International Observation Mission for the Human Rights Situation in Honduras
Preliminary Report.
Written by International Observation Mission, Translation by Laura Jung,
Lena Mortensen, and Adrienne Pine
Thursday, 06 August 2009
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i. Introduction
An International Human Rights Commission composed of fifteen independent
professionals (legal experts, journalists, anthropologists, political
scientists, sociologists, and human rights experts) from Germany, Argentina,
Austria, Belgium, Colombia, Costa Rica, Denmark, El Salvador, Spain,
Nicaragua, Peru, Sweden, and Uruguay, was formed in Honduras on July 17 to
verify human rights violations that have occurred in Honduras during and
since the coup d'?tat of June 28, with the aim of presenting observations
and recommendations concerning the situation to the OAS, the UN the European
Union and their member States.
Divided into four working groups, the mission has received testimony
concerning human rights abuses in various parts of the Honduran territory:
Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula, Olancho and Col?n. With this aim, interviews
have been carried out with different human rights organizations and experts;
representatives of social movements, unions and media organizations,
journalists, members of the National Congress, representatives from
political parties, the General State Prosecutor, the Special Prosecutor for
Human Rights, General Director of the National Police, international aid
agencies, representatives from the United Nations, from the diplomatic
corps, the President of the Supreme Court, the Attorney General, the Public
Defender, the Department of Immigration, and relatives of President Manuel
Zelaya.
The International Mission is made up of fifteen individuals from the
following human rights organizations and networks: International Human
Rights Federation (FIDH), the Center for Justice and International Law
(CEJIL), Copenhagen Initiative for Central America and Mexico (CIFCA), FIAN
International, the Inter-American Platform for Human Rights, Democracy and
Development (PIDHDD), the Consultancy for Human Rights and Displacement
(CODHES-Colombia), Austria-Suedwind, Human Rights Institute of the
Universidad Centroamericana Jose Simeon Ca?as (IDHUCA -El Salvador),
Association Pro-Human Rights in Peru (APRODEH), the Institute for Policy
Studies on Latin America and Africa (IEPALA, Spain), National Coordinator
for Human Rights of Peru, Servicio Paz y Justicia (SERPAJ-Uruguay),
Solidarity World (Belgium), and IBIS (Denmark), Continental Social Alliance,
Alternative Connections, and the Center for Tricontinental Studies.
ii. Facts Confirmed by the Mission
1. On June 28, 2009 at 5:15 am, after violently overpowering the
presidential guard charged with his protection, soldiers from the armed
forces invaded the Presidential House and kidnapped the Constitutional
President of Honduras, Mr. Manuel Zelaya Rosales. The capture of the
president took place without the presentation of the corresponding court
order. Immediately afterward he was transferred to an air base and then
taken to Costa Rica, according to testimony taken from the President
himself, by means of an airplane that took off at 6:10 am from Honduras.
The attack on the Presidential House was carried out using violence against
the goods and occupants of the house. The facts described were reported by
members of the guard of the overthrown Constitutional President, as well as
by relatives of the President who were present in the Presidential House on
the day of the coup.
2. On the morning of June 28, the Congress of the Republic issued a
"condemnation of the conduct of President Jos? Manuel Zelaya Rosales for
repeated violations of the Constitution and the law and failure to observe
the resolutions and decisions issued by the relevant administrative bodies,"
removing him from his charge as President despite the lack of a
constitutional or legal norm that would permit such a removal, and
designating Roberto Micheletti Ba?n as "Constitutional President of the
Republic" (Congressional Decree No. 141-09).
3. On June 30 of 2009, although it was dated June 30 of 2008, Executive
Decree No. 011-2009 was issued, signed by Mr. Micheletti, suspending the
following constitutional rights: personal liberty, "detention and
confinement for more than 24 hours" (sic), freedom of association and
assembly, the right to freedom of movement, to leave, enter, and stay within
the national territory. The aforementioned rights are detailed in articles
69, 71,72, 78, 79, 81, 84, 99 of the Constitution. The Decree established
that these rights would be suspended from 10:00 pm to 5:00 am throughout the
country - in accordance with a State of Emergency - for a period of
seventy-two hours from the passage of the Decree.
The indicated rule, - which as of today and 23 days after it was enacted
continues in force - not only does not include a mechanism to extend the
suspension of said rights, but also to date the Decree has not been
published in the official newspaper of the Honduran Republic. It should also
be noted that article 211 of the Constitution of Honduras stipulates that
regulations must be published in order to be valid. The Honduran
Constitution (art 187) contemplates the restriction or suspension of rights
exclusively in the case of invasion of national territory, serious
disturbance of the peace, epidemics or other disasters.
4. The order for the suspension of these fundamental rights of the Honduran
people continues to be applied despite their expiration after the 72 hours
originally stipulated in the decree that issued these restrictions. No
subsequent decree exists that has formally extended the suspension of these
rights. Furthermore, the hours for the curfew imposed in the capital and in
the interior of the country are changed randomly on a daily basis. These
changes are communicated via announcements in various media.
5. There is uncertainty about the schedule of the curfew and the scope of
the suspension of rights. In questioning people about the curfew, officials
interviewed by the Mission reported varying hours and expressed differences
about the content.
6. The Mission was puzzled by the attitude of support for the coup
demonstrated by the highest ranks of the Honduran Catholic church and by
representatives of various evangelical churches, as well as by the
implication of their active involvement in organizing demonstrations of
support convened by and for the de facto government.
7. The International Mission for Human Rights in Honduras has identified the
existence of grave violations of human rights since the coup d'etat. It has
also confirmed the lack of protection for numerous individuals as a result
of the inadequate response from the institutions that are constitutionally
responsible for monitoring respect for the fundamental human rights of
Hondurans. In particular, the Mission calls attention to grave omissions in
the fulfillment of the functional obligations of the National Human Rights
Commissioner, Mr Ram?n Custodio.
8. The fundamental rights violations reported to the Mission included a
significant number of extrajudicial executions, hundreds of arbitrary
detentions, multiple threats, curtailment of freedom of expression and
information, as well as undue restrictions on the freedom of movement,
altogether signaling a clear context of political persecution that
especially affects political and union leaders, human rights defenders,
social activists, journalists, foreign citizens, and others.
9. Indeed, since the coup d'etat took place, and in relation to it, several
distinct sources confirmed by the Mission have reported the following
individual deaths: ISIS OBED MURILLO MENCIAS, 19 years old, killed by shots
fired by the Armed Forces during the July 5 march on the Toncontin airport
in Tegucigalpa by supporters of the ousted president; GABRIEL FINO NORIEGA,
journalist with Radio Estelar in the Department of Atl?ntida, assassinated
by seven bullet wounds on July 3 when he was leaving his place of work;
RAMON GARCIA, a leader in the Democratic Unification party (UD), who was
forced off a public transport vehicle upon returning from a demonstration
and then riddled with bullets by unknown persons in the area of Santa
Barbara; ROGER IVAN BADOS, ex-chairman of the textile worker union and
current activist in the UD and the Popular Resistence Front (BP), who
received death threats following the coup and was shot to death after being
taken by force from his home on July 11 in San Pedro Sula; VICKY HERNANDEZ
CASTILLO (SONNY EMELSON HERNANDEZ) , member of the LGTB community, killed in
San Pedro Sula during the curfew by a bullet wound to the eye and displaying
signs of strangulation, and an unidentified individual, wearing a t-shirt
imprinted with the so called "cuarta urna," was found dead on July 3 in the
"La Monta?ita" sector of Tegucigalpa, a place where a clandestine cemetery
for extrajudicial executions during the 80's was located. The Mission is
continuing to verify other reports of extrajudicial executions.
10. From the Center for Investigation and Promotion of Human Rights
(CIPRODEH), the Mission has received related reports of forced
disappearances of: ANASTASIO BARRERA, 55 years old, affiliated w/ith the
National Union of Rural Workers, kidnapped in San Juan Pueblo, Atl?ntida, on
July 5, 2009 by four individuals wearing police vests. It was also reported
that MANUEL SEVILLA, 19 years old, was disappeared in San Pedro Sula on July
12 after returning from a demonstration.
11. In terms of violations of personal integrity, the Mission took note of
threats taking place since the coup affecting diverse sectors of Honduran
society: journalists critical of the de facto government, mayors, union
members, leaders of popular organizations, human rights defenders, teachers,
and congressional representatives. We have documented more than a hundred
individuals in this situation.
12. We have received information relating to politically motivated uses of
the legitimate State capacity to investigate and sanction individuals linked
to criminal acts. A case that illustrates this tendency is the father of
Isis Obed Murillo, DON JOS? DAVID MURILLO S?NCHEZ, who was captured after
giving testimony to the Prosecutor for Human Rights concerning the murder of
his son. His capture and subsequent detention was justified on the basis of
an old legal process that had been discontinued, and which was reactivated
after Murillo turned to the justice system to report the murder of his son.
>From a reading of the dossier and interviews with judges, witnesses, lawyers
and Mr. Murillo himself, a series of violations were deduced regarding the
right to due process, defense, liberty, etc. Other reports received by the
Mission concern legal proceedings related to officials of the deposed
government.
13. According to information given to the Mission by the General Director of
National Police, Mr. Escoto Salinas, at this time 1275 arrests related to
curfew violations and other reasons related to the anti-coup protests have
been registered.
14. With regard to the arbitrary arrests of foreigners, it bears mention
that these have risen significantly in recent weeks; in partcular, the
arrests of Nicaraguans who have been affected disproportionately by
arbitrary and irregular detentions. During this week alone there have been
warrantless forceful home entries and arbitrary detentions of at least 20
Nicaraguans.
15. On the 20th and 21st of July, members of the Mission confirmed that the
human rights of the following Nicaraguan youths had been violated: JARLEN
MANUEL TORRES TORRES, NOE EMILIO AVELLAN RUIZ, TULIO RAFAEL BENDA?A MEJ?A,
ALEJANDRO JOS? GARC?A OBREG?N, PABLO YASE BENOARIA, JORGE DANILO FLORES,
FRANCISCO ISRAEL CONNOR, CARLOS DAVID BENDA?A MEJ?A, JOSE GONZ?LEZ, DARWIN
ANTONIO REYES LAZO, MIGUEL ?NGEL AGUILAR FERN?NDEZ, HENRY GEOVANY MART?NEZ
L?PEZ and DAVID JIR?N. They were arbitrarily detained, accused of
administrative visa-related infractions, were subject to bad treatment, were
not offered consular assistance, nor were they held in adequate conditions
of detention. In some cases they were held in police cells with other people
accused of common crimes, and had access to neither a judge nor to a public
defender. These acts were carried out by members of the National Civilian
Police.
16. The authorities justify these arrests citing the existence of "external
threats" to the de facto regime. To date, the arrests have not provided any
evidence whatsoever that the more than 100 people affected were engaged in
actions that could have compromised national security. To the contrary, many
of the arrested are businesspeople, workers and migrant, some of them with
solid family ties, deeply and legally rooted in Honduras.
17. Numerous local media outlets contribute to this xenophobic policy and
practice by providing sensationalist coverage of the detention of
Nicaraguans and asking the population to denounce the presence of foreign
citizens engaged in suspicious activities.
18. The Mission has received multiple complaints related to the forced
conscription of youths by the Army in rural zones, with the aim of
integrating them into the reserves.
19. In terms of freedom of expression, we have confirmed grave restrictions
on freedom of expression following the coup d'etat. In Tegucigalpa, Channel
36, Radio TV Maya and Radio Globo were militarized as part of the operation
of silencing the media that took place along with the coup. Transmission of
Channel 36 was temporarily suspended and we have received reports, which we
have confirmed, of assaults on various media stations and death threats
against journalists, as well as the blocking of transmission, phone tapping,
and blocking internet access to media stations.
20. The Mission was informed of the machine gunning, after the coup, of the
studio of Radio Juticalpa in Olancho, and of the death threats made against
journalists like the director of the newspaper El Libertador, Mr. JHONNY
JOS? LAGOS ENRIQUEZ, and LUIS GALDANES, host of the radio program "Tras la
Verdad" ["Going After the Truth"]. Mr. Lagos is also being subjected to a
judicial lawsuit filed by the Attorney General of Honduras Dr. Luis Rubi,
based on article 349 of the Penal Code of Honduras which only applies to
those employed as public servants, and Mr. Lagos Enr?quez is not a public
servant.
21. In the city of Progreso, on the other hand, the armed forces are
occupying Radio PROGRESO and silencing their broadcasts, harassment of the
Jesuit priest ISMAEL MORENO, temporarily detaining the journalist ROMELL
ALEXANDER G?MEZ MEJ?A, and in the case of the journalist ROMEL ROMERO, have
made death threats via the cell phone of his wife, Mrs. MIRIAM ESPINAL.
Likewise, the Reflection and Communication Team (Equipo de Reflexi?n y
Comunicaci?n - ERIC) , the collaborative arm of Radio Progreso, has been the
target of threats and harassment on behalf of the armed forces that have
permanently placed themselves outside their headquarters in the Casa San
Ignacio, Can?n Boulevard, in Progreso.
22. OSMAN DANILO COREA, journalist of Channel 26 TV Atl?ntica, in the
Department (like a state) of Col?n is experiencing a similar situation as
the aforementioned cases. He told Mission International that the military
has indicated to the communication department that they may not transmit
alternate versions or information from those of the de facto president
Micheletti. Mr. Corea explained that he received a call from the Captain
Tercero, Chief of the Castilla Naval Base near Trujillo, prohibiting him
from broadcasting information regarding the various marches of the "white
shirts" (supporters of the de facto government), threatening him with
decommission of the station if he refuses, adding "because we have ordered
it, the armed forces have the power." Mission International also received a
formal complaint of harassment and persecution suffered by the journalist of
the television program "La Cumbre" [The Summit], Mr. JORGE ORLANDO ANDERSON
of the town Bonito Oriental, on behalf of the soldiers of the previously
referenced Castilla Naval Base.
23. The journalist NAHUM PALACIOS of Tocoa, related that he has been
threatened by the same Captain Tercero of the Castilla Naval Base on 28 June
2009, who subsequently ordered the detention of 4 members of Aguan
Television, Channel 5. Mr. Wilfredo Paz, journalist, President of the
Teachers Union of Tocoa and Director of the news program at the Center for
News of Col?n, has received anonymous threats to burn down the station if he
continues to broadcast, and the same Captain Tercero ordered the cable
company to cut off transmission of Mr. Palacios's program.
24. The Mission has also received concrete reports of the intervention of
paramilitary groups composed of civilian allegedly linked to
drug-trafficking cartels and to private security firms providing services to
certain businesses. They wear camouflage uniforms and operate in conjunction
with members of Battalion XV of the army Honduran Army in the Department of
Col?n.
25.The Mission has confirmed, as well, threats and coercion of workers in
their places of work in response to their attendance of marches against the
coup; They have also experiences coercive action to guarantee their
obligatory attendance in marches called together by the de facto government
and private businesses.
iii. Conclusions
The International Mission confirms the existence of grave and systematic
violations of human rights in Honduras subsequent to the coup d'?tat. Some
of these violations originate from the application of norms in open
violation of the international agreements for the protection of human
rights, the militarization of security functions and state institutions,
abuses on the part of the State security forces, and lack of response from
the guaranteed mechanisms of the State.
One of the fundamental conclusions of this visit consist of the
determination that Decree 11-2009, the suspension of guarantees, establishes
restrictions of a wide gamut of fundamental rights, including personal
freedoms, mobility, among others, such that its application would
substantively violate international obligations of the State as it is
written.
The faults of Decree 11-2009 render illegitimate the methods adopted on the
basis of the decree, for example, the detention centers for curfew, unlawful
entry of homes by armed forces, and restrictions on freedoms of mobility on
the highways.
The International Mission considers that one of their fundamental
observations consists in the disestablishment of protection for the numerous
persons affected by the grave violations perpetrated before the inadequate
response of the institutions that are responsible for overseeing the
guarantees of fundamental human rights of the Hondurans. This is evidenced
by the obvious lack of resources of the Special Budget for Human Rights, as
well as the ineffectiveness of the Supreme Court to decide the legality of
the decree for the suspension of guarantees and other protections regarding
the violations of fundamental rights occurring in relation to the coup, and
the negligence of the National Commission for Human Rights.
Moreover, it is possible to maintain that certain institutions of the right
have assumed an open role complicit with the de facto authorities, making
the case for the omission of their constitutional and legal functions.
The coup has culminated in a highly precarious situation in the guardianship
of the rights of various collectives that were considered vulnerable since
before 28 June 2009, as has occurred with the LGTB community.
We have confirmed serious limitations on freedom of expression and
intimidations intended to restrict the circulation of information
criticizing the de facto regime. At this time, we consider a portion of the
mass communication intermediaries of the country have had an attitude
inconsistent with the plurality of ideas and democracy. On occasion, these
intermediaries have echoed the openly repressive positions and incited
violence against the supporters of the deposed government.
We wish to emphasize the outstanding role that various defenders of human
rights have played and continued to play at this moment, who despite
adversity, lack of resources, and the risk to their integrity and lives,
have lifted their voices to renounce the abuses, protect victims, and defend
the institution of democracy.
iv. Recommendations
To the International Community of Nation States:
1- Take all action necessary to guarantee the pleasure and enjoyment of the
human right of the Honduran population;
2- Maintain a firm position condemning the coup d'?tat, demanding the
restitution of President Zelaya, and the reestablishment of constitutional
order;
3- Maintain the suspension of diplomatic relations with the de facto regime,
as well as any economic support or financing managed by the institutions of
the State involved in the coup;
4- Refuse recognition of the results of elections called by the de facto
government, as was also expressed by the Secretary General of the
Organization of American States, in addition to refusing recognition of any
decision adopted by said government;
Concerning bilateral relations with Honduras:
5- The ambassadors present in the country should continue and reinforce the
appropriate methods to contribute to the protection of the defenders of
human rights, civil society activists, among others, by means of visits to
the offices of the people and organizations at risk.
Constant invitations and exchanges with the same.
Logistic support that is pertinent to their security.
Implementation of an Alert and Emergency System immediately accessible to
persons at risk:
In conjunction with international NGOs, open additional support to Honduran
civil society, to reinforce their capacity to protect and monitor human
rights. In particular, it is important to increase the human and financial
resources so that they can tend to the needs within the country.
6- International cooperation should maintain suspension of budgetary and
programmatic support to State Institutions that have been involved in the
coup d'etat; maintain humanitarian aid , cooperation con the municipalities
and with the Honduran civil society organizations;
7- The Unites States should take action against those actors principally
responsible for the coup, such as the suspension of visas and freezing
overseas bank accounts.
Relations between the European Union and Honduras
8- With respect to the relationship between Honduras and the European Union,
they should initiate the following actions:
The democratic clause as articulated in Article 1 of the Marco Accord of
Cooperation between the European Union and Central America of 1993, that
calls for the suspension of cooperation in the case of serious interruption
of constitutional order.
Abstention of diplomatic relations at the level of vice-ministers of the
illegitimate government, as well as with all of the diplomatic
representatives of Honduras in the European Union that support the de facto
government.
Suspension, most importantly of budgetary support, of all of the programs
directed at support of the State institutions that have been involved in the
coup d'etat.
Maintain the decision to suspend negotiations of the Association Accord
between the European Union and Central America until constitutional order is
restored in Honduras
Suspension of Honduras from the General System of Preference (SGP plus) of
the European Union.
To the International Organizations
9- The Interamerican Commission for Human Rights should continue to monitor
the human rights situation in Honduras and submit recommendations to protect
the population in Honduras, in this sense we urge the following actions:
Continue to execute cautionary measures to protect the persons in at-risk
situations.
Briefly visit the situation in the country and submit a report with the
recommendations the ICHR finds advisable
10- The Security Council of the United Nations Organization (UN) should
denounce the coup d'?tat in Honduras and should take measures that will
contribute to the reestablishment of constitutional order
11- The UN should activate the appropriate mechanisms within their systems
of protection of Human Rights to confront the Human Rights situation in
Honduras, in particular the should consider the pertinence of:
Adopting a resolution at the level of the Human Rights Council
Establishment of permanent office for the High Commissioner of Human Rights
in Honduras.
Make visits to verify the especially compelling accounts concerning the
freedom of expression, human rights defenders, and the independence of
judges and lawyers
12- The International Criminal Court (ICC) should act preemptively.
Accordingly, we solicit the General Prosecutor of the ICC to take immediate
steps leading to a possible criminal investigation according to regulation
of Article 7, Number g of the Rome Statute, which outlines the standards for
the crime of political persecution.
In light of the gravity of the human rights situation, the national and
international organizations involved in Mission International have decided
to create a Human Rights Observatory in Honduras as a follow-up to this
mission.
The members of the Observation Mission concerning the Human Rights situation
in Honduras have been the following people:
Luis Guillermo P?rez (CIFCA)
Marcia Aguiluz (CEJIL)
Viviana Krsticevic (CEJIL)
Martin Wolpold-Bosien (FIAN International)
Jorge Rojas (CODHES)
Benjam?n Cuellar (IDHUCA)
Miguel Jugo (National Coordinator of Human Rights Per?)
Javier Mujica (FIDH)
Efra?n Olivera (PIDHDD, SERPAJ)
Enrique Santiago (IEPALA, The Federation of Association for the Defense and
Promotion of Human Rights Spain)
Ellen Verryt (World Solidarity)
Hans Peter Dejgaard (IBIS - Denmark)
Katrin Erlingsen (Presidential Assessor for the Commission for
Development and Economic Cooperation of the German Parliament)
Leo Gabriel (Institute of Cooperative and Intercultural Research - Austria)
Katia Nouten (CIFCA)
Dolores Jarqu?n (Alianza Social Continental)
Francois Houtart (Center for Tricontinental Studies)
07 August, 2009
06 August, 2009
World Bank chief sets African tour.
AFP
6 August 2009
World Bank president Robert Zoellick will visit Africa next week to spur financial support for the world's poorest continent amid the global economic crisis, the bank said Thursday.
Zoellick is scheduled to visit the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda to view first-hand some of the damage the financial meltdown has wreaked on the three countries in Africa's Great Lakes region and encourage investors and donors to step up financial flows into Africa, the Washington-based development lender said a statement.
"Some of the biggest gains in fighting poverty in Africa can be made if investors and donors boost support for agriculture, helping Africa achieve food security, while improving rural incomes and facilitating post-harvest marketing, conservation and agricultural processing," Zoellick said.
Zoellick is to arrive in Kinshasha late Sunday, Herbert Boh, a World Bank official, told AFP. He will travel to Rwanda on Tuesday and leaves late Wednesday for Uganda for a one-day visit.
Zoellick said the most urgently needed funding should help Africa in a variety of ways, including expansion of the continent's share of global and intra-African trade, curbing armed conflicts, and building crucial infrastructure to promote manufacturing and industrialization.
The World Bank's International Development Association provides grants and low-interest loans to 79 of the world's poorest countries, half of which are in Africa.
Another arm of the bank, the International Finance Corporation, provides investments and services to support the private sector in developing countries.
Its commitments in Africa rose to 1.82 billion dollars in the 2009 fiscal year that ended June 30, from 445 million dollars three years ago, the World Bank said.
6 August 2009
World Bank president Robert Zoellick will visit Africa next week to spur financial support for the world's poorest continent amid the global economic crisis, the bank said Thursday.
Zoellick is scheduled to visit the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda to view first-hand some of the damage the financial meltdown has wreaked on the three countries in Africa's Great Lakes region and encourage investors and donors to step up financial flows into Africa, the Washington-based development lender said a statement.
"Some of the biggest gains in fighting poverty in Africa can be made if investors and donors boost support for agriculture, helping Africa achieve food security, while improving rural incomes and facilitating post-harvest marketing, conservation and agricultural processing," Zoellick said.
Zoellick is to arrive in Kinshasha late Sunday, Herbert Boh, a World Bank official, told AFP. He will travel to Rwanda on Tuesday and leaves late Wednesday for Uganda for a one-day visit.
Zoellick said the most urgently needed funding should help Africa in a variety of ways, including expansion of the continent's share of global and intra-African trade, curbing armed conflicts, and building crucial infrastructure to promote manufacturing and industrialization.
The World Bank's International Development Association provides grants and low-interest loans to 79 of the world's poorest countries, half of which are in Africa.
Another arm of the bank, the International Finance Corporation, provides investments and services to support the private sector in developing countries.
Its commitments in Africa rose to 1.82 billion dollars in the 2009 fiscal year that ended June 30, from 445 million dollars three years ago, the World Bank said.
Blackwater Responds to Murder Allegations.
Mother Jones
By Daniel Schulman
August 5, 2009 11:57 AM PST
Two ex-Blackwater employees (or individuals claiming to be) say the company and its enigmatic founder, Erik Prince, murdered—or arranged for the murders—of people cooperating with federal authorities investigating the controversial security firm. Blackwater, which renamed itself Xe earlier this year, says it "questions the judgement of anyone who relies upon" the anonymous declarations filed Monday in connection with a series of civil suits brought on behalf of Iraqi civilians. It calls the accusations—which also include charges of weapons smuggling, money laundering, and a "wife-swapping and sex ring" run out of the company's Moyock, North Carolina headquarters—"unsubstantiated," "offensive," and slanderous.
Earlier today, Blackwater/Xe spokeswoman Stacy DeLuke emailed me the company's statement on the allegations. I've updated my post from yesterday with the company's comments. Given the nature of the charges, I'm reprinting them again here (typos and all).
The proper place for this case to be litigated is in the Court, and we will respond fully in our reply brief (which will be filed on August 17) to the anonymous unsubstantiated and offensive assertions put forward by the plaintiffs. Because the plaintiffs have chosen inappropriately to argue their case in the media, however, we will also say this:
- The brief filed by Plaintiff includes two anonymous affidavits state that their "information" has been provided to the Justice Department -- we can gauge the credence given to those statements -- which hold no water. When the indictments were announced, the United States Attorney the United States Attorney made a point of stating that "[t]he indictment does not charge or implicate Blackwater Worldwide"; "[i]t charges only the actions of certain employees for their roles in the September 16 shooting." He emphasized that the indictment was "very narrow in its allegations": "Six individual Blackwater guards have been charged with unjustified shootings . . . not the entire Blackwater organization in Baghdad. There were 19 Blackwater guards on the . . . team that day . . . . Most acted professionally, responsibly and honorably. Indeed, this indictment should not be read as accusation against any of those brave men and women who risk their lives as Blackwater security contractors."
- It is obvious that Plaintiffs have chosen to slander Mr. Prince rather than raise legal arguments or actual facts that will be considered by a court of law. We are happy to engage them there.
-We question the judgment of anyone who relies upon and reiterate anonymous declarations.
By Daniel Schulman
August 5, 2009 11:57 AM PST
Two ex-Blackwater employees (or individuals claiming to be) say the company and its enigmatic founder, Erik Prince, murdered—or arranged for the murders—of people cooperating with federal authorities investigating the controversial security firm. Blackwater, which renamed itself Xe earlier this year, says it "questions the judgement of anyone who relies upon" the anonymous declarations filed Monday in connection with a series of civil suits brought on behalf of Iraqi civilians. It calls the accusations—which also include charges of weapons smuggling, money laundering, and a "wife-swapping and sex ring" run out of the company's Moyock, North Carolina headquarters—"unsubstantiated," "offensive," and slanderous.
Earlier today, Blackwater/Xe spokeswoman Stacy DeLuke emailed me the company's statement on the allegations. I've updated my post from yesterday with the company's comments. Given the nature of the charges, I'm reprinting them again here (typos and all).
The proper place for this case to be litigated is in the Court, and we will respond fully in our reply brief (which will be filed on August 17) to the anonymous unsubstantiated and offensive assertions put forward by the plaintiffs. Because the plaintiffs have chosen inappropriately to argue their case in the media, however, we will also say this:
- The brief filed by Plaintiff includes two anonymous affidavits state that their "information" has been provided to the Justice Department -- we can gauge the credence given to those statements -- which hold no water. When the indictments were announced, the United States Attorney the United States Attorney made a point of stating that "[t]he indictment does not charge or implicate Blackwater Worldwide"; "[i]t charges only the actions of certain employees for their roles in the September 16 shooting." He emphasized that the indictment was "very narrow in its allegations": "Six individual Blackwater guards have been charged with unjustified shootings . . . not the entire Blackwater organization in Baghdad. There were 19 Blackwater guards on the . . . team that day . . . . Most acted professionally, responsibly and honorably. Indeed, this indictment should not be read as accusation against any of those brave men and women who risk their lives as Blackwater security contractors."
- It is obvious that Plaintiffs have chosen to slander Mr. Prince rather than raise legal arguments or actual facts that will be considered by a court of law. We are happy to engage them there.
-We question the judgment of anyone who relies upon and reiterate anonymous declarations.
Former US congressman convicted of corruption charges related to African deals
Afrol News
6 August 2009
The federal jury has convicted former United States Congressman William J. Jefferson, 62, of New Orleans, of using his office to corruptly solicit bribes, in deals mainly in African states, the Justice Department has announced.
After hearing evidence for more than one month, a jury found Jefferson guilty on 11 charged counts, including solicitation of bribes, honest services wire fraud, money laundering, racketeering and conspiracy.
He was acquitted on three counts of honest services wire fraud, an obstruction of justice charge and of violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. His sentencing is scheduled for 30 October 30,this year, and he faces a maximum penalty of 150 years in prison and could additionally face forfeiture of up to $456,000 plus stock certificates.
"We have been reminded today that we are a nation of laws, and not men," said Dana J. Boente, US Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia. "It should be a clear signal that no public official - and certainly not a US Congressman - can put their office up for sale and betray that office. It cannot be tolerated. It cannot just be another cost of doing business. And today, a jury of his peers held Congressman Jefferson accountable for his actions."
According to evidence at trial, from August 2000 to August 2005 Mr Jefferson used his position as an elected member of the US House of Representatives to corruptly seek, solicit and direct that things of value be paid to himself and his family members in exchange for his performance of official acts to advance the interests of people and businesses who offered him the bribes. The things of value, according to evidence at trial, included hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of bribes in the form of payments from monthly fees or retainers, consulting fees, percentage shares of revenues and profits, flat fees for items sold and stock ownership in the companies seeking his official assistance.
Evidence at trial showed that Mr Jefferson performed a wide range of official acts in return for things of value, including leading official business delegations to Africa, corresponding with US and foreign government officials, and utilising congressional staff members to promote businesses and businesspersons. The business ventures that Mr Jefferson is said to have sought to promote included telecommunications deals in Nigeria, Ghana and elsewhere; oil concessions in Equatorial Guinea; satellite transmission contracts in Botswana, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo; and development of different plants and facilities in Nigeria.
Others involved in this scheme included Vernon L. Jackson, a Louisville, Ky., businessman who was sentenced to 87 months in prison after pleading guilty to charges of conspiracy to commit bribery and the payment of bribes to a public official; and Brett M. Pfeffer, a former Jefferson congressional staff member who was sentenced to 96 months in prison after pleading guilty to charges of conspiracy to commit bribery and aiding and abetting the solicitation of bribers by a member of Congress.
6 August 2009
The federal jury has convicted former United States Congressman William J. Jefferson, 62, of New Orleans, of using his office to corruptly solicit bribes, in deals mainly in African states, the Justice Department has announced.
After hearing evidence for more than one month, a jury found Jefferson guilty on 11 charged counts, including solicitation of bribes, honest services wire fraud, money laundering, racketeering and conspiracy.
He was acquitted on three counts of honest services wire fraud, an obstruction of justice charge and of violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. His sentencing is scheduled for 30 October 30,this year, and he faces a maximum penalty of 150 years in prison and could additionally face forfeiture of up to $456,000 plus stock certificates.
"We have been reminded today that we are a nation of laws, and not men," said Dana J. Boente, US Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia. "It should be a clear signal that no public official - and certainly not a US Congressman - can put their office up for sale and betray that office. It cannot be tolerated. It cannot just be another cost of doing business. And today, a jury of his peers held Congressman Jefferson accountable for his actions."
According to evidence at trial, from August 2000 to August 2005 Mr Jefferson used his position as an elected member of the US House of Representatives to corruptly seek, solicit and direct that things of value be paid to himself and his family members in exchange for his performance of official acts to advance the interests of people and businesses who offered him the bribes. The things of value, according to evidence at trial, included hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of bribes in the form of payments from monthly fees or retainers, consulting fees, percentage shares of revenues and profits, flat fees for items sold and stock ownership in the companies seeking his official assistance.
Evidence at trial showed that Mr Jefferson performed a wide range of official acts in return for things of value, including leading official business delegations to Africa, corresponding with US and foreign government officials, and utilising congressional staff members to promote businesses and businesspersons. The business ventures that Mr Jefferson is said to have sought to promote included telecommunications deals in Nigeria, Ghana and elsewhere; oil concessions in Equatorial Guinea; satellite transmission contracts in Botswana, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo; and development of different plants and facilities in Nigeria.
Others involved in this scheme included Vernon L. Jackson, a Louisville, Ky., businessman who was sentenced to 87 months in prison after pleading guilty to charges of conspiracy to commit bribery and the payment of bribes to a public official; and Brett M. Pfeffer, a former Jefferson congressional staff member who was sentenced to 96 months in prison after pleading guilty to charges of conspiracy to commit bribery and aiding and abetting the solicitation of bribers by a member of Congress.
05 August, 2009
25 Republican Members of US Congress Visit Israel.
Arutz Sheva
2 August 2009
A group of 25 Republican members of the United States House of Representatives are visiting Israel for a one week trip organized by the American Israel Education Foundation. It is the largest delegation of Republican Congressmembers ever to come to Israel. The trip was designed to provide the legislators with first-hand knowledge on the value of the U.S.-Israel relationship, the prospects for peace in the Middle East, Israel's security situation, and the status of important economic and political trends in Israel.
Eric Cantor, the Republican Whip for the 111th U.S. Congress, is leading the trip. The group has scheduled a press conference for August 5 at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Jerusalem.
2 August 2009
A group of 25 Republican members of the United States House of Representatives are visiting Israel for a one week trip organized by the American Israel Education Foundation. It is the largest delegation of Republican Congressmembers ever to come to Israel. The trip was designed to provide the legislators with first-hand knowledge on the value of the U.S.-Israel relationship, the prospects for peace in the Middle East, Israel's security situation, and the status of important economic and political trends in Israel.
Eric Cantor, the Republican Whip for the 111th U.S. Congress, is leading the trip. The group has scheduled a press conference for August 5 at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Jerusalem.
Blackwater Founder Implicated in Murder.
The Nation
By Jeremy Scahill
August 4, 2009
A former Blackwater employee and an ex-U.S. Marine who has worked as a security operative for the company have made a series of explosive allegations in sworn statements filed on August 3 in federal court in Virginia. The two men claim that the company’s owner, Erik Prince, may have murdered or facilitated the murder of individuals who were cooperating with federal authorities investigating the company. The former employee also alleges that Prince “views himself as a Christian crusader tasked with eliminating Muslims and the Islamic faith from the globe,” and that Prince’s companies “encouraged and rewarded the destruction of Iraqi life.”
In their testimony, both men also allege that Blackwater was smuggling weapons into Iraq. One of the men alleges that Prince turned a profit by transporting “illegal” or “unlawful” weapons into the country on Prince’s private planes. They also charge that Prince and other Blackwater executives destroyed incriminating videos, emails and other documents and have intentionally deceived the U.S. State Department and other federal agencies. The identities of the two individuals were sealed out of concerns for their safety.
These allegations, and a series of other charges, are contained in sworn affidavits, given under penalty of perjury, filed late at night on August 3 in the Eastern District of Virginia as part of a seventy-page motion by lawyers for Iraqi civilians suing Blackwater for alleged war crimes and other misconduct. Susan Burke, a private attorney working in conjunction with the Center for Constitutional Rights, is suing Blackwater in five separate civil cases filed in the Washington, D.C., area. They were recently consolidated before Judge T.S. Ellis III of the Eastern District of Virginia for pretrial motions. Burke filed the August 3 motion in response to Blackwater’s motion to dismiss the case. Blackwater asserts that Prince and the company are innocent of any wrongdoing and that they were professionally performing their duties on behalf of their employer, the U.S. State Department.
The former employee, identified in the court documents as “John Doe #2,” is a former member of Blackwater’s management team, according to a source close to the case. Doe #2 alleges in a sworn declaration that, based on information provided to him by former colleagues, “it appears that Mr. Prince and his employees murdered, or had murdered, one or more persons who have provided information, or who were planning to provide information, to the federal authorities about the ongoing criminal conduct.” John Doe #2 says he worked at Blackwater for four years; his identity is concealed in the sworn declaration because he “fear[s] violence against me in retaliation for submitting this Declaration.” He also alleges, “On several occasions after my departure from Mr. Prince’s employ, Mr. Prince’s management has personally threatened me with death and violence.”
In a separate sworn statement, the former U.S. Marine who worked for Blackwater in Iraq alleges that he has “learned from my Blackwater colleagues and former colleagues that one or more persons who have provided information, or who were planning to provide information about Erik Prince and Blackwater have been killed in suspicious circumstances.” Identified as “John Doe #1,” he says he “joined Blackwater and deployed to Iraq to guard State Department and other American government personnel.” It is not clear if Doe #1 is still working with the company as he states he is “scheduled to deploy in the immediate future to Iraq.” Like Doe #2, he states that he fears “violence” against him for “submitting this Declaration.” No further details on the alleged murder(s) are provided.
“Mr. Prince feared, and continues to fear, that the federal authorities will detect and prosecute his various criminal deeds,” states Doe #2. “On more than one occasion, Mr. Prince and his top managers gave orders to destroy emails and other documents. Many incriminating videotapes, documents and emails have been shredded and destroyed.”
cannot independently verify the identities of the two individuals, their roles at Blackwater or what motivated them to provide sworn testimony in these civil cases. Both individuals state that they have previously cooperated with federal prosecutors conducting a criminal inquiry into Blackwater.
“It’s a pending investigation, so we cannot comment on any matters in front of a Grand Jury or if a Grand Jury even exists on these matters,” John Roth, the spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s office in the District of Columbia, told The Nation. “It would be a crime if we did that.” Asked specifically about whether there is a criminal investigation into Prince regarding the murder allegations and other charges, Roth said: “We would not be able to comment on what we are or are not doing in regards to any possible investigation involving an uncharged individual.”
The Nation repeatedly attempted to contact spokespeople for Prince or his companies at numerous email addresses and telephone numbers. When a company representative was reached by phone and asked to comment, she said, “Unfortunately no one can help you in that area.” The representative then said that she would pass along The Nation’s request. As this article goes to press, no company representative has responded further to The Nation.
Doe #2 states in the declaration that he has also provided the information contained in his statement “in grand jury proceedings convened by the United States Department of Justice.” Federal prosecutors convened a grand jury in the aftermath of the September 16, 2007, Nisour Square shootings in Baghdad, which left seventeen Iraqis dead. Five Blackwater employees are awaiting trial on several manslaughter charges and a sixth, Jeremy Ridgeway, has already pleaded guilty to manslaughter and attempting to commit manslaughter and is cooperating with prosecutors. It is not clear whether Doe #2 testified in front of the Nisour Square grand jury or in front of a separate grand jury.
The two declarations are each five pages long and contain a series of devastating allegations concerning Erik Prince and his network of companies, which now operate under the banner of Xe Services LLC. Among those leveled by Doe #2 is that Prince “views himself as a Christian crusader tasked with eliminating Muslims and the Islamic faith from the globe”:
To that end, Mr. Prince intentionally deployed to Iraq certain men who shared his vision of Christian supremacy, knowing and wanting these men to take every available opportunity to murder Iraqis. Many of these men used call signs based on the Knights of the Templar, the warriors who fought the Crusades.
Mr. Prince operated his companies in a manner that encouraged and rewarded the destruction of Iraqi life. For example, Mr. Prince’s executives would openly speak about going over to Iraq to “lay Hajiis out on cardboard.” Going to Iraq to shoot and kill Iraqis was viewed as a sport or game. Mr. Prince’s employees openly and consistently used racist and derogatory terms for Iraqis and other Arabs, such as “ragheads” or “hajiis.”
Among the additional allegations made by Doe #1 is that “Blackwater was smuggling weapons into Iraq.” He states that he personally witnessed weapons being “pulled out” from dog food bags. Doe #2 alleges that “Prince and his employees arranged for the weapons to be polywrapped and smuggled into Iraq on Mr. Prince’s private planes, which operated under the name Presidential Airlines,” adding that Prince “generated substantial revenues from participating in the illegal arms trade.”
Doe #2 states: “Using his various companies, [Prince] procured and distributed various weapons, including unlawful weapons such as sawed off semi-automatic machine guns with silencers, through unlawful channels of distribution.” Blackwater “was not abiding by the terms of the contract with the State Department and was deceiving the State Department,” according to Doe #1.
This is not the first time an allegation has surfaced that Blackwater used dog food bags to smuggle weapons into Iraq. ABC News’ Brian Ross reported in November 2008 that a “federal grand jury in North Carolina is investigating allegations the controversial private security firm Blackwater illegally shipped assault weapons and silencers to Iraq, hidden in large sacks of dog food.” Another former Blackwater employee has also confirmed this information to The Nation.
Both individuals allege that Prince and Blackwater deployed individuals to Iraq who, in the words of Doe #1, “were not properly vetted and cleared by the State Department.” Doe #2 adds that “Prince ignored the advice and pleas from certain employees, who sought to stop the unnecessary killing of innocent Iraqis.” Doe #2 further states that some Blackwater officials overseas refused to deploy “unfit men” and sent them back to the U.S. Among the reasons cited by Doe #2 were “the men making statements about wanting to deploy to Iraq to ‘kill ragheads’ or achieve ‘kills’ or ‘body counts,’” as well as “excessive drinking” and “steroid use.” However, when the men returned to the U.S., according to Doe #2, “Prince and his executives would send them back to be deployed in Iraq with an express instruction to the concerned employees located overseas that they needed to ’stop costing the company money.’”
Doe #2 also says Prince “repeatedly ignored the assessments done by mental health professionals, and instead terminated those mental health professionals who were not willing to endorse deployments of unfit men.” He says Prince and then-company president Gary Jackson “hid from Department of State the fact that they were deploying men to Iraq over the objections of mental health professionals and security professionals in the field,” saying they “knew the men being deployed were not suitable candidates for carrying lethal weaponry, but did not care because deployments meant more money.”
Doe #1 states that “Blackwater knew that certain of its personnel intentionally used excessive and unjustified deadly force, and in some instances used unauthorized weapons, to kill or seriously injure innocent Iraqi civilians.” He concludes, “Blackwater did nothing to stop this misconduct.” Doe #1 states that he “personally observed multiple incidents of Blackwater personnel intentionally using unnecessary, excessive and unjustified deadly force.” He then cites several specific examples of Blackwater personnel firing at civilians, killing or “seriously” wounding them, and then failing to report the incidents to the State Department.
Doe #1 also alleges that “all of these incidents of excessive force were initially videotaped and voice recorded,” but that “Immediately after the day concluded, we would watch the video in a session called a ‘hot wash.’ Immediately after the hotwashing, the video was erased to prevent anyone other than Blackwater personnel seeing what had actually occurred.” Blackwater, he says, “did not provide the video to the State Department.”
Doe #2 expands on the issue of unconventional weapons, alleging Prince “made available to his employees in Iraq various weapons not authorized by the United States contracting authorities, such as hand grenades and hand grenade launchers. Mr. Prince’s employees repeatedly used this illegal weaponry in Iraq, unnecessarily killing scores of innocent Iraqis.” Specifically, he alleges that Prince “obtained illegal ammunition from an American company called LeMas. This company sold ammunition designed to explode after penetrating within the human body. Mr. Prince’s employees repeatedly used this illegal ammunition in Iraq to inflict maximum damage on Iraqis.”
Blackwater has gone through an intricate rebranding process in the twelve years it has been in business, changing its name and logo several times. Prince also has created more than a dozen affiliate companies, some of which are registered offshore and whose operations are shrouded in secrecy. According to Doe #2, “Prince created and operated this web of companies in order to obscure wrongdoing, fraud and other crimes.”
“For example, Mr. Prince transferred funds from one company (Blackwater) to another (Greystone) whenever necessary to avoid detection of his money laundering and tax evasion schemes.” He added: “Mr. Prince contributed his personal wealth to fund the operations of the Prince companies whenever he deemed such funding necessary. Likewise, Mr. Prince took funds out of the Prince companies and placed the funds in his personal accounts at will.”
Briefed on the substance of these allegations by The Nation, Congressman Dennis Kucinich replied, “If these allegations are true, Blackwater has been a criminal enterprise defrauding taxpayers and murdering innocent civilians.” Kucinich is on the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform and has been investigating Prince and Blackwater since 2004.
“Blackwater is a law unto itself, both internationally and domestically. The question is why they operated with impunity. In addition to Blackwater, we should be questioning their patrons in the previous administration who funded and employed this organization. Blackwater wouldn’t exist without federal patronage; these allegations should be thoroughly investigated,” Kucinich said.
A hearing before Judge Ellis in the civil cases against Blackwater is scheduled for August 7.
© 2009 The Nation. All rights reserved.
Article printed from Antiwar.com Original: http://original.antiwar.com
URL to article: http://original.antiwar.com/scahill/2009/08/04/blackwater-founder-implicated-in-murder/
By Jeremy Scahill
August 4, 2009
A former Blackwater employee and an ex-U.S. Marine who has worked as a security operative for the company have made a series of explosive allegations in sworn statements filed on August 3 in federal court in Virginia. The two men claim that the company’s owner, Erik Prince, may have murdered or facilitated the murder of individuals who were cooperating with federal authorities investigating the company. The former employee also alleges that Prince “views himself as a Christian crusader tasked with eliminating Muslims and the Islamic faith from the globe,” and that Prince’s companies “encouraged and rewarded the destruction of Iraqi life.”
In their testimony, both men also allege that Blackwater was smuggling weapons into Iraq. One of the men alleges that Prince turned a profit by transporting “illegal” or “unlawful” weapons into the country on Prince’s private planes. They also charge that Prince and other Blackwater executives destroyed incriminating videos, emails and other documents and have intentionally deceived the U.S. State Department and other federal agencies. The identities of the two individuals were sealed out of concerns for their safety.
These allegations, and a series of other charges, are contained in sworn affidavits, given under penalty of perjury, filed late at night on August 3 in the Eastern District of Virginia as part of a seventy-page motion by lawyers for Iraqi civilians suing Blackwater for alleged war crimes and other misconduct. Susan Burke, a private attorney working in conjunction with the Center for Constitutional Rights, is suing Blackwater in five separate civil cases filed in the Washington, D.C., area. They were recently consolidated before Judge T.S. Ellis III of the Eastern District of Virginia for pretrial motions. Burke filed the August 3 motion in response to Blackwater’s motion to dismiss the case. Blackwater asserts that Prince and the company are innocent of any wrongdoing and that they were professionally performing their duties on behalf of their employer, the U.S. State Department.
The former employee, identified in the court documents as “John Doe #2,” is a former member of Blackwater’s management team, according to a source close to the case. Doe #2 alleges in a sworn declaration that, based on information provided to him by former colleagues, “it appears that Mr. Prince and his employees murdered, or had murdered, one or more persons who have provided information, or who were planning to provide information, to the federal authorities about the ongoing criminal conduct.” John Doe #2 says he worked at Blackwater for four years; his identity is concealed in the sworn declaration because he “fear[s] violence against me in retaliation for submitting this Declaration.” He also alleges, “On several occasions after my departure from Mr. Prince’s employ, Mr. Prince’s management has personally threatened me with death and violence.”
In a separate sworn statement, the former U.S. Marine who worked for Blackwater in Iraq alleges that he has “learned from my Blackwater colleagues and former colleagues that one or more persons who have provided information, or who were planning to provide information about Erik Prince and Blackwater have been killed in suspicious circumstances.” Identified as “John Doe #1,” he says he “joined Blackwater and deployed to Iraq to guard State Department and other American government personnel.” It is not clear if Doe #1 is still working with the company as he states he is “scheduled to deploy in the immediate future to Iraq.” Like Doe #2, he states that he fears “violence” against him for “submitting this Declaration.” No further details on the alleged murder(s) are provided.
“Mr. Prince feared, and continues to fear, that the federal authorities will detect and prosecute his various criminal deeds,” states Doe #2. “On more than one occasion, Mr. Prince and his top managers gave orders to destroy emails and other documents. Many incriminating videotapes, documents and emails have been shredded and destroyed.”
cannot independently verify the identities of the two individuals, their roles at Blackwater or what motivated them to provide sworn testimony in these civil cases. Both individuals state that they have previously cooperated with federal prosecutors conducting a criminal inquiry into Blackwater.
“It’s a pending investigation, so we cannot comment on any matters in front of a Grand Jury or if a Grand Jury even exists on these matters,” John Roth, the spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s office in the District of Columbia, told The Nation. “It would be a crime if we did that.” Asked specifically about whether there is a criminal investigation into Prince regarding the murder allegations and other charges, Roth said: “We would not be able to comment on what we are or are not doing in regards to any possible investigation involving an uncharged individual.”
The Nation repeatedly attempted to contact spokespeople for Prince or his companies at numerous email addresses and telephone numbers. When a company representative was reached by phone and asked to comment, she said, “Unfortunately no one can help you in that area.” The representative then said that she would pass along The Nation’s request. As this article goes to press, no company representative has responded further to The Nation.
Doe #2 states in the declaration that he has also provided the information contained in his statement “in grand jury proceedings convened by the United States Department of Justice.” Federal prosecutors convened a grand jury in the aftermath of the September 16, 2007, Nisour Square shootings in Baghdad, which left seventeen Iraqis dead. Five Blackwater employees are awaiting trial on several manslaughter charges and a sixth, Jeremy Ridgeway, has already pleaded guilty to manslaughter and attempting to commit manslaughter and is cooperating with prosecutors. It is not clear whether Doe #2 testified in front of the Nisour Square grand jury or in front of a separate grand jury.
The two declarations are each five pages long and contain a series of devastating allegations concerning Erik Prince and his network of companies, which now operate under the banner of Xe Services LLC. Among those leveled by Doe #2 is that Prince “views himself as a Christian crusader tasked with eliminating Muslims and the Islamic faith from the globe”:
To that end, Mr. Prince intentionally deployed to Iraq certain men who shared his vision of Christian supremacy, knowing and wanting these men to take every available opportunity to murder Iraqis. Many of these men used call signs based on the Knights of the Templar, the warriors who fought the Crusades.
Mr. Prince operated his companies in a manner that encouraged and rewarded the destruction of Iraqi life. For example, Mr. Prince’s executives would openly speak about going over to Iraq to “lay Hajiis out on cardboard.” Going to Iraq to shoot and kill Iraqis was viewed as a sport or game. Mr. Prince’s employees openly and consistently used racist and derogatory terms for Iraqis and other Arabs, such as “ragheads” or “hajiis.”
Among the additional allegations made by Doe #1 is that “Blackwater was smuggling weapons into Iraq.” He states that he personally witnessed weapons being “pulled out” from dog food bags. Doe #2 alleges that “Prince and his employees arranged for the weapons to be polywrapped and smuggled into Iraq on Mr. Prince’s private planes, which operated under the name Presidential Airlines,” adding that Prince “generated substantial revenues from participating in the illegal arms trade.”
Doe #2 states: “Using his various companies, [Prince] procured and distributed various weapons, including unlawful weapons such as sawed off semi-automatic machine guns with silencers, through unlawful channels of distribution.” Blackwater “was not abiding by the terms of the contract with the State Department and was deceiving the State Department,” according to Doe #1.
This is not the first time an allegation has surfaced that Blackwater used dog food bags to smuggle weapons into Iraq. ABC News’ Brian Ross reported in November 2008 that a “federal grand jury in North Carolina is investigating allegations the controversial private security firm Blackwater illegally shipped assault weapons and silencers to Iraq, hidden in large sacks of dog food.” Another former Blackwater employee has also confirmed this information to The Nation.
Both individuals allege that Prince and Blackwater deployed individuals to Iraq who, in the words of Doe #1, “were not properly vetted and cleared by the State Department.” Doe #2 adds that “Prince ignored the advice and pleas from certain employees, who sought to stop the unnecessary killing of innocent Iraqis.” Doe #2 further states that some Blackwater officials overseas refused to deploy “unfit men” and sent them back to the U.S. Among the reasons cited by Doe #2 were “the men making statements about wanting to deploy to Iraq to ‘kill ragheads’ or achieve ‘kills’ or ‘body counts,’” as well as “excessive drinking” and “steroid use.” However, when the men returned to the U.S., according to Doe #2, “Prince and his executives would send them back to be deployed in Iraq with an express instruction to the concerned employees located overseas that they needed to ’stop costing the company money.’”
Doe #2 also says Prince “repeatedly ignored the assessments done by mental health professionals, and instead terminated those mental health professionals who were not willing to endorse deployments of unfit men.” He says Prince and then-company president Gary Jackson “hid from Department of State the fact that they were deploying men to Iraq over the objections of mental health professionals and security professionals in the field,” saying they “knew the men being deployed were not suitable candidates for carrying lethal weaponry, but did not care because deployments meant more money.”
Doe #1 states that “Blackwater knew that certain of its personnel intentionally used excessive and unjustified deadly force, and in some instances used unauthorized weapons, to kill or seriously injure innocent Iraqi civilians.” He concludes, “Blackwater did nothing to stop this misconduct.” Doe #1 states that he “personally observed multiple incidents of Blackwater personnel intentionally using unnecessary, excessive and unjustified deadly force.” He then cites several specific examples of Blackwater personnel firing at civilians, killing or “seriously” wounding them, and then failing to report the incidents to the State Department.
Doe #1 also alleges that “all of these incidents of excessive force were initially videotaped and voice recorded,” but that “Immediately after the day concluded, we would watch the video in a session called a ‘hot wash.’ Immediately after the hotwashing, the video was erased to prevent anyone other than Blackwater personnel seeing what had actually occurred.” Blackwater, he says, “did not provide the video to the State Department.”
Doe #2 expands on the issue of unconventional weapons, alleging Prince “made available to his employees in Iraq various weapons not authorized by the United States contracting authorities, such as hand grenades and hand grenade launchers. Mr. Prince’s employees repeatedly used this illegal weaponry in Iraq, unnecessarily killing scores of innocent Iraqis.” Specifically, he alleges that Prince “obtained illegal ammunition from an American company called LeMas. This company sold ammunition designed to explode after penetrating within the human body. Mr. Prince’s employees repeatedly used this illegal ammunition in Iraq to inflict maximum damage on Iraqis.”
Blackwater has gone through an intricate rebranding process in the twelve years it has been in business, changing its name and logo several times. Prince also has created more than a dozen affiliate companies, some of which are registered offshore and whose operations are shrouded in secrecy. According to Doe #2, “Prince created and operated this web of companies in order to obscure wrongdoing, fraud and other crimes.”
“For example, Mr. Prince transferred funds from one company (Blackwater) to another (Greystone) whenever necessary to avoid detection of his money laundering and tax evasion schemes.” He added: “Mr. Prince contributed his personal wealth to fund the operations of the Prince companies whenever he deemed such funding necessary. Likewise, Mr. Prince took funds out of the Prince companies and placed the funds in his personal accounts at will.”
Briefed on the substance of these allegations by The Nation, Congressman Dennis Kucinich replied, “If these allegations are true, Blackwater has been a criminal enterprise defrauding taxpayers and murdering innocent civilians.” Kucinich is on the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform and has been investigating Prince and Blackwater since 2004.
“Blackwater is a law unto itself, both internationally and domestically. The question is why they operated with impunity. In addition to Blackwater, we should be questioning their patrons in the previous administration who funded and employed this organization. Blackwater wouldn’t exist without federal patronage; these allegations should be thoroughly investigated,” Kucinich said.
A hearing before Judge Ellis in the civil cases against Blackwater is scheduled for August 7.
© 2009 The Nation. All rights reserved.
Article printed from Antiwar.com Original: http://original.antiwar.com
URL to article: http://original.antiwar.com/scahill/2009/08/04/blackwater-founder-implicated-in-murder/
04 August, 2009
OPPOSITION LEADER RELEASED.
MISNA
4 August 2009
Former reporter and opposition leader, Alexis Sinduhije, who was placed under house arrest last Sunday in Ruyigi (200 km east of Bujumbura) has been released. Sinduhije confirmed his release adding that he remains unaware of the reasons for his arrest. H says that nobody interrogated him; the chief of police called him this morning to inform him that he was free. Sinduhije has speculated that the arrest may have been promoted by the government party’s concerns over the elections planned for 2010 and for which the former reporter intends to run with this Movement for Solidarity and Development (MSD). Sinduhije was arrested last November, accused of having insulted the president of Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza; he was released in March thanks to international pressure.
4 August 2009
Former reporter and opposition leader, Alexis Sinduhije, who was placed under house arrest last Sunday in Ruyigi (200 km east of Bujumbura) has been released. Sinduhije confirmed his release adding that he remains unaware of the reasons for his arrest. H says that nobody interrogated him; the chief of police called him this morning to inform him that he was free. Sinduhije has speculated that the arrest may have been promoted by the government party’s concerns over the elections planned for 2010 and for which the former reporter intends to run with this Movement for Solidarity and Development (MSD). Sinduhije was arrested last November, accused of having insulted the president of Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza; he was released in March thanks to international pressure.
George Forrest to Fund Forsys Purchase in Two Weeks (Update1).
By Antony Sguazzin and Franz Wild
Aug. 4 2009
Bloomberg
George Forrest International Afrique Sprl, an operator of mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, signed a final accord to buy Forsys Metals Corp. and said it will obtain the necessary funds in two weeks.
“Funds will be unconditionally available,” the Wavre, Belgium-based company said in an e-mailed statement today.
Oakville, Ontario-based Forsys agreed on Nov. 14 to be bought by George Forrest for C$7 a share, or a total cash payment of about C$579 million ($542 million). The company last traded at C$4.74 a share on July 31 before trading was halted.
George Forrest International extended the closing date for the purchase in April and agreed to pay a C$20 million ($19 million) charge if the deal was called off. Forsys Metals, the developer of a uranium project in Namibia, said it accepted the extension because of tightness in credit markets.
George Forrest International is part of the Forrest Group, a closely held industrial company that produces cobalt in Congo, and has construction and manufacturing interests.
Aug. 4 2009
Bloomberg
George Forrest International Afrique Sprl, an operator of mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, signed a final accord to buy Forsys Metals Corp. and said it will obtain the necessary funds in two weeks.
“Funds will be unconditionally available,” the Wavre, Belgium-based company said in an e-mailed statement today.
Oakville, Ontario-based Forsys agreed on Nov. 14 to be bought by George Forrest for C$7 a share, or a total cash payment of about C$579 million ($542 million). The company last traded at C$4.74 a share on July 31 before trading was halted.
George Forrest International extended the closing date for the purchase in April and agreed to pay a C$20 million ($19 million) charge if the deal was called off. Forsys Metals, the developer of a uranium project in Namibia, said it accepted the extension because of tightness in credit markets.
George Forrest International is part of the Forrest Group, a closely held industrial company that produces cobalt in Congo, and has construction and manufacturing interests.
Madeleine Albright to head NATO's strategic debate.
DPA
3 August 2009
Madeleine Albright, the first woman to serve as US secretary of state, is to lead a group of 12 experts debating NATO's future strategy, the alliance's new secretary general said Monday.
'NATO needs a new strategic concept. ... I have appointed a group of 12 experts chaired by Madeleine Albright (to) consult as widely as possible in NATO and far beyond,' Anders Fogh Rasmussen said.
The last time the North Atlantic Treaty Organization drew up an overall strategy was in 1999, well before events such as the 2001 terrorist attacks on New York, the toppling of the Taliban in Afghanistan and the surge in pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden, which NATO is now fighting.
Albright and her vice-chair, Jeroen van der Veer, former head of Royal Dutch Shell, will therefore lead a debate on what challenges NATO will have to deal with over the next decade and how it should respond to them.
Their 10 expert colleagues include Britain's former defence minister Geoff Hoon, Turkey's former ambassador to NATO Umit Pamir, and the president of the French national library Bruno Racine, as well as a number of career diplomats.
NATO will also launch an online forum where ordinary citizens can make their suggestions, Rasmussen said.
The various suggestions will be passed on to NATO member states, with final approval of the new strategy expected at the alliance's next summit in Lisbon in late 2010.
3 August 2009
Madeleine Albright, the first woman to serve as US secretary of state, is to lead a group of 12 experts debating NATO's future strategy, the alliance's new secretary general said Monday.
'NATO needs a new strategic concept. ... I have appointed a group of 12 experts chaired by Madeleine Albright (to) consult as widely as possible in NATO and far beyond,' Anders Fogh Rasmussen said.
The last time the North Atlantic Treaty Organization drew up an overall strategy was in 1999, well before events such as the 2001 terrorist attacks on New York, the toppling of the Taliban in Afghanistan and the surge in pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden, which NATO is now fighting.
Albright and her vice-chair, Jeroen van der Veer, former head of Royal Dutch Shell, will therefore lead a debate on what challenges NATO will have to deal with over the next decade and how it should respond to them.
Their 10 expert colleagues include Britain's former defence minister Geoff Hoon, Turkey's former ambassador to NATO Umit Pamir, and the president of the French national library Bruno Racine, as well as a number of career diplomats.
NATO will also launch an online forum where ordinary citizens can make their suggestions, Rasmussen said.
The various suggestions will be passed on to NATO member states, with final approval of the new strategy expected at the alliance's next summit in Lisbon in late 2010.
02 August, 2009
US denim factory in Lesotho dumping chemicals.
IOL News
2 August 2009
A factory that produces jeans for US clothing retailers Gap and Levi Strauss is illegally dumping chemical waste in Lesotho, posing a major hazard to children, the Sunday Times reported here.
The weekly paper said it had discovered that the plant, operated by Taiwanese firm Nien Hsing, was pouring dark blue effluent into a river used for cooking and bathing.
The paper also alleged that the firm was dumping needles, razors and harmful chemicals at two municipal dumps that attract young children who search for pieces of clothing to sell.
Many of the children worked up to 10 hours per day and complained of ailments that included breathing difficulties, weeping eyes and skin rashes.
Both Gap and Levi Strauss have ordered immediate investigations, the paper reported.
Gap claimed it had put the factory on notice to improve, while Levi Strauss said it was "disturbed" by the findings, said the report.
2 August 2009
A factory that produces jeans for US clothing retailers Gap and Levi Strauss is illegally dumping chemical waste in Lesotho, posing a major hazard to children, the Sunday Times reported here.
The weekly paper said it had discovered that the plant, operated by Taiwanese firm Nien Hsing, was pouring dark blue effluent into a river used for cooking and bathing.
The paper also alleged that the firm was dumping needles, razors and harmful chemicals at two municipal dumps that attract young children who search for pieces of clothing to sell.
Many of the children worked up to 10 hours per day and complained of ailments that included breathing difficulties, weeping eyes and skin rashes.
Both Gap and Levi Strauss have ordered immediate investigations, the paper reported.
Gap claimed it had put the factory on notice to improve, while Levi Strauss said it was "disturbed" by the findings, said the report.
List of Bishops and Priests Allegedly Murdered by the RPA in Rwanda.
1-Mgr. Vincent Nsengiyumva, Archbishop of Kigali
2-Mgr. Thaddee Nsengiyumva, Bishop of Kabgayi
3-Mgr.Joseph Ruzindana, Bishop of Byumba
Vicars:
1-Mgr. Innocent Gasabwoya, former vicar general of Kabgayi
2-Mgr. Felix Kabayiza, former vicar of Kigali Archdiocese
3-Mgr. Louis Gasore, former vicar general of Nyundo
Priests of Kigali Diocese:
1-Abbot Joseph Harelimana
2-Abbot Ananie Rugasira
3-Abbot Canisius Ndekezi
4-Abbot Alexandre Ngeze
Priests of Butare Diocese:
1-Abbot Firmin Butera
2-Abbot Justin Furaha
3-Abbot Isaie Habakurama
4-Abbot Fidele Hakizimana
5-Abbot Etienne Kabera
6-Abbot Alexis Kayumba
7-Abbot Francois Munyangabe
8-Abbot Christophe Munyampanzi
9-Abbot Felicien Muvara
10-Abbot Charles Ncogoza
11-Abbot Mathieu Ngirumpatse
12-Abbot Francois Ngomirakiza
13-Abbot Callixte Nkeshumpatse
14-Abbot Augustin Nkurikiyumukiza
15-Abbot Second Ntibaziga
16-Abbot Innocent Nyangezi
17-Abbot Tharcisse Rubingiza
18-Abbot Jean Bosco Yirirwahandi
19-Abbot Pascal Yirirwahandi
20-Abbot Boniface Musoni
21-Abbot Jean Ntiyamira
22-Abbot Vital Rutayire
23-Abbot Jean Semuliro
Priests of Byumba Diocese:
1-Abbot Thaddee Cyiza
2-Abbot Alexis Havugimana
3-Abbot Joseph Hitimana
4-Abbot Augustin Mashyenderi
5-Abbot Gaspard Mudashimwa(Grand Father)
6-Abbot Ladislas Muhayemungu
7-Abbot P.Celestin Muhayimana
8-Abbe Fidele Mulinda
9-Abbe Faustin Mulindwa
10-Abbot Denys Mundayarwo
11-Abbot Mathias Nabuzehose
12-Abbot Christian Nkiriyehe
13-Abbot Athanase Nkundabanyanga
Priests of Cyangugu Diocese:
1-Abbot Joseph Boneza
2-Abbot Ignace Mubashankwaya
Priests of Gikongoro Diocese:
1-Abbot Straton Gakwaya
2-Abbot Boniface Kanyoni
3-Abbot Canisius Mulinzi
4-Abbot Aloys Musoni
5-Abbot Pierre Ngoga
6-Abbot J.M.Vianney Niyirema
7-Abbot Joseph Niyomugabo
8-Abbe Irene Nyamwasa
9-Abbot Alfred Nzabakurana
10-Abbot J.M.Vianney Rwanyabuto
11-Abbot J.M.Vianney Sebera
12-Abbot Callixte Uwitonze
Priests of Kabgayi Diocese:
1-Abbot Fidele Gahonzire
2-Abbot Tharcisse Gakuba
3-Abbot Alfred Kayibanda
4-Abbot Alphonse Mbuguje
5-Abbot F.Xavier Muligo
6-Abbot Callixte Musonera
7-Abbot Sylvestre Ndabiretse
8-Abbot Jeremie Nduwabike
9-Abbot P.Celestin Niwenshuti
10-Abbot Pie Ntahobari
11-Abbot Bernard Ntamugabumwe
12-Abbot J.M.Vianney Rusingizandekwe (Former spiritual priest of Gregoire Kayibanda)
13-Abbot Jean Baptiste Ruzigana
14-Abbot Francois Twagirimana
15-Abbot Uwimana Emmanuel
16-Mgr.J.M.Vianney Rwabirinda
17-Abbot Miche Gigi
Priests of Kibungo Diocese:
1-Abbot Joseph Gatare
2-Abbot Elisee Mpongano
3-Abbot Jean Bosco Munyaneza
4-Abbot Evode Mwanangu
5-Abbot Michel Nsengiyumva
6-Abbot Justin Ruterandongozi
Priests of Nyundo Diocese:
1-Abbot Mathias Gahinda
2-Abbot Edouard Gakwandi (Philosoph)
3-Abbot Silas Gaskae
4-Abbot Albert Gashema
5-Abbot Cyprien Gasimba
6-Abbot Thaddee Gatore
7-Abbot Antoine Habiyambere
8-Abbot Spiridion Kageyo
9-Abbot Callixte Kalisa
10-AAbbot Clement Kanyabusozo
11-Abbot Ferdinand Karekezi
12-Abbot Paul Kesenne (surname: CYIZANYE, Belgian Nationality)
13-AAbbot Robert Matajyabo
14-Abbot Denys Mutabazi (Founder of Inyemeramihigo de Gisenyi College)
15-Abbot Sylvere Mutiganda
16-Abbot Herman Mwambari
17-Abbot Alfred Niyitegeka (Former Rector of G.S. of Rutongo)
18-Abbot Antoine Niyitegeka
19-Abbot Augustin Nkezabera
20-Abbe Venuste Nsengiyumva
21-Abbot Augustin Ntagara
22-AAbbot Vedaste Nyiribakwe
23-Abbot Adrien Nzanana
24-Abbot Aloys Nzaramba
25-Abbot Innocent Ruberizesa
26-Abbot Abbe Theophile Rutagengwa
27-Abbot Francois Rwigenza
28-Abbot Abbe Deogratias Rwivanga
29-Abbot Narcisse Sebasare
30-AAbbot Joseph Sekabaraga
31-Abbot Boniface Senyenzi
32-Abbot Deogratias Twagirayezu
33-Abbot Twagirayezu Urbain
34-Mgr. Jean Ntirivamunda (Dean and Priest of Murunda)
Priests of Ruhengeri Diocese :
1-Abbot Boniface Kagabo
2-Abbot Jerome Sembagare
Foreign missionaries in Rwanda:
1-Priest ANDRE CALOONE
2-Priest GUY PINARD
3-Priest CLAUDE SIMARD
4-Priest JOAQUIM VALLMAJO (Spanish)
Jesuit Priests and Brothers:
1-Priest PATRICK GAHIZI
2-Priest CHYSOLOGUE MAHAME
3-Priest INNOCENT RUTAGAMBWA
4-Priest GASENGE
Franciscan Priest:
1-Priest VJEKO CURIC
Priest Fdei Donum:
1-Priest UZCUDUM ISIDRO
2-Mgr. Thaddee Nsengiyumva, Bishop of Kabgayi
3-Mgr.Joseph Ruzindana, Bishop of Byumba
Vicars:
1-Mgr. Innocent Gasabwoya, former vicar general of Kabgayi
2-Mgr. Felix Kabayiza, former vicar of Kigali Archdiocese
3-Mgr. Louis Gasore, former vicar general of Nyundo
Priests of Kigali Diocese:
1-Abbot Joseph Harelimana
2-Abbot Ananie Rugasira
3-Abbot Canisius Ndekezi
4-Abbot Alexandre Ngeze
Priests of Butare Diocese:
1-Abbot Firmin Butera
2-Abbot Justin Furaha
3-Abbot Isaie Habakurama
4-Abbot Fidele Hakizimana
5-Abbot Etienne Kabera
6-Abbot Alexis Kayumba
7-Abbot Francois Munyangabe
8-Abbot Christophe Munyampanzi
9-Abbot Felicien Muvara
10-Abbot Charles Ncogoza
11-Abbot Mathieu Ngirumpatse
12-Abbot Francois Ngomirakiza
13-Abbot Callixte Nkeshumpatse
14-Abbot Augustin Nkurikiyumukiza
15-Abbot Second Ntibaziga
16-Abbot Innocent Nyangezi
17-Abbot Tharcisse Rubingiza
18-Abbot Jean Bosco Yirirwahandi
19-Abbot Pascal Yirirwahandi
20-Abbot Boniface Musoni
21-Abbot Jean Ntiyamira
22-Abbot Vital Rutayire
23-Abbot Jean Semuliro
Priests of Byumba Diocese:
1-Abbot Thaddee Cyiza
2-Abbot Alexis Havugimana
3-Abbot Joseph Hitimana
4-Abbot Augustin Mashyenderi
5-Abbot Gaspard Mudashimwa(Grand Father)
6-Abbot Ladislas Muhayemungu
7-Abbot P.Celestin Muhayimana
8-Abbe Fidele Mulinda
9-Abbe Faustin Mulindwa
10-Abbot Denys Mundayarwo
11-Abbot Mathias Nabuzehose
12-Abbot Christian Nkiriyehe
13-Abbot Athanase Nkundabanyanga
Priests of Cyangugu Diocese:
1-Abbot Joseph Boneza
2-Abbot Ignace Mubashankwaya
Priests of Gikongoro Diocese:
1-Abbot Straton Gakwaya
2-Abbot Boniface Kanyoni
3-Abbot Canisius Mulinzi
4-Abbot Aloys Musoni
5-Abbot Pierre Ngoga
6-Abbot J.M.Vianney Niyirema
7-Abbot Joseph Niyomugabo
8-Abbe Irene Nyamwasa
9-Abbot Alfred Nzabakurana
10-Abbot J.M.Vianney Rwanyabuto
11-Abbot J.M.Vianney Sebera
12-Abbot Callixte Uwitonze
Priests of Kabgayi Diocese:
1-Abbot Fidele Gahonzire
2-Abbot Tharcisse Gakuba
3-Abbot Alfred Kayibanda
4-Abbot Alphonse Mbuguje
5-Abbot F.Xavier Muligo
6-Abbot Callixte Musonera
7-Abbot Sylvestre Ndabiretse
8-Abbot Jeremie Nduwabike
9-Abbot P.Celestin Niwenshuti
10-Abbot Pie Ntahobari
11-Abbot Bernard Ntamugabumwe
12-Abbot J.M.Vianney Rusingizandekwe (Former spiritual priest of Gregoire Kayibanda)
13-Abbot Jean Baptiste Ruzigana
14-Abbot Francois Twagirimana
15-Abbot Uwimana Emmanuel
16-Mgr.J.M.Vianney Rwabirinda
17-Abbot Miche Gigi
Priests of Kibungo Diocese:
1-Abbot Joseph Gatare
2-Abbot Elisee Mpongano
3-Abbot Jean Bosco Munyaneza
4-Abbot Evode Mwanangu
5-Abbot Michel Nsengiyumva
6-Abbot Justin Ruterandongozi
Priests of Nyundo Diocese:
1-Abbot Mathias Gahinda
2-Abbot Edouard Gakwandi (Philosoph)
3-Abbot Silas Gaskae
4-Abbot Albert Gashema
5-Abbot Cyprien Gasimba
6-Abbot Thaddee Gatore
7-Abbot Antoine Habiyambere
8-Abbot Spiridion Kageyo
9-Abbot Callixte Kalisa
10-AAbbot Clement Kanyabusozo
11-Abbot Ferdinand Karekezi
12-Abbot Paul Kesenne (surname: CYIZANYE, Belgian Nationality)
13-AAbbot Robert Matajyabo
14-Abbot Denys Mutabazi (Founder of Inyemeramihigo de Gisenyi College)
15-Abbot Sylvere Mutiganda
16-Abbot Herman Mwambari
17-Abbot Alfred Niyitegeka (Former Rector of G.S. of Rutongo)
18-Abbot Antoine Niyitegeka
19-Abbot Augustin Nkezabera
20-Abbe Venuste Nsengiyumva
21-Abbot Augustin Ntagara
22-AAbbot Vedaste Nyiribakwe
23-Abbot Adrien Nzanana
24-Abbot Aloys Nzaramba
25-Abbot Innocent Ruberizesa
26-Abbot Abbe Theophile Rutagengwa
27-Abbot Francois Rwigenza
28-Abbot Abbe Deogratias Rwivanga
29-Abbot Narcisse Sebasare
30-AAbbot Joseph Sekabaraga
31-Abbot Boniface Senyenzi
32-Abbot Deogratias Twagirayezu
33-Abbot Twagirayezu Urbain
34-Mgr. Jean Ntirivamunda (Dean and Priest of Murunda)
Priests of Ruhengeri Diocese :
1-Abbot Boniface Kagabo
2-Abbot Jerome Sembagare
Foreign missionaries in Rwanda:
1-Priest ANDRE CALOONE
2-Priest GUY PINARD
3-Priest CLAUDE SIMARD
4-Priest JOAQUIM VALLMAJO (Spanish)
Jesuit Priests and Brothers:
1-Priest PATRICK GAHIZI
2-Priest CHYSOLOGUE MAHAME
3-Priest INNOCENT RUTAGAMBWA
4-Priest GASENGE
Franciscan Priest:
1-Priest VJEKO CURIC
Priest Fdei Donum:
1-Priest UZCUDUM ISIDRO
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