. At that time the value was put at about $20 billion. The reason for the discrepancy in the figures was not immediately clear.
An Oil Ministry official confirmed to Reuters the deal would be signed without elaborating.
The contract will mark the latest move by a Chinese firm into the Iranian energy market when the United States is seeking to isolate Iran over its disputed nuclear programme and encouraging foreign firms to cut business ties.
Iran plans to export the northern Pars production in the form of liquefied natural gas (LNG).
CNOOC, which leads China's fledgling LNG industry, is the parent of Hong Kong and New York-listed CNOOC Ltd.
SHANA said northern Pars field contains 80 trillion cubic feet of gas and said each phase of development could have the capacity to produce 1.2 billion cubic feet per day. It said the deal will be signed by CNOOC and Iran's Pars Oil and Gas Company.
China's Sinopec Group, parent of Sinopec Corp., signed a deal in December to develop Iran's huge Yadavaran oil field.
China has in recent years expanded commercial ties with the Islamic Republic and has been reluctant to impose tough economic sanctions on Tehran. Iran is China's third largest supplier of oil.
Iran has the world's second-biggest crude reserves after Saudi Arabia and the second-largest gas reserves behind Russia. Although a major oil exporter, the OPEC member has been slow to expand gas exports and has no LNG plants.
(Reporting by Zahra Hosseinian)
26 February 2008
Iran will finally sign a contract with China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) this week to develop its northern Pars gas field, a news agency reported on Tuesday.
The Oil Ministry's news website SHANA said the contract will be signed on Wednesday and was believed to be worth about $16 billion without giving further details.
The deal was first announced in late 2006. At that time the value was put at about $20 billion. The reason for the discrepancy in the figures was not immediately clear.
An Oil Ministry official confirmed to Reuters the deal would be signed without elaborating.
The contract will mark the latest move by a Chinese firm into the Iranian energy market when the United States is seeking to isolate Iran over its disputed nuclear programme and encouraging foreign firms to cut business ties.
Iran plans to export the northern Pars production in the form of liquefied natural gas (LNG).
CNOOC, which leads China's fledgling LNG industry, is the parent of Hong Kong and New York-listed CNOOC Ltd.
SHANA said northern Pars field contains 80 trillion cubic feet of gas and said each phase of development could have the capacity to produce 1.2 billion cubic feet per day. It said the deal will be signed by CNOOC and Iran's Pars Oil and Gas Company.
China's Sinopec Group, parent of Sinopec Corp., signed a deal in December to develop Iran's huge Yadavaran oil field.
China has in recent years expanded commercial ties with the Islamic Republic and has been reluctant to impose tough economic sanctions on Tehran. Iran is China's third largest supplier of oil.
Iran has the world's second-biggest crude reserves after Saudi Arabia and the second-largest gas reserves behind Russia. Although a major oil exporter, the OPEC member has been slow to expand gas exports and has no LNG plants.
(Reporting by Zahra Hosseinian)
26 February, 2008
Gates Promises More Aid for Indonesian Military.
The New York Times
by Mark Mazetti
26 February 2008
Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates pledged arms upgrades and other Pentagon support for Indonesia on Monday, as the Bush administration forged closer ties to the military of a country still viewed skeptically by some in Congress for past human rights abuses.
During a series of meetings in Jakarta, Mr. Gates tried to broaden the focus of American relations with Indonesia beyond the fight against terrorist networks, giving only passing mention to the threats they represent, in a speech before a group of foreign policy experts.
Instead, he emphasized the emergence of Indonesia as the “bedrock” of Southeast Asia and vowed that the United States would help to shore up the country’s aging military hardware. He was not specific in the types of upgrades he would approve, but Indonesian officials have, among other things, sought replacement parts for its fleet of C-130 cargo planes.
Aides to Mr. Gates said that in the years immediately after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, American policy toward Indonesia was driven too often by the Bush administration’s demands for an aggressive campaign against terrorist cells in Indonesia.
During a visit in 2006 by Donald H. Rumsfeld, the defense secretary at the time, his Indonesian counterpart, Juwano Sudarsono, publicly warned the Bush administration that its counterterrorism policies were overbearing and self-defeating.
In his speech on Monday, Mr. Gates occasionally struck humble chords, admitting that at times the United States had been “arrogant” in dealings with other countries.
Mr. Gates called the development of Indonesia’s military “a key component” of relations between the United States and Indonesia, and “a vital aspect of Indonesia’s emergence as a prosperous and stable democracy with global reach.”
In 1992, Congress restricted arms sales and most American training for Indonesia, citing human rights abuses by the Indonesian military under Indonesia’s longtime dictator, Gen. Suharto. Internal dissent forced Mr. Suharto to resign in 1998, but Congress enacted new curbs the next year, after a rampage by an army-backed militia in what was then East Timor Province, and again in 2003, after the killings of two American teachers in Papua Province in 2002.
Senior American military officials have long railed against the restrictions on training and equipping Indonesia’s military imposed by Congress, saying they served only to weaken American influence over a country of growing strategic importance.
During a visit to Jakarta last September, the Russian president, Vladimir V. Putin, signed an agreement with Indonesian officials to use a $1 billion Russian loan to sell the country Kilo-class submarines, helicopters and tanks.
American officials worry that even though the ban on weapons sales has been lifted, labyrinthine procedures and what Mr. Gates on Monday called “bureaucratic inertia” could still hold up the flow of military hardware.
by Mark Mazetti
26 February 2008
Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates pledged arms upgrades and other Pentagon support for Indonesia on Monday, as the Bush administration forged closer ties to the military of a country still viewed skeptically by some in Congress for past human rights abuses.
During a series of meetings in Jakarta, Mr. Gates tried to broaden the focus of American relations with Indonesia beyond the fight against terrorist networks, giving only passing mention to the threats they represent, in a speech before a group of foreign policy experts.
Instead, he emphasized the emergence of Indonesia as the “bedrock” of Southeast Asia and vowed that the United States would help to shore up the country’s aging military hardware. He was not specific in the types of upgrades he would approve, but Indonesian officials have, among other things, sought replacement parts for its fleet of C-130 cargo planes.
Aides to Mr. Gates said that in the years immediately after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, American policy toward Indonesia was driven too often by the Bush administration’s demands for an aggressive campaign against terrorist cells in Indonesia.
During a visit in 2006 by Donald H. Rumsfeld, the defense secretary at the time, his Indonesian counterpart, Juwano Sudarsono, publicly warned the Bush administration that its counterterrorism policies were overbearing and self-defeating.
In his speech on Monday, Mr. Gates occasionally struck humble chords, admitting that at times the United States had been “arrogant” in dealings with other countries.
Mr. Gates called the development of Indonesia’s military “a key component” of relations between the United States and Indonesia, and “a vital aspect of Indonesia’s emergence as a prosperous and stable democracy with global reach.”
In 1992, Congress restricted arms sales and most American training for Indonesia, citing human rights abuses by the Indonesian military under Indonesia’s longtime dictator, Gen. Suharto. Internal dissent forced Mr. Suharto to resign in 1998, but Congress enacted new curbs the next year, after a rampage by an army-backed militia in what was then East Timor Province, and again in 2003, after the killings of two American teachers in Papua Province in 2002.
Senior American military officials have long railed against the restrictions on training and equipping Indonesia’s military imposed by Congress, saying they served only to weaken American influence over a country of growing strategic importance.
During a visit to Jakarta last September, the Russian president, Vladimir V. Putin, signed an agreement with Indonesian officials to use a $1 billion Russian loan to sell the country Kilo-class submarines, helicopters and tanks.
American officials worry that even though the ban on weapons sales has been lifted, labyrinthine procedures and what Mr. Gates on Monday called “bureaucratic inertia” could still hold up the flow of military hardware.
Ethiopia Gov. Reportedly Threatens Aid Workers To Stay Quiet About Crimes.
Christian Science Monitor
By Nicholas Benequista
26 February 2008
Spotting a plume of dust from an approaching vehicle, residents of Gudis village ran to tell their neighbors to hide. Then someone saw the flag on the white Land Cruiser; international aid workers were coming. "We thought you were the military," said one man to an aid worker who later recounted the story.
The residents of Gudis, a village of pastoralists in Ethiopia's Somali region, had not seen an aid worker in the six months since the Ethiopian military sent thousands of troops to the area to put down a renewed surge by a separatist rebel group, the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). Now the village was eager to share its secrets.
At dusk, accompanied by just one villager, the group drove a few miles beyond the cluster of thatched roofs to four, freshly dug mass graves.
"They begged us to stay," said the aid worker, requesting anonymity.
Indeed, aid workers want to stay, but their presence in places like Gudis comes at a price. As the military campaign winds down in the vast portion of the Somali region known as the Ogaden, international humanitarian groups have been gradually allowed to return, though only in exchange for their silence.
"We have two options: either we come out with a nasty press release tomorrow on protection of human rights, and we will have to leave behind a substantial population still facing atrocities, or we just do our work," the aid worker said.
Those who do talk – and they are few – whisper stories of public executions, arbitrary detentions, rapes, beatings, and torture of civilians by government forces intent on crushing a guerrilla insurgency that draws on sympathetic villagers for support. Others describe equally heinous acts committed by rebel forces against those civilians – often from rival clans – who refuse to help the insurgents, whom the government labels as terrorists.
With journalists prohibited from entering the area under military occupation, most of these allegations are hard to verify, and conflicting versions of the same story are common. For instance, Gudis residents told the aid workers that the 47 young men buried in the mass graves were innocent civilians killed by government forces. An elder from the Abdili subclan that inhabits Gudis said the 47 had been coerced to join a government militia and were subsequently soundly defeated in a confrontation with the ONLF.
The government denies any wrongdoing by federal troops, including the allegation that soldiers have forced civilians to form militias.
"I can assure you that the government is not in the business of killing people and putting them in mass graves," says government spokesman Bereket Simon. "That is why we fought against the military regime."
The ONLF has been fighting to win greater autonomy for Somali-speakers, about 5 percent of the population, for more than two decades.
The United Nations has called for an independent investigation into allegations across the region, but the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights still has no access; meanwhile, international aid workers say they cannot wait for justice.
In Gudis, and in hundreds of similar villages, food and water are in short supply, leaving the residents to rely mostly on camel's milk for sustenance. Medical supplies ran out long ago.
"You always come down on the same side," said the director of one organization operating in the region. "It's better to keep yourself operational and to do something."
Still, questions remain about whether the food aid is reaching the people who need it – about 750,000, according to a recent US-funded assessment. Amid the conflict, food disbursements have been slow. The World Food Program (WFP) planned to distribute 53,000 metric tons of food aid in the Ogaden in the three months beginning in December. As of last week, less than 10,700 metric tons had reached beneficiaries.
"One of the things we want to make sure about is that the food gets to the people," said Gregory Beals, a spokesman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the agency acting as interlocutor for aid efforts in the region. "That may mean that the food will go a little slower than we originally planned."
Yet even at the slow pace, aid workers and clan elders say that regional government officials and military forces still manage to divert supplies away from villages suspected of sympathies with the ONLF.
Some aid workers, increasingly frustrated by the situation, are discreetly speaking out. Many say they quietly and privately inform the head of the UN mission in Ethiopia, Fidele Sarassoro.
For international staff, these surreptitious confessions may put their mission at risk, but for national staff – some who are from the Somali region – the stakes are even higher. Most refused to cooperate on this article for fear that they might be imprisoned or killed.
In spite of the perceived risk, a few local aid workers are eager to confide.
"It's a relief to speak with you," said one local aid worker. "You hear these things and they weigh on your heart."
By Nicholas Benequista
26 February 2008
Spotting a plume of dust from an approaching vehicle, residents of Gudis village ran to tell their neighbors to hide. Then someone saw the flag on the white Land Cruiser; international aid workers were coming. "We thought you were the military," said one man to an aid worker who later recounted the story.
The residents of Gudis, a village of pastoralists in Ethiopia's Somali region, had not seen an aid worker in the six months since the Ethiopian military sent thousands of troops to the area to put down a renewed surge by a separatist rebel group, the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). Now the village was eager to share its secrets.
At dusk, accompanied by just one villager, the group drove a few miles beyond the cluster of thatched roofs to four, freshly dug mass graves.
"They begged us to stay," said the aid worker, requesting anonymity.
Indeed, aid workers want to stay, but their presence in places like Gudis comes at a price. As the military campaign winds down in the vast portion of the Somali region known as the Ogaden, international humanitarian groups have been gradually allowed to return, though only in exchange for their silence.
"We have two options: either we come out with a nasty press release tomorrow on protection of human rights, and we will have to leave behind a substantial population still facing atrocities, or we just do our work," the aid worker said.
Those who do talk – and they are few – whisper stories of public executions, arbitrary detentions, rapes, beatings, and torture of civilians by government forces intent on crushing a guerrilla insurgency that draws on sympathetic villagers for support. Others describe equally heinous acts committed by rebel forces against those civilians – often from rival clans – who refuse to help the insurgents, whom the government labels as terrorists.
With journalists prohibited from entering the area under military occupation, most of these allegations are hard to verify, and conflicting versions of the same story are common. For instance, Gudis residents told the aid workers that the 47 young men buried in the mass graves were innocent civilians killed by government forces. An elder from the Abdili subclan that inhabits Gudis said the 47 had been coerced to join a government militia and were subsequently soundly defeated in a confrontation with the ONLF.
The government denies any wrongdoing by federal troops, including the allegation that soldiers have forced civilians to form militias.
"I can assure you that the government is not in the business of killing people and putting them in mass graves," says government spokesman Bereket Simon. "That is why we fought against the military regime."
The ONLF has been fighting to win greater autonomy for Somali-speakers, about 5 percent of the population, for more than two decades.
The United Nations has called for an independent investigation into allegations across the region, but the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights still has no access; meanwhile, international aid workers say they cannot wait for justice.
In Gudis, and in hundreds of similar villages, food and water are in short supply, leaving the residents to rely mostly on camel's milk for sustenance. Medical supplies ran out long ago.
"You always come down on the same side," said the director of one organization operating in the region. "It's better to keep yourself operational and to do something."
Still, questions remain about whether the food aid is reaching the people who need it – about 750,000, according to a recent US-funded assessment. Amid the conflict, food disbursements have been slow. The World Food Program (WFP) planned to distribute 53,000 metric tons of food aid in the Ogaden in the three months beginning in December. As of last week, less than 10,700 metric tons had reached beneficiaries.
"One of the things we want to make sure about is that the food gets to the people," said Gregory Beals, a spokesman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the agency acting as interlocutor for aid efforts in the region. "That may mean that the food will go a little slower than we originally planned."
Yet even at the slow pace, aid workers and clan elders say that regional government officials and military forces still manage to divert supplies away from villages suspected of sympathies with the ONLF.
Some aid workers, increasingly frustrated by the situation, are discreetly speaking out. Many say they quietly and privately inform the head of the UN mission in Ethiopia, Fidele Sarassoro.
For international staff, these surreptitious confessions may put their mission at risk, but for national staff – some who are from the Somali region – the stakes are even higher. Most refused to cooperate on this article for fear that they might be imprisoned or killed.
In spite of the perceived risk, a few local aid workers are eager to confide.
"It's a relief to speak with you," said one local aid worker. "You hear these things and they weigh on your heart."
President Kikwete meets ICTR President in Dar es Salaam.
United Nations Press Release
26 February 2006
Judge Dennis Byron, President of the ICTR yesterday in Dar es Salaam paid a courtesy call on His Excellency Mr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, President of the United Republic of Tanzania and the current President of the African Union.
Judge Byron provided a thorough briefing to his Excellency on the achievements and the challenges of the ICTR completion strategy. They both exchanged views on how best the African Union could assist the ICTR in ensuring a smooth implementation of its completion Strategy. Prior to his audience with the Tanzanian Head of State, Judge Byron also met with the Friends of ICTR composed of Ambassadors, High Commissioners, and other top Diplomatic Representatives of the United Kingdom, the USA, The Netherlands, France, Belgium, Germany, Canada, and Norway. The ICTR President gave them a full picture of the current status of the Tribunal’s work and discussed matters relating to the progress in the implementation of its completion strategy.
Judge Byron began his one-day mission to Dar-es-Salaam by meeting in the morning with The Right Honourable Augustino Ramadhani, Chief Justice and President of the Appeal Court of the United Republic of Tanzania.
26 February 2006
Judge Dennis Byron, President of the ICTR yesterday in Dar es Salaam paid a courtesy call on His Excellency Mr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, President of the United Republic of Tanzania and the current President of the African Union.
Judge Byron provided a thorough briefing to his Excellency on the achievements and the challenges of the ICTR completion strategy. They both exchanged views on how best the African Union could assist the ICTR in ensuring a smooth implementation of its completion Strategy. Prior to his audience with the Tanzanian Head of State, Judge Byron also met with the Friends of ICTR composed of Ambassadors, High Commissioners, and other top Diplomatic Representatives of the United Kingdom, the USA, The Netherlands, France, Belgium, Germany, Canada, and Norway. The ICTR President gave them a full picture of the current status of the Tribunal’s work and discussed matters relating to the progress in the implementation of its completion strategy.
Judge Byron began his one-day mission to Dar-es-Salaam by meeting in the morning with The Right Honourable Augustino Ramadhani, Chief Justice and President of the Appeal Court of the United Republic of Tanzania.
SOMALILAND TROOPS TAKE CITY AT BORDER WITH PUNTLAND.
MISNA
25 February 2008
Tension is rising in the region of Sanaag at the border of the self proclaimed autonomous regions of Somaliland and Puntland. Local sources said that armored vehicles from Somaliland have been gaining ground in the region of Sanaag, which, along with Sool, is contested between the governments of the two states. The Somaliland troops are said to have taken control of Badhan, west of the port city of Bossaso in Puntland, without encountering resistance and the situation is said to be calm. In recent months, fighting between the two armies have increased (especially over control of the city of Las Anod) forcing at least 50,000 civilians to flee.
25 February 2008
Tension is rising in the region of Sanaag at the border of the self proclaimed autonomous regions of Somaliland and Puntland. Local sources said that armored vehicles from Somaliland have been gaining ground in the region of Sanaag, which, along with Sool, is contested between the governments of the two states. The Somaliland troops are said to have taken control of Badhan, west of the port city of Bossaso in Puntland, without encountering resistance and the situation is said to be calm. In recent months, fighting between the two armies have increased (especially over control of the city of Las Anod) forcing at least 50,000 civilians to flee.
25 February, 2008
NEW PROTEST AGAINST CENSORSHIP, REBELS CALL FOR DIALOGUE.
MISNA
25 February 2008
Private radios joined the protest of independent newspapers suspending programming, including news broadcasts, in protest against the state of emergency in force in the nation. The Union of Privately-Owned Radio Stations denounced a form of censorship, with visits to the stations of a committee set up to control the media. On the political front, the Senegalese press reported that a N’Djamena government delegation met a few days ago with President Abdoulaye Wade to address the Chadian crisis and, though not formally confirmed, request his mediation in finding a solution to the crisis between the government of President Idriss Deby and armed rebellion that at the start of the month stormed the capital in a failed coup attempt. Meanwhile, the Union of Forces for Democracy and Development (UFDD), one of the three rebel groups, called on the international community for help in organising a round-table of dialogue, to be participated by political-military movements, opposition parties and civil society “to create a peaceful transition to free and fair elections”.
25 February 2008
Private radios joined the protest of independent newspapers suspending programming, including news broadcasts, in protest against the state of emergency in force in the nation. The Union of Privately-Owned Radio Stations denounced a form of censorship, with visits to the stations of a committee set up to control the media. On the political front, the Senegalese press reported that a N’Djamena government delegation met a few days ago with President Abdoulaye Wade to address the Chadian crisis and, though not formally confirmed, request his mediation in finding a solution to the crisis between the government of President Idriss Deby and armed rebellion that at the start of the month stormed the capital in a failed coup attempt. Meanwhile, the Union of Forces for Democracy and Development (UFDD), one of the three rebel groups, called on the international community for help in organising a round-table of dialogue, to be participated by political-military movements, opposition parties and civil society “to create a peaceful transition to free and fair elections”.
Russia, Serbia sign South Stream gas pipeline deal.
RIA Novosti
25 February 2008
Russia and Serbia signed Monday an agreement on implementation of a project to construct a pipeline for the transit of the Russian natural gas through Serbia to the Balkans and on to other European countries.
The agreement was signed in Belgrade in the presence of the Russian First Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica.
"This agreement serves interests of both, Russia and Serbia, and lays the foundation for the regime of energy security in the unified Europe," said Medvedev, who is the Kremlin's front-runner in the upcoming presidential elections.
The South Stream project envisions transportation of 10 billion cu m of Russian gas annually across the Black Sea.
Russia's Gazprom Neft signed a deal on the purchase of a 51% stake in the Serbia state-owned oil monopoly Naftna Industrija Srbije (NIS) during talks between the two countries' leaders in Moscow on January 25.
Gazprom had reportedly offered $580 million for a 51% stake in NIS amid fears in Europe over perceived growing energy dependence on Russia.
The joint construction of a stretch of a natural gas pipeline with Russia's Gazprom under the South Stream project will turn Serbia into a regional economic leader, Serbia's prime minister said.
The South Stream pipeline proposed by Russia's Gazprom and Italy's Eni is a rival project to the Nabucco pipeline backed by the European Union and United States, which will pump Central Asian gas to Europe via Turkey bypassing Russia.
The pipeline will run from Russia's Black Sea coast under the sea to Bulgaria, where it will branch off to different destinations in the European Union, supplying 30 billion cubic meters of gas annually.
Serbia initially planned to sell a 25% stake in NIS for $300 million and oblige the buyer to invest another $250 million in the development of the company. The company is estimated as being worth $1.2 billion.
25 February 2008
Russia and Serbia signed Monday an agreement on implementation of a project to construct a pipeline for the transit of the Russian natural gas through Serbia to the Balkans and on to other European countries.
The agreement was signed in Belgrade in the presence of the Russian First Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica.
"This agreement serves interests of both, Russia and Serbia, and lays the foundation for the regime of energy security in the unified Europe," said Medvedev, who is the Kremlin's front-runner in the upcoming presidential elections.
The South Stream project envisions transportation of 10 billion cu m of Russian gas annually across the Black Sea.
Russia's Gazprom Neft signed a deal on the purchase of a 51% stake in the Serbia state-owned oil monopoly Naftna Industrija Srbije (NIS) during talks between the two countries' leaders in Moscow on January 25.
Gazprom had reportedly offered $580 million for a 51% stake in NIS amid fears in Europe over perceived growing energy dependence on Russia.
The joint construction of a stretch of a natural gas pipeline with Russia's Gazprom under the South Stream project will turn Serbia into a regional economic leader, Serbia's prime minister said.
The South Stream pipeline proposed by Russia's Gazprom and Italy's Eni is a rival project to the Nabucco pipeline backed by the European Union and United States, which will pump Central Asian gas to Europe via Turkey bypassing Russia.
The pipeline will run from Russia's Black Sea coast under the sea to Bulgaria, where it will branch off to different destinations in the European Union, supplying 30 billion cubic meters of gas annually.
Serbia initially planned to sell a 25% stake in NIS for $300 million and oblige the buyer to invest another $250 million in the development of the company. The company is estimated as being worth $1.2 billion.
Congo Bans Tin Mining in Eastern Region Due to Safety Fears.
Bloomberg News Agency
By Franz Wild
25 February 2008
Editor's Note: I would not be surprised if this turns out to be what I predicted months ago; that the CNDP would eventually try to expand into Walikale Territory.
The Democratic Republic of Congo, Africa's biggest tin producer, banned mining of the metal in the eastern Walikale region because of a lack of security, said Mines Minister Martin Kabwelulu.
At least 80 soldiers have died in the area, which accounts for more than half of the country's output, Kabwelulu told reporters yesterday in Goma, capital of the North Kivu province. He didn't specify the period in which the deaths occurred.
``All mining sites have to be closed without delay,'' Kabwelulu said.
Walikale is home to Bisiye, Congo's largest tin mine, which was occupied by the renegade 85th army brigade in December, 2004. In September, the owners of the mine, Kivu Resources Sprl, appealed to the government to help remove the soldiers, who are former members of the Mai-Mai militia awaiting full integration into the armed forces under a peace agreement.
Congo produced 3,000 metric tons of tin last year, compared with 2,800 tons a year earlier, according to data compiled by the U.S. Geological Survey. China is the world's largest miner of the metal with 130,000 tons of output.
Tin for delivery in three months rose $5, or 0.1 percent, to $17,575 on the London Metal Exchange at 10:59 a.m. local time.
By Franz Wild
25 February 2008
Editor's Note: I would not be surprised if this turns out to be what I predicted months ago; that the CNDP would eventually try to expand into Walikale Territory.
The Democratic Republic of Congo, Africa's biggest tin producer, banned mining of the metal in the eastern Walikale region because of a lack of security, said Mines Minister Martin Kabwelulu.
At least 80 soldiers have died in the area, which accounts for more than half of the country's output, Kabwelulu told reporters yesterday in Goma, capital of the North Kivu province. He didn't specify the period in which the deaths occurred.
``All mining sites have to be closed without delay,'' Kabwelulu said.
Walikale is home to Bisiye, Congo's largest tin mine, which was occupied by the renegade 85th army brigade in December, 2004. In September, the owners of the mine, Kivu Resources Sprl, appealed to the government to help remove the soldiers, who are former members of the Mai-Mai militia awaiting full integration into the armed forces under a peace agreement.
Congo produced 3,000 metric tons of tin last year, compared with 2,800 tons a year earlier, according to data compiled by the U.S. Geological Survey. China is the world's largest miner of the metal with 130,000 tons of output.
Tin for delivery in three months rose $5, or 0.1 percent, to $17,575 on the London Metal Exchange at 10:59 a.m. local time.
NOC Libya Signs PSA With Shell And Oxy/Liwa.
African Oil Journal
22 February 2008
The National Oil Corporation signed an Exploration and Production Sharing Agreement with Shell. The Agreement covers Area (89) in Sirt basin which Shell won in Public Bid Round 4 for gas exploration, held on 9/12/2007.
The company is committed to a minimum work program of 1750 km2 of 3D, and (6) exploration wells, at a cost of 95 million US Dollars.
The company will pay a signature bonus of 103 million US Dollars one month following GPC approval and after the effective date .
For this Purpose Shell established a new branch under the name of shell Exploration and Development Libya- GMBH1 which signed the Agreement with NOC.
The Agreement was signed by Dr.Shokri Mohamed Ghanem, NOC Chairman and Mr. Mark Hope , Country Chairman, Shell , and Mr. Mark Gerrits , General Exploration Manager Libya-branch . The signature ceremony was attended by senior officials from both parties as well NOC Management Committee members and oil companies’ executives.
NOC Libya also signed an Exploration and Production Sharing Agreement with Oxy/Liwa. The Agreement covers Area (103) in Sirte basin which was by Oxy/Liwa won through Public Bid Round 4 for gas exploration, held on 9/12/2007.
The company is committed to a minimum work program of 2,000 km of 2D, 1,000 km2 of 3D and (3) exploration wells, at a cost of 70 million US Dollars.
The company will pay a signature bonus of 10 million US Dollars one month following GPC approval and after the effective date .
The Agreement was signed again by Dr.Shokri Mohamed Ghanem, NOC Chairman and Mr. John Winterman, General Manager, Oxy Libya branch, and Dr. Mohsen Khazam, General Manager of Liwa Libya branch. The signature ceremony was attended by senior officials from both parties as well as NOC management Committee members and oil companies’ executives.
22 February 2008
The National Oil Corporation signed an Exploration and Production Sharing Agreement with Shell. The Agreement covers Area (89) in Sirt basin which Shell won in Public Bid Round 4 for gas exploration, held on 9/12/2007.
The company is committed to a minimum work program of 1750 km2 of 3D, and (6) exploration wells, at a cost of 95 million US Dollars.
The company will pay a signature bonus of 103 million US Dollars one month following GPC approval and after the effective date .
For this Purpose Shell established a new branch under the name of shell Exploration and Development Libya- GMBH1 which signed the Agreement with NOC.
The Agreement was signed by Dr.Shokri Mohamed Ghanem, NOC Chairman and Mr. Mark Hope , Country Chairman, Shell , and Mr. Mark Gerrits , General Exploration Manager Libya-branch . The signature ceremony was attended by senior officials from both parties as well NOC Management Committee members and oil companies’ executives.
NOC Libya also signed an Exploration and Production Sharing Agreement with Oxy/Liwa. The Agreement covers Area (103) in Sirte basin which was by Oxy/Liwa won through Public Bid Round 4 for gas exploration, held on 9/12/2007.
The company is committed to a minimum work program of 2,000 km of 2D, 1,000 km2 of 3D and (3) exploration wells, at a cost of 70 million US Dollars.
The company will pay a signature bonus of 10 million US Dollars one month following GPC approval and after the effective date .
The Agreement was signed again by Dr.Shokri Mohamed Ghanem, NOC Chairman and Mr. John Winterman, General Manager, Oxy Libya branch, and Dr. Mohsen Khazam, General Manager of Liwa Libya branch. The signature ceremony was attended by senior officials from both parties as well as NOC management Committee members and oil companies’ executives.
KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS(dixit F. REYNTJENS).
Chers Netters,
Mesdames, Messieurs de la Presse,
Mesdames, Messieurs les Diplomates,
Mesdames, Messieurs les Magistats compétents,
Je me permets d’attirer votre attention particulière sur un témoignage (TAP-007) qui fait partie de l’acte d’inculpation par le Tribunal Central d'Instruction N° 4 de la Cour Nationale, Administration de la Justice du Royaume d'Espagne en date du 6 février 2008 qui met en cause directement le Président actuel du Rwanda et ses proches collaborateurs pour les crimes commis dans ce pays.
Ce témoignage circonscrit en 2 pages l’essentiel des explications qu’on peut donner aux massacres interraciales qui ont eu lieu au Rwanda entre le 1 janvier et le 31 décembre 1994, la période que le statut du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda a décrété comme la période « criminelle » au Rwanda qui, et une fois mis en place, a justifié, après des investigations supposées « objectives » de différents Procureurs, la poursuite des responsables militaires, politiques, économiques et religieux du Rwanda de l’ethnie HUTU (à l’exception d’un inculpe italo-belge, « journaliste » qui a plaidé coupable).
Je vous invite à découvrir ce témoignage avec moi :
4. [p.59] Le témoin TAP-007, militaire de profession appartenant à l'ethnie Hutu, réfugié en Ouganda en l'année 1973 et appartenant depuis l'année 1990 à l'organisation politique du Front Patriotique Rwandais – F.P.R. en Ouganda jusqu'à ce qu'il démissionne de son poste de secrétaire de la logistique du F.P.R. à Jinja/Ouganda en octobre 1993 (quoique décidant de rester membre de l'organisation du F.P.R. afin de ne pas être éliminé, selon ses dires), a exposé au cours de son audition judiciaire sa connaissance étendue des faits criminels perpétrés au Rwanda, et plus particulièrement depuis q'à cette période, en plus de servir l'appareil politique du F.P.R., il servait d'appui de réserve à l'A.P.R. depuis son lieu de résidence en Ouganda à la même époque (concrètement à Jinja).
Le témoin TAP-007 a dit confirmer intégralement lors de l'audition judiciaire –reconnaissant aussi le rapport consigné à toutes ses pages comme sien propre- un document original de témoignage écrit ainsi qu'une copie originale d'une carte remise par ce témoin depuis Cotonou (Bénin) en date du 10 août 1999 et envoyée à la Commission de l'ONU chargée d'enquêter sur le rôle de l'Organisation des Nations Unies dans le drame rwandais, documents qui correspondent avec chacun des documents originaux déposés –selon ce qu'il a pu démontrer- en enveloppe fermée devant le Notaire de Barcelone D. Lorenzo P. Valverde Garcia, sous le numéro 35 de son protocole en date du 13 juin 2003.
Le témoin TAP-007 était d'une importance stratégique pour l'A.P.R./F.P.R. parce qu'il s'agissait d'un militaire de l'opposition à partir de l'extérieur du Rwanda contre le Président de l'époque Habyarimana, tout en conservant de bonnes relations et des contacts avec les membres des Forces Armées Rwandaises – F.A.R. à l'intérieur du pays. Au cours de l'année 1990, il a fait connaissance avec les futurs officiels de l'A.P.R. qui étaient à ce moment membres de la National Resistance Army – N.R.A. (l'armée de l'Ouganda), comme par exemple Wilson Rutayisire, Alphonse Furuma, Frank Mugambaje et Joseph Karemera.
Selon les explications du témoin, déjà depuis le début, les membres de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. lui demandèrent de faire des efforts pour contacter les militaires su Rwanda afin de les attirer aux propres objectifs de l'organisation, tentant de faire oublier que deux années auparavant, soit vers 1988, l'A.P.R./F.P.R. naissante avait assassiné au moins un militaire Hutu. Il a expliqué les débuts de la guerre d'octobre [p.60] 1990 de manière plus complémentaire que le témoin TAP-003, témoignant que le général major Fred Rwigyema (qu'il a identifié comme le commandant en second de la N.R.A. et vice ministre de la Défense de l'Ouganda sous les ordres de Museveni ; et à quel moment de la guerre il était Président de l'A.P.R. et du F.P.R.) voulait éviter au maximum les victimes civiles. De manière complémentaire au témoin TAP-003, il a expliqué que, une fois mort, Rwigema fut remplacé par Paul Kagame comme Chef du Haut Commandement militaire de l'A.P.R., tandis que le colonel Alexis Kanyarengwe (militaire Hutu de l'A.P.R. comme le témoin TAP-007, actuellement décédé) occupait le poste de Président de l'organisation politique F.P.R. Le témoin TAP-007 a dit avoir commencé à recevoir en Ouganda des informations relatives aux massacres de population civile parmi les populations conquises, commençant à découvrir un A.P.R./F.P.R. différent de ce qu'il avait imaginé, utilisant l'image des deux faces de la monnaie.
Plus tard, en août 1992, alors qu'il assistait à une réunion au Quartier Général situé à Mulindi (Rwanda), il a constaté que le F.P.R. ne souhaitait pas rechercher la paix, selon les propres paroles prononcées par Paul Kagame, affirmant utiliser les négociations de paix pour tirer profit de ses avantages, dans des buts strictement militaires, orientés dès le début sur la prise du pouvoir par la force. Ayant constaté comme témoin direct que, depuis le poste frontière de Gatuna jusqu'à Mulindi (poste frontière au nord du Rwanda avec l'Ouganda, les deux localités étant situées au nord de Byumba et Cyumba) toutes les localités par lesquelles il passait étaient complètement vidées de populations civiles (maisons abandonnées, champs non cultivés, absence de bétail), et il confirma comme témoin oculaire les consignes politico-militaires qu'il a entendues dans ce Quartier Général de Mulindi.
Le témoin TAP-007, lors de son retour en Ouganda, choisit de comparer ses appréciations avec des gens en qui il considérait avoir confiance, entre autres Murefru Leonard, le beau-père de Paul Kagame. Le témoin TAP-007 a confirmé lors de son audition militaire que le beau-père de Paul Kagame l'avait informé de toutes les stratégies élaborées par le FPR afin de s'assurer une victoire militaire, disant carrément que « Kagame ne peut pas travailler avec Habyarimana ; il fallait que l'un des deux (Kagame ou Habyarimana) doive mourir… », révélant les lignes de base de l'époque des stratégies politico-militaires de l'A.P.R./F.P.R., stratégies qu'il [p.61] a confirmé et détaillé lors de l'audition judiciaire et qui se trouvaient contenues dans le document notarial prémentionné, et dont les principes de base peuvent se présenter de la manière suivante :
- Stratégie adoptée sur le plan militaire : former des cadres politico-militaires pour les envoyer sur le terrain dans le but de véhiculer l'idéologie du F.P.R. chez les Tutsi à moitié convaincus (entornos) ; infiltrer des petits groupes de 6 à 10 personnes avec une formation militaire spécialisée sur tout le territoire rwandais dans le but de perpétrer des actions terroristes planifiées en cascade contre la population, semer la panique, le chaos et le désordre afin d'obtenir un pays ingouvernable ; infiltrer aussi en secret de petites brigades de militaires préparés à agir au jour « J » ; rassembler le maximum d'équipement militaire.
- Stratégie adoptée sur le plan politique : diaboliser le régime de Habyarimana ; provoquer la colère des Hutu en massacrant leurs congénères (plus particulièrement, tuer les leaders politiques Hutu en attribuant la responsabilité au régime Habyarimana et à son parti, le Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Développement – M.R.N.D.) ; éveiller et exploiter la haine interethnique Hutu-Tutsi ; camoufler l'identité ethnique du F.P.R. en recrutant des Hutu et rechercher un Hutu populaire pour le placer à la tête du mouvement politico-militaire du F.P.R. dans le but de créer l'image d'un mouvement fédérateur ; infiltrer tous les partis politiques et mouvements de jeunesse ; calomnier l'Eglise Catholique qui prêche en faveur de l'égalité des hommes et qui a contribué à l'éducation des masses populaires ; liquider les prêtres Hutu ; terroriser les missionnaires et religieux catholiques pour qu'ils abandonnent le Rwanda et assassiner les vieux missionnaires qui connaissent l'histoire du Rwanda et ceux qu'ils considèrent comme responsable de la perte du pouvoir après des siècles de domination Tutsi ; menacer les troupes étrangères et manipuler la MINUAR.
- Stratégie adoptée sur le plan diplomatique et médiatique : infiltrer les missions diplomatiques étrangères accréditées à Kigali dans le but de filtrer les informations préalablement élaborées par la tête pensante du F.P.R./A.P.R. ; informer les missions diplomatiques de toutes les actions criminelles perpétrées par le même A.P.R./F.P.R et [p.62] en attribuer la responsabilité aux extrémistes Interahamwe ; mettre en fonction une station de radiodiffusion pour véhiculer l'idéologie du mouvement politico-militaire de l'A.P.R./F.P.R., diabolisant le régime de Habyarimana et son parti MRND, rompre l'unité en exacerbant un ethnisme destructeur contre les Hutu, le régionalisme et les haines entre partis politiques… (cette radio fut appelée « Radio Muhabura » et fut dirigée par un extrémiste Tutsi, le commandant Shabani Ruta –qui sera identifié plus avant comme étant le major Rutayisire Wilson-, une radio qui eut pour contre effet la création en réaction de la Radio des extrémistes Hutu, connue comme étant la Radio Télévision des Mille Collines – RTLM- et conçue pour faire le contrepoids en chemin inverse de « Radio Muhabura » et fomenter la haine ethnique contre les Tutsi).
Le témoin TAP-007 fut particulièrement explicite en relation avec les intentions de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. d'attaquer les membres de l'Eglise Catholique et plus spécialement les missionnaires qui avaient consacré de nombreuses années à servir le pays, institution à qui les membres de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. attribuent la responsabilité de la perte du pouvoir en l'année 1959 après des siècles d'exercice quasi exclusif du pouvoir, fait que l'on peut vérifier ultérieurement dans les faits criminels qui se succédèrent dans le pays contre les prêtres et les missionnaires, tant rwandais qu'étrangers, ainsi que le confirmeront et le détailleront aussi plus tard les témoins TAP-043 et TAP-002. Le beau-père de Paul Kagame a illustré sur un diagramme pour le témoin TAP-007 qu'il fallait procéder à l'élimination des trois « P », référés dans son témoignage écrit, et qui, de manière univoque, faisait référence aux actions de prise de contrôle contre l'Eglise et ses membres spécifiques ou symboliques. Le témoin TAP-007 a fait une référence explicite à des religieux rwandais et étrangers, dont il savait qu'ils furent assassinés, donnant comme exemple l'archevêque Mgr Nsengiyumva et les autres évêques, prêtres et religieux (crime au sujet duquel les témoins TAP-004 et TAP-002 ont apporté non seulement les faits, mais aussi les responsables directs, ainsi qu'il sera mentionné plus avant), Isidro Uzcudun (crime au sujet duquel le témoin TAP-038 rapporta non seulement les faits, mais aussi les responsables principaux), Joaquim Vallmajo (crime au sujet duquel les témoins TAP-002 et TAP-043 ont rapporté non seulement les faits, mais aussi les responsables [p.63] principaux), le prêtre canadien Claude Simard, le prêtre croate Vijeko et la religieuse belge Griet Bosmans.
Le témoin TAP-007 a fait référence explicite aux attaques de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. en février 1993, à Byumba et Ruhengeri (au sujet de quoi le témoin TAP-043 fit ultérieurement ample référence, en étant présent dans une des unités qui opéra l'attaque contre Byumba), coïncidant avec le témoin TAP-003 dans la reconnaissance de ce qu'il qualifia d'authentique boucherie humaine dans les massacres de Nyacyonga, une fois que la population civile fut regroupée en cet endroit.
Avant de donner sa démission comme logisticien du F.P.R. en Ouganda en octobre 1993, le témoin TAP-007 a comparé avec diverses personnes la situation au Rwanda, les massacres connus, la réalité de l'A.P.R./F.P.R., détaillant entre autres une conversation qu'il eut avec Rutayisire Wilson (en ce moment chef de la radio de l'A.P.R. « Radio Muhabura »), où en s'interrogeant sur les massacres de la population civile, il lui fut répondu que cela ressortait de la « même sagesse de Kayumba Nyamwasa et de Paul Kagame », ce qui signifie que le massacre de la population civile faisait partie de la politique officielle quoique discrète du F.P.R. et de ses dirigeants.
Ensuite, le témoin TAP-007 a fait référence dans son témoignage aux révélations du militaire de l'A.P.R., Lizinde Théoneste, et du major Furuma.
Lizinde Théoneste fut un militaire de l'A.P.R. de l'ethnie Hutu qui fut libéré par l'A.P.R. de son emprisonnement à Ruhengeri, afin de pouvoir l'incorporer parmi ses cadres, au point de l'inclure comme un des rares membres Hutu du High Command (Haut Commandement Militaire) et de l'avoir assassiné ultérieurement lors de son exil, de la même manière que l'ancien ministre de l'Intérieur du F.P.R., Seth Sendashonga (lui aussi de l'ethnie Hutu), apparemment par un commando spécial de l'A.P.R. (External Security Operations - E.S.O., sous le commandement de Jack Nziza, ainsi que le révéla le témoin TAP-002 dans son témoignage dont nous ferons connaissance ultérieurement), tous deux considérés comme « ennemis ». e même que les témoins TAP-003, TAP-043 ou TAP-002, Théoneste Lizinde a fait part à TAP-007 avant de fuir en décembre 1995, qu'il avait entendu Paul Kagame ordonner personnellement les massacres de civils à partir des appareils de télécommunication de l'A.P.R. [p.64], disant littéralement « Débarrassez ces imbéciles ». Théoneste Lizinde a également confirmé au témoin TAP-007 que Paul Kagame avait ordonné personnellement l'assassinat des évêques, prêtres et religieuses à Kabgayi, Gakurazo en 1994 (ce qui coïncide avec les témoins TAP-003, TAP-043 et TAP-002).
Le témoin TAP-007 a ensuite signalé les personnes qui, selon ce qu'il sait des faits en question, sont responsables de crimes de génocide, crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité, se concentrant sur les plus communs : Paul Kagame, Kayumba Nyamwasa, Charles Kayonga, James Kabarebe et Fred Ibingira.
Ce témoignage corroboré avec des dizaines d’autres et vérifications faites sur le terrain par les survivants, mais surtout par la disparition et la mort effective de centaines de milliers de citoyens Rwandais, nous permet de dire, sans risque de nous tromper :
1. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont recruté des opposants hutu pour servir leur ambition de reprendre le pouvoir par les armes au Rwanda, perdu suite à une révolution sociale en 1959.
2. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont préparé, planifié et exécuté les massacres de la population civile rwandaise.
3. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont organisé, planifié et perpétré un « génocide contre la nation rwandaise » et un « génocide contre l’église catholique » les différents témoignages ne permettant plus de douter sur l’intention de commettre ces crimes.
4. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont manipulé l’opinion publique mondiale, les missions diplomatiques et la MINUAR selon un plan bien établi depuis 1990.
5. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont eu comme base pour exécuter leurs plans machiavéliques qui ont couté la vie à 1.000.000 de personnes en 3 mois l’OUGANDA de MUSEVENI ;
Il reste à ajouter à ces constatations qu’il ne fait aucun doute pour la justice française et Espagnole que le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS sont les auteurs de l’attentat du 6 avril 1994, qui a déclenché ses massacres, selon l’aveu même du Procureur auprès du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda.
Enfin, cette enquête précise et détaillé, exécutée par la justice Espagnole permet de dire que « le génocide des tutsi » perpétré par l’ancien régime du Président Habyarimana, est une supercherie et tromperie de l’opinion publique mondiale pour accuser exclusivement les perdants de la guerre civile au Rwanda et surtout, mettre hors cause la responsabilité directe des représentants de la communauté internationale dans les évènements dramatiques du Rwanda en 1994, préparés par le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS depuis le 1 octobre 1990, date de l’invasion du Rwanda par une partie d’une armée étrangère.
A mon avis, et dans l’intérêt de la Vérité et de la Justice, il y a lieu de corriger vos analyses erronées depuis 14 ans, dues à la manipulation et la corruption de ceux qui ont été désignés pour faire « justice »
Bruxelles, le 25 février 2008
Luc DE TEMMERMAN
JURISTE
Mesdames, Messieurs de la Presse,
Mesdames, Messieurs les Diplomates,
Mesdames, Messieurs les Magistats compétents,
Je me permets d’attirer votre attention particulière sur un témoignage (TAP-007) qui fait partie de l’acte d’inculpation par le Tribunal Central d'Instruction N° 4 de la Cour Nationale, Administration de la Justice du Royaume d'Espagne en date du 6 février 2008 qui met en cause directement le Président actuel du Rwanda et ses proches collaborateurs pour les crimes commis dans ce pays.
Ce témoignage circonscrit en 2 pages l’essentiel des explications qu’on peut donner aux massacres interraciales qui ont eu lieu au Rwanda entre le 1 janvier et le 31 décembre 1994, la période que le statut du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda a décrété comme la période « criminelle » au Rwanda qui, et une fois mis en place, a justifié, après des investigations supposées « objectives » de différents Procureurs, la poursuite des responsables militaires, politiques, économiques et religieux du Rwanda de l’ethnie HUTU (à l’exception d’un inculpe italo-belge, « journaliste » qui a plaidé coupable).
Je vous invite à découvrir ce témoignage avec moi :
4. [p.59] Le témoin TAP-007, militaire de profession appartenant à l'ethnie Hutu, réfugié en Ouganda en l'année 1973 et appartenant depuis l'année 1990 à l'organisation politique du Front Patriotique Rwandais – F.P.R. en Ouganda jusqu'à ce qu'il démissionne de son poste de secrétaire de la logistique du F.P.R. à Jinja/Ouganda en octobre 1993 (quoique décidant de rester membre de l'organisation du F.P.R. afin de ne pas être éliminé, selon ses dires), a exposé au cours de son audition judiciaire sa connaissance étendue des faits criminels perpétrés au Rwanda, et plus particulièrement depuis q'à cette période, en plus de servir l'appareil politique du F.P.R., il servait d'appui de réserve à l'A.P.R. depuis son lieu de résidence en Ouganda à la même époque (concrètement à Jinja).
Le témoin TAP-007 a dit confirmer intégralement lors de l'audition judiciaire –reconnaissant aussi le rapport consigné à toutes ses pages comme sien propre- un document original de témoignage écrit ainsi qu'une copie originale d'une carte remise par ce témoin depuis Cotonou (Bénin) en date du 10 août 1999 et envoyée à la Commission de l'ONU chargée d'enquêter sur le rôle de l'Organisation des Nations Unies dans le drame rwandais, documents qui correspondent avec chacun des documents originaux déposés –selon ce qu'il a pu démontrer- en enveloppe fermée devant le Notaire de Barcelone D. Lorenzo P. Valverde Garcia, sous le numéro 35 de son protocole en date du 13 juin 2003.
Le témoin TAP-007 était d'une importance stratégique pour l'A.P.R./F.P.R. parce qu'il s'agissait d'un militaire de l'opposition à partir de l'extérieur du Rwanda contre le Président de l'époque Habyarimana, tout en conservant de bonnes relations et des contacts avec les membres des Forces Armées Rwandaises – F.A.R. à l'intérieur du pays. Au cours de l'année 1990, il a fait connaissance avec les futurs officiels de l'A.P.R. qui étaient à ce moment membres de la National Resistance Army – N.R.A. (l'armée de l'Ouganda), comme par exemple Wilson Rutayisire, Alphonse Furuma, Frank Mugambaje et Joseph Karemera.
Selon les explications du témoin, déjà depuis le début, les membres de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. lui demandèrent de faire des efforts pour contacter les militaires su Rwanda afin de les attirer aux propres objectifs de l'organisation, tentant de faire oublier que deux années auparavant, soit vers 1988, l'A.P.R./F.P.R. naissante avait assassiné au moins un militaire Hutu. Il a expliqué les débuts de la guerre d'octobre [p.60] 1990 de manière plus complémentaire que le témoin TAP-003, témoignant que le général major Fred Rwigyema (qu'il a identifié comme le commandant en second de la N.R.A. et vice ministre de la Défense de l'Ouganda sous les ordres de Museveni ; et à quel moment de la guerre il était Président de l'A.P.R. et du F.P.R.) voulait éviter au maximum les victimes civiles. De manière complémentaire au témoin TAP-003, il a expliqué que, une fois mort, Rwigema fut remplacé par Paul Kagame comme Chef du Haut Commandement militaire de l'A.P.R., tandis que le colonel Alexis Kanyarengwe (militaire Hutu de l'A.P.R. comme le témoin TAP-007, actuellement décédé) occupait le poste de Président de l'organisation politique F.P.R. Le témoin TAP-007 a dit avoir commencé à recevoir en Ouganda des informations relatives aux massacres de population civile parmi les populations conquises, commençant à découvrir un A.P.R./F.P.R. différent de ce qu'il avait imaginé, utilisant l'image des deux faces de la monnaie.
Plus tard, en août 1992, alors qu'il assistait à une réunion au Quartier Général situé à Mulindi (Rwanda), il a constaté que le F.P.R. ne souhaitait pas rechercher la paix, selon les propres paroles prononcées par Paul Kagame, affirmant utiliser les négociations de paix pour tirer profit de ses avantages, dans des buts strictement militaires, orientés dès le début sur la prise du pouvoir par la force. Ayant constaté comme témoin direct que, depuis le poste frontière de Gatuna jusqu'à Mulindi (poste frontière au nord du Rwanda avec l'Ouganda, les deux localités étant situées au nord de Byumba et Cyumba) toutes les localités par lesquelles il passait étaient complètement vidées de populations civiles (maisons abandonnées, champs non cultivés, absence de bétail), et il confirma comme témoin oculaire les consignes politico-militaires qu'il a entendues dans ce Quartier Général de Mulindi.
Le témoin TAP-007, lors de son retour en Ouganda, choisit de comparer ses appréciations avec des gens en qui il considérait avoir confiance, entre autres Murefru Leonard, le beau-père de Paul Kagame. Le témoin TAP-007 a confirmé lors de son audition militaire que le beau-père de Paul Kagame l'avait informé de toutes les stratégies élaborées par le FPR afin de s'assurer une victoire militaire, disant carrément que « Kagame ne peut pas travailler avec Habyarimana ; il fallait que l'un des deux (Kagame ou Habyarimana) doive mourir… », révélant les lignes de base de l'époque des stratégies politico-militaires de l'A.P.R./F.P.R., stratégies qu'il [p.61] a confirmé et détaillé lors de l'audition judiciaire et qui se trouvaient contenues dans le document notarial prémentionné, et dont les principes de base peuvent se présenter de la manière suivante :
- Stratégie adoptée sur le plan militaire : former des cadres politico-militaires pour les envoyer sur le terrain dans le but de véhiculer l'idéologie du F.P.R. chez les Tutsi à moitié convaincus (entornos) ; infiltrer des petits groupes de 6 à 10 personnes avec une formation militaire spécialisée sur tout le territoire rwandais dans le but de perpétrer des actions terroristes planifiées en cascade contre la population, semer la panique, le chaos et le désordre afin d'obtenir un pays ingouvernable ; infiltrer aussi en secret de petites brigades de militaires préparés à agir au jour « J » ; rassembler le maximum d'équipement militaire.
- Stratégie adoptée sur le plan politique : diaboliser le régime de Habyarimana ; provoquer la colère des Hutu en massacrant leurs congénères (plus particulièrement, tuer les leaders politiques Hutu en attribuant la responsabilité au régime Habyarimana et à son parti, le Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Développement – M.R.N.D.) ; éveiller et exploiter la haine interethnique Hutu-Tutsi ; camoufler l'identité ethnique du F.P.R. en recrutant des Hutu et rechercher un Hutu populaire pour le placer à la tête du mouvement politico-militaire du F.P.R. dans le but de créer l'image d'un mouvement fédérateur ; infiltrer tous les partis politiques et mouvements de jeunesse ; calomnier l'Eglise Catholique qui prêche en faveur de l'égalité des hommes et qui a contribué à l'éducation des masses populaires ; liquider les prêtres Hutu ; terroriser les missionnaires et religieux catholiques pour qu'ils abandonnent le Rwanda et assassiner les vieux missionnaires qui connaissent l'histoire du Rwanda et ceux qu'ils considèrent comme responsable de la perte du pouvoir après des siècles de domination Tutsi ; menacer les troupes étrangères et manipuler la MINUAR.
- Stratégie adoptée sur le plan diplomatique et médiatique : infiltrer les missions diplomatiques étrangères accréditées à Kigali dans le but de filtrer les informations préalablement élaborées par la tête pensante du F.P.R./A.P.R. ; informer les missions diplomatiques de toutes les actions criminelles perpétrées par le même A.P.R./F.P.R et [p.62] en attribuer la responsabilité aux extrémistes Interahamwe ; mettre en fonction une station de radiodiffusion pour véhiculer l'idéologie du mouvement politico-militaire de l'A.P.R./F.P.R., diabolisant le régime de Habyarimana et son parti MRND, rompre l'unité en exacerbant un ethnisme destructeur contre les Hutu, le régionalisme et les haines entre partis politiques… (cette radio fut appelée « Radio Muhabura » et fut dirigée par un extrémiste Tutsi, le commandant Shabani Ruta –qui sera identifié plus avant comme étant le major Rutayisire Wilson-, une radio qui eut pour contre effet la création en réaction de la Radio des extrémistes Hutu, connue comme étant la Radio Télévision des Mille Collines – RTLM- et conçue pour faire le contrepoids en chemin inverse de « Radio Muhabura » et fomenter la haine ethnique contre les Tutsi).
Le témoin TAP-007 fut particulièrement explicite en relation avec les intentions de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. d'attaquer les membres de l'Eglise Catholique et plus spécialement les missionnaires qui avaient consacré de nombreuses années à servir le pays, institution à qui les membres de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. attribuent la responsabilité de la perte du pouvoir en l'année 1959 après des siècles d'exercice quasi exclusif du pouvoir, fait que l'on peut vérifier ultérieurement dans les faits criminels qui se succédèrent dans le pays contre les prêtres et les missionnaires, tant rwandais qu'étrangers, ainsi que le confirmeront et le détailleront aussi plus tard les témoins TAP-043 et TAP-002. Le beau-père de Paul Kagame a illustré sur un diagramme pour le témoin TAP-007 qu'il fallait procéder à l'élimination des trois « P », référés dans son témoignage écrit, et qui, de manière univoque, faisait référence aux actions de prise de contrôle contre l'Eglise et ses membres spécifiques ou symboliques. Le témoin TAP-007 a fait une référence explicite à des religieux rwandais et étrangers, dont il savait qu'ils furent assassinés, donnant comme exemple l'archevêque Mgr Nsengiyumva et les autres évêques, prêtres et religieux (crime au sujet duquel les témoins TAP-004 et TAP-002 ont apporté non seulement les faits, mais aussi les responsables directs, ainsi qu'il sera mentionné plus avant), Isidro Uzcudun (crime au sujet duquel le témoin TAP-038 rapporta non seulement les faits, mais aussi les responsables principaux), Joaquim Vallmajo (crime au sujet duquel les témoins TAP-002 et TAP-043 ont rapporté non seulement les faits, mais aussi les responsables [p.63] principaux), le prêtre canadien Claude Simard, le prêtre croate Vijeko et la religieuse belge Griet Bosmans.
Le témoin TAP-007 a fait référence explicite aux attaques de l'A.P.R./F.P.R. en février 1993, à Byumba et Ruhengeri (au sujet de quoi le témoin TAP-043 fit ultérieurement ample référence, en étant présent dans une des unités qui opéra l'attaque contre Byumba), coïncidant avec le témoin TAP-003 dans la reconnaissance de ce qu'il qualifia d'authentique boucherie humaine dans les massacres de Nyacyonga, une fois que la population civile fut regroupée en cet endroit.
Avant de donner sa démission comme logisticien du F.P.R. en Ouganda en octobre 1993, le témoin TAP-007 a comparé avec diverses personnes la situation au Rwanda, les massacres connus, la réalité de l'A.P.R./F.P.R., détaillant entre autres une conversation qu'il eut avec Rutayisire Wilson (en ce moment chef de la radio de l'A.P.R. « Radio Muhabura »), où en s'interrogeant sur les massacres de la population civile, il lui fut répondu que cela ressortait de la « même sagesse de Kayumba Nyamwasa et de Paul Kagame », ce qui signifie que le massacre de la population civile faisait partie de la politique officielle quoique discrète du F.P.R. et de ses dirigeants.
Ensuite, le témoin TAP-007 a fait référence dans son témoignage aux révélations du militaire de l'A.P.R., Lizinde Théoneste, et du major Furuma.
Lizinde Théoneste fut un militaire de l'A.P.R. de l'ethnie Hutu qui fut libéré par l'A.P.R. de son emprisonnement à Ruhengeri, afin de pouvoir l'incorporer parmi ses cadres, au point de l'inclure comme un des rares membres Hutu du High Command (Haut Commandement Militaire) et de l'avoir assassiné ultérieurement lors de son exil, de la même manière que l'ancien ministre de l'Intérieur du F.P.R., Seth Sendashonga (lui aussi de l'ethnie Hutu), apparemment par un commando spécial de l'A.P.R. (External Security Operations - E.S.O., sous le commandement de Jack Nziza, ainsi que le révéla le témoin TAP-002 dans son témoignage dont nous ferons connaissance ultérieurement), tous deux considérés comme « ennemis ». e même que les témoins TAP-003, TAP-043 ou TAP-002, Théoneste Lizinde a fait part à TAP-007 avant de fuir en décembre 1995, qu'il avait entendu Paul Kagame ordonner personnellement les massacres de civils à partir des appareils de télécommunication de l'A.P.R. [p.64], disant littéralement « Débarrassez ces imbéciles ». Théoneste Lizinde a également confirmé au témoin TAP-007 que Paul Kagame avait ordonné personnellement l'assassinat des évêques, prêtres et religieuses à Kabgayi, Gakurazo en 1994 (ce qui coïncide avec les témoins TAP-003, TAP-043 et TAP-002).
Le témoin TAP-007 a ensuite signalé les personnes qui, selon ce qu'il sait des faits en question, sont responsables de crimes de génocide, crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité, se concentrant sur les plus communs : Paul Kagame, Kayumba Nyamwasa, Charles Kayonga, James Kabarebe et Fred Ibingira.
Ce témoignage corroboré avec des dizaines d’autres et vérifications faites sur le terrain par les survivants, mais surtout par la disparition et la mort effective de centaines de milliers de citoyens Rwandais, nous permet de dire, sans risque de nous tromper :
1. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont recruté des opposants hutu pour servir leur ambition de reprendre le pouvoir par les armes au Rwanda, perdu suite à une révolution sociale en 1959.
2. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont préparé, planifié et exécuté les massacres de la population civile rwandaise.
3. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont organisé, planifié et perpétré un « génocide contre la nation rwandaise » et un « génocide contre l’église catholique » les différents témoignages ne permettant plus de douter sur l’intention de commettre ces crimes.
4. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont manipulé l’opinion publique mondiale, les missions diplomatiques et la MINUAR selon un plan bien établi depuis 1990.
5. le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS ont eu comme base pour exécuter leurs plans machiavéliques qui ont couté la vie à 1.000.000 de personnes en 3 mois l’OUGANDA de MUSEVENI ;
Il reste à ajouter à ces constatations qu’il ne fait aucun doute pour la justice française et Espagnole que le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS sont les auteurs de l’attentat du 6 avril 1994, qui a déclenché ses massacres, selon l’aveu même du Procureur auprès du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda.
Enfin, cette enquête précise et détaillé, exécutée par la justice Espagnole permet de dire que « le génocide des tutsi » perpétré par l’ancien régime du Président Habyarimana, est une supercherie et tromperie de l’opinion publique mondiale pour accuser exclusivement les perdants de la guerre civile au Rwanda et surtout, mettre hors cause la responsabilité directe des représentants de la communauté internationale dans les évènements dramatiques du Rwanda en 1994, préparés par le FPR/APR de KAGAME ET SES 40 VOLEURS depuis le 1 octobre 1990, date de l’invasion du Rwanda par une partie d’une armée étrangère.
A mon avis, et dans l’intérêt de la Vérité et de la Justice, il y a lieu de corriger vos analyses erronées depuis 14 ans, dues à la manipulation et la corruption de ceux qui ont été désignés pour faire « justice »
Bruxelles, le 25 février 2008
Luc DE TEMMERMAN
JURISTE
Bin Laden construction company plans to build world’s longest bridge from Djibouti to Yemen.
The New Vision
24 February 2008
A company owned by Osama Bin Laden’s half-brother has proposed building a bridge across Mandab Strait on the Red Sea to link Djibouti to Yemen, and East Africa to the Arab world.
Tarek Bin Laden Construction is negotiating with the two governments about plans for the 28.5km bridge - one of the longest in the world.
The proposed bridge would carry a six-lane motorway and a railway. Apart from the $70b cost, critics have pointed out that the project would be in an earthquake zone.
New cities would be built at either end of the bridge. The new town in Djibouti would be called the City of Light.
Tarek Bin Laden has spent time lobbying politicians in Djibouti and Yemen to accept his proposal to build the bridge across the Mandab Strait, from Djibouti to Yemen’s Perim Island, which is the narrowest stretch of sea between the two countries.
Djibouti prime minister Dileita Mohamed Dileita told AFP news agency his government was not actively involved.
“The project fell on us from the sky with the proposal by Osama Bin Laden’s brother, who has a construction company in Saudi Arabia,” Dileita said.
“People are talking about it a lot here - the Yemenis are convinced the project will be carried out with Saudi and Emirates’ funds to connect the Arab world to Africa.”
Numerous American, Yemeni and French businesses are taking part in the project, he added.
“The big advantage will be to take millions of African Muslims to Mecca, by train or by bus.”
The bridge would not only benefit pilgrims but also African migrants. Hundreds drown each year trying to reach Yemen from Somalia.
24 February 2008
A company owned by Osama Bin Laden’s half-brother has proposed building a bridge across Mandab Strait on the Red Sea to link Djibouti to Yemen, and East Africa to the Arab world.
Tarek Bin Laden Construction is negotiating with the two governments about plans for the 28.5km bridge - one of the longest in the world.
The proposed bridge would carry a six-lane motorway and a railway. Apart from the $70b cost, critics have pointed out that the project would be in an earthquake zone.
New cities would be built at either end of the bridge. The new town in Djibouti would be called the City of Light.
Tarek Bin Laden has spent time lobbying politicians in Djibouti and Yemen to accept his proposal to build the bridge across the Mandab Strait, from Djibouti to Yemen’s Perim Island, which is the narrowest stretch of sea between the two countries.
Djibouti prime minister Dileita Mohamed Dileita told AFP news agency his government was not actively involved.
“The project fell on us from the sky with the proposal by Osama Bin Laden’s brother, who has a construction company in Saudi Arabia,” Dileita said.
“People are talking about it a lot here - the Yemenis are convinced the project will be carried out with Saudi and Emirates’ funds to connect the Arab world to Africa.”
Numerous American, Yemeni and French businesses are taking part in the project, he added.
“The big advantage will be to take millions of African Muslims to Mecca, by train or by bus.”
The bridge would not only benefit pilgrims but also African migrants. Hundreds drown each year trying to reach Yemen from Somalia.
24 February, 2008
Oil giants are poised to move into Basra.
by David Smith
The Observer
pg. 39
February 24 2008
Western oil giants are poised to enter southern Iraq to tap the country's vast reserves, despite the ongoing threat of violence, according to Gordon Brown's business emissary to the country.
Michael Wareing, who heads the new Basra Development Commission, acknowledged that there would be concerns among Iraqis about multinationals exploiting natural resources.
Basra, where 4,000 British troops are based, has been described as 'the lung' of Iraq by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The region accounts for 90 per cent of government revenue and 70 per cent of Iraq's proven oil reserves. It has access to the Gulf and is potentially one of the richest areas in the Middle East, but continues to be plagued by rival militias.
Wareing, international chief executive of KPMG, was asked by Brown to help kick-start business in the Basra region in the hope that prosperity will bring stability. On his first visit last week, he met officials and business leaders but a sandstorm forced him to cancel a flight to Baghdad to meet Maliki and General David Petraeus, the US's commanding officer in Iraq.
In the first interview since his appointment, Wareing, 53, told The Observer that security had improved significantly in recent months and was no longer an issue for investors. 'If you look at many other economies in the world, particularly the oil-rich economies, many of these places are quite challenging countries in which to do business,' he said. 'Frankly, if you can successfully operate in the Niger Delta, that is a very different benchmark from imagining that Basra needs to be like London or Paris.'
Iraq's parliament has yet to pass a hydrocarbon law setting out the terms oil companies will operate on and how profits will be split. 'My sense is that many of the oil companies are very eager to come in now, and actually what they're waiting for is the hydrocarbon law to be passed and various projects to be signed off. That is what is causing them to pause, rather than the security position,' he said.
Wareing declined to name names but it is thought that Shell, Exxon Mobil and dozens of others are watching closely. The role of American corporations in Iraq has been hugely sensitive since the US-led invasion in 2003, which some critics said was motivated by the Gulf state's oil wealth.
Wareing acknowledged: 'If you look at any oil-rich country in the world today you will find there are real concerns in terms of how those energy assets are developed between the role of the multinationals and what is for the benefit of the local people. You'll find that very much in Russia, for example. You can imagine in the future that is something the Iraqis will be focused on, but I haven't really seen much evidence of that at all to date.'
Basra fell largely under the control of Shia militias after the ousting of Saddam Hussein and has witnessed a violent turf war, as well as high rates of murder and kidnapping. Corruption is rife, residents are afraid to use banks in case they are robbed and smuggling of oil and other goods helps fund militias and criminal gangs. Unemployment has been put at between 30 per cent and 60 per cent, and the agricultural sector is in serious decline as cheap imports grow.
The commission, funded by the Department for International Development, is a crucial part of Britain's strategy in Iraq, following the handover of power in Basra to Iraqi forces last December. Ports, airports, agriculture and banking are also seen as possible investment areas. The commission has organised an investor conference in Kuwait next month, targeted at Iraqi expats among others, and will stage an event in London in April for European and possibly US companies.
Wareing, a father of six from Worcestershire, has often travelled to 'challenging' locations in his role with KPMG, and was asked to take the unpaid position by Brown, whom he describes as 'a persuasive man'.
He said: 'The security and prosperity of Iraq isn't just about Iraq, it's about the Middle East and probably wider than that as well. To be asked to play a small part in that isn't something you get asked every day of the week.'
The Observer
pg. 39
February 24 2008
Western oil giants are poised to enter southern Iraq to tap the country's vast reserves, despite the ongoing threat of violence, according to Gordon Brown's business emissary to the country.
Michael Wareing, who heads the new Basra Development Commission, acknowledged that there would be concerns among Iraqis about multinationals exploiting natural resources.
Basra, where 4,000 British troops are based, has been described as 'the lung' of Iraq by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The region accounts for 90 per cent of government revenue and 70 per cent of Iraq's proven oil reserves. It has access to the Gulf and is potentially one of the richest areas in the Middle East, but continues to be plagued by rival militias.
Wareing, international chief executive of KPMG, was asked by Brown to help kick-start business in the Basra region in the hope that prosperity will bring stability. On his first visit last week, he met officials and business leaders but a sandstorm forced him to cancel a flight to Baghdad to meet Maliki and General David Petraeus, the US's commanding officer in Iraq.
In the first interview since his appointment, Wareing, 53, told The Observer that security had improved significantly in recent months and was no longer an issue for investors. 'If you look at many other economies in the world, particularly the oil-rich economies, many of these places are quite challenging countries in which to do business,' he said. 'Frankly, if you can successfully operate in the Niger Delta, that is a very different benchmark from imagining that Basra needs to be like London or Paris.'
Iraq's parliament has yet to pass a hydrocarbon law setting out the terms oil companies will operate on and how profits will be split. 'My sense is that many of the oil companies are very eager to come in now, and actually what they're waiting for is the hydrocarbon law to be passed and various projects to be signed off. That is what is causing them to pause, rather than the security position,' he said.
Wareing declined to name names but it is thought that Shell, Exxon Mobil and dozens of others are watching closely. The role of American corporations in Iraq has been hugely sensitive since the US-led invasion in 2003, which some critics said was motivated by the Gulf state's oil wealth.
Wareing acknowledged: 'If you look at any oil-rich country in the world today you will find there are real concerns in terms of how those energy assets are developed between the role of the multinationals and what is for the benefit of the local people. You'll find that very much in Russia, for example. You can imagine in the future that is something the Iraqis will be focused on, but I haven't really seen much evidence of that at all to date.'
Basra fell largely under the control of Shia militias after the ousting of Saddam Hussein and has witnessed a violent turf war, as well as high rates of murder and kidnapping. Corruption is rife, residents are afraid to use banks in case they are robbed and smuggling of oil and other goods helps fund militias and criminal gangs. Unemployment has been put at between 30 per cent and 60 per cent, and the agricultural sector is in serious decline as cheap imports grow.
The commission, funded by the Department for International Development, is a crucial part of Britain's strategy in Iraq, following the handover of power in Basra to Iraqi forces last December. Ports, airports, agriculture and banking are also seen as possible investment areas. The commission has organised an investor conference in Kuwait next month, targeted at Iraqi expats among others, and will stage an event in London in April for European and possibly US companies.
Wareing, a father of six from Worcestershire, has often travelled to 'challenging' locations in his role with KPMG, and was asked to take the unpaid position by Brown, whom he describes as 'a persuasive man'.
He said: 'The security and prosperity of Iraq isn't just about Iraq, it's about the Middle East and probably wider than that as well. To be asked to play a small part in that isn't something you get asked every day of the week.'
ANOTHER OPPOSITION MEMBER FOUND, REBELS REGROUP.
MISNA
22 February 2008
The missing opposition member Ngarlejy Yorongar, who disappeared last February 3rd, has been found alive in his neighborhhod said dthe minister of foreign affairs Ahmad Allam-Mi, speaking from Paris. The EU and AU had appealed Chad to release opposition members. Sources siad that the opposition members were arersted by the army, but the government has denied any involvement, even if the first one to reappear, Lol Mahamat Choua, is currenlty being held in N’Djamena. There is still a third opposition member missing, Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh. In an official communique the Chadian government reiterated its desire to pursue the implementation if the political accord of August 13, 2007 signed with the opposition (including the three missing members) in view of the organization of free elections. The government has asked members of the monitoring committee to resume the work and the EU to continue to sustain the democratic process.
Meanwhile, the armed rebels siad they are planning to return to N’Djamena to take power, as soon as it is ready and organized: now, we are discussing the appointment of a single leader to head our movement and of a provisional council to put into power once we enter the capital” said Abderamane Koullamalah, spokesman of the unified rebels made up by RFC, UFDD and UFDD/Fundamental, to MISNA. Koulamallah also spoke, denying them, about declarations made yesterday by Allam-Mi, who said from Bruxelles that the government is negotiating with the rebels. “Deby's government has tried without success to deal with some people. If he wishes to establish contact with our movement, he has to address our leaders” said the spokesman to MISNA.
22 February 2008
The missing opposition member Ngarlejy Yorongar, who disappeared last February 3rd, has been found alive in his neighborhhod said dthe minister of foreign affairs Ahmad Allam-Mi, speaking from Paris. The EU and AU had appealed Chad to release opposition members. Sources siad that the opposition members were arersted by the army, but the government has denied any involvement, even if the first one to reappear, Lol Mahamat Choua, is currenlty being held in N’Djamena. There is still a third opposition member missing, Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh. In an official communique the Chadian government reiterated its desire to pursue the implementation if the political accord of August 13, 2007 signed with the opposition (including the three missing members) in view of the organization of free elections. The government has asked members of the monitoring committee to resume the work and the EU to continue to sustain the democratic process.
Meanwhile, the armed rebels siad they are planning to return to N’Djamena to take power, as soon as it is ready and organized: now, we are discussing the appointment of a single leader to head our movement and of a provisional council to put into power once we enter the capital” said Abderamane Koullamalah, spokesman of the unified rebels made up by RFC, UFDD and UFDD/Fundamental, to MISNA. Koulamallah also spoke, denying them, about declarations made yesterday by Allam-Mi, who said from Bruxelles that the government is negotiating with the rebels. “Deby's government has tried without success to deal with some people. If he wishes to establish contact with our movement, he has to address our leaders” said the spokesman to MISNA.
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