The New Times
27 February 2010
By Edwin Musoni
KIGALI - The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa is no longer the Rwandan High Commissioner to India.
Gen. Kayumba defected from his duties yesterday and is alleged to be in Uganda.
A statement from the ministry indicates that Gen. Nyamwasa ‘ceases to represent Rwanda to India and any—and all other countries or institutions, with immediate effect.’
“Prior to his defection, Nyamwasa was questioned by Rwandan investigative authorities on serious criminal charges,” reads the Statement.
“According to confirmed information available, Nyamwasa is currently in the Republic of Uganda.”
It added that the government was initiating a legal process to seek his apprehension and extradition.
Military and Defence Spokesman, Maj. Jill Rutaremara, said that Gen. Nyamwasa crossed to Uganda from Rwanda through smuggler’s routes in Kagitumba and linked with his driver across the border.
27 February, 2010
The Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda Call for Open Political Space.
Press Release
The Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda, which brings together the United Democratic Forces–Inkingi, Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, and Le Parti Social-IMBERAKURI, is deeply disturbed with a warning letter issued yesterday, 25th February 2010, by the Minister of Local Government, Mr. James Musoni, to politicians in Rwanda.
The Hon. Minister Musoni is flogging a dead horse. What he says is common knowledge. We are law-abiding citizens and have always been committed to respecting the law and the Constitution. However, the letter seems to place limits on the little political space that has started to be visible in Rwanda.
This seems to be an attempt aimed at muzzling the democratic right to freedom of expression under the pretext of using the law. The Hon. Minister is stretching the interpretation of the constitution to its widest limits. This is intended to intimidate people into silence and muzzle freedom of speech.
If the RPF Government is bent on silencing the opposition, it should not use the constitution. This is abuse of process. It’s in the RPF’s interests to open up political space.
The Hon. Minister is quite right in reminding us of the law. But what prompted such a reminder? Hopefully, we shall be getting reminders every month as election fever heats up.
This alarm raises serious concerns about the shadows, interpretations, and limits of the current laws on political parties. In this context, the absence of political dialogue between the government and the opposition parties is harmful to the country’s governance. Local political actors and international partners of Rwanda urgently need to assess these risks and facilitate a national political dialogue. Otherwise, the political space will remain ultimately and hermetically sealed off at this most crucial time.
The Ministry of Local Government is playing a key role in the democratisation process, especially in handling the authorization of political meetings, registering political parties, and following up on violations of law.
Authorisations for political parties to hold their founding congresses have been constantly denied for no reason. Political leaders have been attacked and beaten in government offices while political parties are being harassed by the police and security services. These are obvious signs of a political deadlock.
The United Democratic Forces' constitutional congress has been postponed because the local authorities failed to respond to the application we submitted.
The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda was also forbidden to hold its congress by the local administration on unclear grounds of security.
The future of the Parti Social-IMBERAKURI is at stake as well because of dissolution threats.
We call upon the Government of Rwanda to prove its willingness to open up political space and let multi-party politics flourish as a matter of extreme urgency. A political dialogue with the opposition and other stakeholders is most urgently needed.
We would also like to inform the Rwandan public that these three parties, by forming a common platform (Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties) did not break any law since they did not form a coalition or a political party forum. This is a political right as stipulated in the constitution. We simply used our freedom of association.
Done on 26 February 2010,
Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
FDU/UDF-INKINGI
Mr. Frank Habineza
Democratic Green Party of Rwanda
Maître Bernard Ntaganda
Parti Social-Imberakuri
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Editor's Note: A political coalition is provided for in Rwanda's Political Parties Law of 2003, but it only works for elections and only for registered parties. The Rwandan Constitution provides for a political party forum. It says any registered party must be a member of the forum, but the one Rwanda has now is controlled by the RPF. Therefore, the registered PS-Imberakuri is already a member, it had no choice. Failure to join it would be breaking the constitution. The Chairman of the Political Forum claimed on Monday that the unregistered political parties broke the law by joining with a registered party in the forum.
The Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda, which brings together the United Democratic Forces–Inkingi, Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, and Le Parti Social-IMBERAKURI, is deeply disturbed with a warning letter issued yesterday, 25th February 2010, by the Minister of Local Government, Mr. James Musoni, to politicians in Rwanda.
The Hon. Minister Musoni is flogging a dead horse. What he says is common knowledge. We are law-abiding citizens and have always been committed to respecting the law and the Constitution. However, the letter seems to place limits on the little political space that has started to be visible in Rwanda.
This seems to be an attempt aimed at muzzling the democratic right to freedom of expression under the pretext of using the law. The Hon. Minister is stretching the interpretation of the constitution to its widest limits. This is intended to intimidate people into silence and muzzle freedom of speech.
If the RPF Government is bent on silencing the opposition, it should not use the constitution. This is abuse of process. It’s in the RPF’s interests to open up political space.
The Hon. Minister is quite right in reminding us of the law. But what prompted such a reminder? Hopefully, we shall be getting reminders every month as election fever heats up.
This alarm raises serious concerns about the shadows, interpretations, and limits of the current laws on political parties. In this context, the absence of political dialogue between the government and the opposition parties is harmful to the country’s governance. Local political actors and international partners of Rwanda urgently need to assess these risks and facilitate a national political dialogue. Otherwise, the political space will remain ultimately and hermetically sealed off at this most crucial time.
The Ministry of Local Government is playing a key role in the democratisation process, especially in handling the authorization of political meetings, registering political parties, and following up on violations of law.
Authorisations for political parties to hold their founding congresses have been constantly denied for no reason. Political leaders have been attacked and beaten in government offices while political parties are being harassed by the police and security services. These are obvious signs of a political deadlock.
The United Democratic Forces' constitutional congress has been postponed because the local authorities failed to respond to the application we submitted.
The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda was also forbidden to hold its congress by the local administration on unclear grounds of security.
The future of the Parti Social-IMBERAKURI is at stake as well because of dissolution threats.
We call upon the Government of Rwanda to prove its willingness to open up political space and let multi-party politics flourish as a matter of extreme urgency. A political dialogue with the opposition and other stakeholders is most urgently needed.
We would also like to inform the Rwandan public that these three parties, by forming a common platform (Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties) did not break any law since they did not form a coalition or a political party forum. This is a political right as stipulated in the constitution. We simply used our freedom of association.
Done on 26 February 2010,
Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
FDU/UDF-INKINGI
Mr. Frank Habineza
Democratic Green Party of Rwanda
Maître Bernard Ntaganda
Parti Social-Imberakuri
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Editor's Note: A political coalition is provided for in Rwanda's Political Parties Law of 2003, but it only works for elections and only for registered parties. The Rwandan Constitution provides for a political party forum. It says any registered party must be a member of the forum, but the one Rwanda has now is controlled by the RPF. Therefore, the registered PS-Imberakuri is already a member, it had no choice. Failure to join it would be breaking the constitution. The Chairman of the Political Forum claimed on Monday that the unregistered political parties broke the law by joining with a registered party in the forum.
26 February, 2010
The unofficial translation of the framework agreement between government and JEM.
23 February 2010
A prelude:
The Government of Sudan and the Justice and Equality Movement, within their serious commitment to reach a lasting solution to the conflict in Darfur;
Convinced about the urgent need to reach a comprehensive peace agreement that will put an end to the tragedy in Darfur;
Crowning huge efforts that the leadership of Qatar has been exerting, with the generous supervision of His Highness Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani the Emir of Qatar;
Reinforcing the good joint international mediation efforts, and in accordance with the principles and charters of the United Nations and the charters of the African Union and the Arab League and the Cen Sad countries relative to the resolution of the conflict by peaceful means;
Keen on the need to realize a just and lasting peace all over the Sudanese territories, and in Darfur in particular and to preserve the unity of the Sudan;
Desirous to work together for a balanced development of the Sudanese nation based on the diversity and particularity of the various Sudanese regions and for security the social and economic progress for all and the full practice of the basic fundamental freedoms based on equality between the citizens based on peace;
Taking into consideration the Interim Constitution of the Government of the Sudan and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in Naivasha, in January 2005, the good will accord and the Confidence Building Agreement for the Settlement of Darfur Question signed in Doha between the Government of National Unity and the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement on the 17th of Feb 2009;
Convinced with the clear need of the Government of Sudan and of the Justice and Equality Movement;
The Government of the Sudan and the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement have agreed on the following:
Article 1
Declare a ceasefire and engage immediately into negotiations for agreement on its application.
Article 2
Issue a general amnesty on members of the Sudanese justice and equality movement and on the civilians and military men and release all war prisoners and convicted on both sides after the signing of this agreement.
Article 3
The participation of the Justice and Equality Movement in all levels of the government in accordance with the method and be agreed upon by the two parties.
Article 4
The Justice and Equality Movement change into a political party immediately after the signing of a final and comprehensive agreement.
Article 5
Inclusion of the forces of justice and equality movement into the Armed forces, the security forces, and the united police force, according to what the two sides agree upon and this procedure will be preceded by assembly and training of those forces in sites according to the mechanisms and the methods to be agreed upon by the two sides.
Article 6
The Government of Sudan shall be responsible for all the costs needed during the assembly and the training of the forces of the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement.
Article 7
All members dismissed military and civilians of the justice and equality movement shall be restored to service and will be placed with their peer in a way to be agreed upon by the two sides.
Article 8
The government of the Sudan shall be committed to compensate the internally displaced persons and the refugees and all the persons affected because of the conflict in Darfur, in an equitable manner, and the government shall be committed to ensure the right for voluntary return of all the internally displaced persons, and the refugees to their original home areas and shall be committed to establish the services institutions and the infrastructures that would secure a decent life for them.
Article 9
The issue of the administrative reorganization of Darfur shall be submitted to negotiations between the two sides to reach a final agreement therein.
Article 10
The issue of wealth division shall be subjected to further negotiations between the two parties for reaching a final agreement, equally the question of the lands and the Hawakeer and any other issues for realization of peace, that the two parties see necessary for completion of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
Article 11
The implementation of this agreement is based on the good intents and the basis of the collective responsibilty and political partnership in accordance with principles and the national issues that binds the two parties.
Article 12
The final agreement and the additional implementation protocols and the negotiations there in and the signatures shall take place in Doha prior to the 15th of March 2010.
Written in the Qatari capital of Doha on the 23rd of February 2010,
For the government of the Sudan:
Dr. Amin Hassan Omar, State Minister at the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sorts.
For the Sudanese justice and equality movement (JEM):
Ahmed Mohamed Tugud Lissan, the Secretary for Negotiation Affairs and Peace.
Witnessed for the State of Qatar:
Ahmed Bin Abdullah Al Mahmood, the state Minister for the Foreign Affair, member of the council of ministers.
For the joint AU- UN mediation:
Djibriel Basole,
Joint mediator
MA/MA
A prelude:
The Government of Sudan and the Justice and Equality Movement, within their serious commitment to reach a lasting solution to the conflict in Darfur;
Convinced about the urgent need to reach a comprehensive peace agreement that will put an end to the tragedy in Darfur;
Crowning huge efforts that the leadership of Qatar has been exerting, with the generous supervision of His Highness Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani the Emir of Qatar;
Reinforcing the good joint international mediation efforts, and in accordance with the principles and charters of the United Nations and the charters of the African Union and the Arab League and the Cen Sad countries relative to the resolution of the conflict by peaceful means;
Keen on the need to realize a just and lasting peace all over the Sudanese territories, and in Darfur in particular and to preserve the unity of the Sudan;
Desirous to work together for a balanced development of the Sudanese nation based on the diversity and particularity of the various Sudanese regions and for security the social and economic progress for all and the full practice of the basic fundamental freedoms based on equality between the citizens based on peace;
Taking into consideration the Interim Constitution of the Government of the Sudan and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in Naivasha, in January 2005, the good will accord and the Confidence Building Agreement for the Settlement of Darfur Question signed in Doha between the Government of National Unity and the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement on the 17th of Feb 2009;
Convinced with the clear need of the Government of Sudan and of the Justice and Equality Movement;
The Government of the Sudan and the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement have agreed on the following:
Article 1
Declare a ceasefire and engage immediately into negotiations for agreement on its application.
Article 2
Issue a general amnesty on members of the Sudanese justice and equality movement and on the civilians and military men and release all war prisoners and convicted on both sides after the signing of this agreement.
Article 3
The participation of the Justice and Equality Movement in all levels of the government in accordance with the method and be agreed upon by the two parties.
Article 4
The Justice and Equality Movement change into a political party immediately after the signing of a final and comprehensive agreement.
Article 5
Inclusion of the forces of justice and equality movement into the Armed forces, the security forces, and the united police force, according to what the two sides agree upon and this procedure will be preceded by assembly and training of those forces in sites according to the mechanisms and the methods to be agreed upon by the two sides.
Article 6
The Government of Sudan shall be responsible for all the costs needed during the assembly and the training of the forces of the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement.
Article 7
All members dismissed military and civilians of the justice and equality movement shall be restored to service and will be placed with their peer in a way to be agreed upon by the two sides.
Article 8
The government of the Sudan shall be committed to compensate the internally displaced persons and the refugees and all the persons affected because of the conflict in Darfur, in an equitable manner, and the government shall be committed to ensure the right for voluntary return of all the internally displaced persons, and the refugees to their original home areas and shall be committed to establish the services institutions and the infrastructures that would secure a decent life for them.
Article 9
The issue of the administrative reorganization of Darfur shall be submitted to negotiations between the two sides to reach a final agreement therein.
Article 10
The issue of wealth division shall be subjected to further negotiations between the two parties for reaching a final agreement, equally the question of the lands and the Hawakeer and any other issues for realization of peace, that the two parties see necessary for completion of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
Article 11
The implementation of this agreement is based on the good intents and the basis of the collective responsibilty and political partnership in accordance with principles and the national issues that binds the two parties.
Article 12
The final agreement and the additional implementation protocols and the negotiations there in and the signatures shall take place in Doha prior to the 15th of March 2010.
Written in the Qatari capital of Doha on the 23rd of February 2010,
For the government of the Sudan:
Dr. Amin Hassan Omar, State Minister at the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sorts.
For the Sudanese justice and equality movement (JEM):
Ahmed Mohamed Tugud Lissan, the Secretary for Negotiation Affairs and Peace.
Witnessed for the State of Qatar:
Ahmed Bin Abdullah Al Mahmood, the state Minister for the Foreign Affair, member of the council of ministers.
For the joint AU- UN mediation:
Djibriel Basole,
Joint mediator
MA/MA
La Russie voudrait créer une école supérieure de formation des cadres en gaz et pétrole en RDC.
ACP/MCN
26 February 2010
Le représentant spécial du Président de la Fédération de Russie, M. Vassiliev Alevey, a déclaré jeudi à l'issue d'une audience lui accordée par le ministre de l'Enseignement supérieur et universitaire (ESU), le Pr Léonard Mashako Mamba le renforcement de la coopération entre la RDC et la Russie dans la formation des cadres en gaz et pétrole et dans divers autres domaines.
M. Vassilen Alevey qui était accompagné de l'ambassadeur russe en RDC, M. Anatoly Klimenko, a fait savoir que la Russie, disposant de plusieurs universités dans ce domaine, devra appuyer la RDC pour la relève des cadres en gaz et pétrole. Il a affirmé également avoir échangé avec le ministre Mashako sur la possibilité d'implanter de Chaire russe pour promouvoir les langues et les civilisations russes ainsi que la participation de la Fédération de Russie aux manifestations du cinquantenaire de l'indépendance de la RDC.
26 February 2010
Le représentant spécial du Président de la Fédération de Russie, M. Vassiliev Alevey, a déclaré jeudi à l'issue d'une audience lui accordée par le ministre de l'Enseignement supérieur et universitaire (ESU), le Pr Léonard Mashako Mamba le renforcement de la coopération entre la RDC et la Russie dans la formation des cadres en gaz et pétrole et dans divers autres domaines.
M. Vassilen Alevey qui était accompagné de l'ambassadeur russe en RDC, M. Anatoly Klimenko, a fait savoir que la Russie, disposant de plusieurs universités dans ce domaine, devra appuyer la RDC pour la relève des cadres en gaz et pétrole. Il a affirmé également avoir échangé avec le ministre Mashako sur la possibilité d'implanter de Chaire russe pour promouvoir les langues et les civilisations russes ainsi que la participation de la Fédération de Russie aux manifestations du cinquantenaire de l'indépendance de la RDC.
CLIIR Memorandum on Polilical Oppression and Intimidation.
CENTRE DE LUTTE CONTRE L’IMPUNITE
ET L’INJUSTICE AU RWANDA (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227 Bruxelles, le 24 février 2010.
1080 BRUXELLES
Tél/Fax : 32.81.60.11.13
GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
Mail : cliir2004@yahoo.fr
Mémorandum n°4/2010 adressé au Gouvernement et aux parlementaires britanniques, américains et belges sur l’assassinat, les agressions physiques, les harcèlements, les emprisonnements et les persécutions dirigés contre les opposants politiques du Rwanda.
En tant que rescapés des génocides et des massacres perpétrés au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), nous demandons l’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain, belge et leurs alliés occidentaux pour faire libérer les nombreux prisonniers politiques détenus dans les prisons du Rwanda. Dans ce quatrième mémorandum du 24/02/2010, nous nous limiterons sur l’assassinat, les agressions physiques, les harcèlements, les emprisonnements et les persécutions dirigés contre les opposants politiques du Rwanda. Depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), l’homme fort du Rwanda, le général Paul KAGAME, n’a jamais cessé de faire assassiner, d’agresser physiquement et de harceler dans les médias pro-FPR, d’emprisonner et de persécuter ses opposants politiques réels ou supposés. En muselant les opposants politiques, il a également muselé la Société Civile Rwandaise en commençant par décapiter l’Eglise catholique et les principales Coopératives et Associations rwandaises pour installer un régime de terreur qui dure depuis plus de 15 ans. C’est ce climat de terreur qui lui assure l’impunité totale avec ses chefs militaires et politiques du FPR impliqués dans les crimes de génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité et les crimes de guerre. Durant toute l’année 2010, nous reviendrons souvent sur le thème de l’impunité qui est le ferment de toutes les violations massives des droits humains au Rwanda et en RDC.
L’impunité assurée à un petit noyau de chefs militaires et politiques du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR) a permis à ce noyau de contrôler, de paralyser et d’instrumentaliser toutes les institutions officielles de l’Etat Rwandais (à savoir le gouvernement, le parlement, la magistrature, l’armée, la police et la milice appelée Local Defense Forces (LDF), etc.). Dès que les institutions d’un Etat sont complètement contrôlées et paralysées par des criminels impliqués dans des crimes de génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité et des crimes de guerre, l’Etat de droit disparaît, la terreur, l’impunité et l’injustice s’installent définitivement. Le peuple est pris en otage par un petit groupe d’individus qui élimine, terrorise et rançonne n’importe quel citoyen. Aucun peuple ne peut survivre dans des conditions pareilles surtout lorsqu’elles perdurent depuis plus de 15 ans.
Les plus récentes attaques contre les opposants politiques:
Le lundi 22 février 2010, Mme Victoire INGABIRE Umuhoza, présidente des FDU (Forces Démocratiques Unies), a dû consulter l’Ambassade britannique à Kigali au Rwanda pendant quelques heures. Elle avait été convoquée pour la 3ème fois en deux semaines par le département de la police criminelle à Kigali (the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). Elle est retournée à son domicile dans l’après-midi. Mais les harcelements de la police continuent.
Le Dimanche 21 février 2010, pendant son congrès extraordinaire tenu à son siège à Nyamirambo dans la capitale Rwandaise, Kigali, le Parti Social Imberakuri (PSI) a été attaqué par un groupe d’individus qui ont cassé les vitres des fenêtres de leurs locaux. La police a laissé faire et n’a arrêté personne parmi les agresseurs qui ont fui à la vue des journalistes occidentaux qui ont été alertés par les ambassades occidentales à Kigali.
Le mercredi 3 février 2010, Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Présidente et Candidate des FDU-Inkingi à l’élection présidentielle rwandaise d’août 2010, accompagnée d’un membre de notre équipe, M. Joseph Ntawangundi ont été lynchés ce jour à midi dans l’enceinte de l’administration publique par une horde de malfaiteurs agissant sur commande du pouvoir. Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza a réussi à se réfugier in extremis dans un lieu sûr et a pu être évacuée par son chauffeur. Dans sa fuite, à la recherche d’un abri, elle s’est vue arracher son sac à mains dans lequel figuraient son passeport ainsi que la carte d’identité qui lui avait été délivrée la veille. Mr Joseph Ntawangundi qui s’était entreposé pour permettre à la Présidente des FDU Inkingi de s’échapper des agresseurs est resté dans les mains de ces derniers, lesquels ont continué à le tabasser, lui causant des contusions graves dans les côtes et aux jambes.
Le samedi 6 février 2010, Monsieur Joseph Ntawangundi a été arrêté et détenu à la brigade judiciaire de Remera (Kigali) par la police rwandaise, sous prétexte qu’il aurait été condamné par contumace à 19 ans de prison par un tribunal GACACA. Nous tenons à rappeler qu’au moment de son arrestation, M. Joseph Ntawangundi commençait à peine à se rétablir des blessures subies le 3 Février 2010 (vers midi) à la suite des agressions dans les locaux de l’Administration publique du secteur administratif de Kinyinya. Les FDU ont déclaré qu’il n’était pas au Rwanda pendant le génocide. En effet, M. Joseph Ntawangundi a quitté le Rwanda en 1986 pour des études en Pologne (Wroclaw). Il est retourné au Rwanda en 1992 où il a travaillé à la Centrale des syndicats des travailleurs du Rwanda « CESTRAR » à Kigali durant une année. En 1993, il a de nouveau quitté le Rwanda pour travailler à la Confédération Internationale des syndicats libres (ICFTU-AFRO); une organisation syndicale régionale africaine sise à Nairobi au Kenya. Il était chargé de formation et de recherche jusqu'en 2002.
Durant le Week end du 26 au 27 décembre 2009, le Parti Social Imberakuri a été empêché, par la police rwandaise, d’installer ces nouveaux bureaux et son drapeau dans les quatre provinces du pays. De la sorte, ce parti est condamné à travailler à son seul siège à Kigali.
Le 30 octobre 2009, le Parti Démocratique Vert du Rwanda (Democratic Green Party of Rwanda) a été attaqué par un groupe d’individus pendant son congrès constitutif tenu au Centre Pastoral Saint Paul à Kigali. La police n’est pas intervenue pour les neutraliser. Ceux qui ont été arrêté ont été relâchés une heure plus tard et la police cache leur identité. Le congrès a été interrompu et les adhérents ont été blessés par les agresseurs à coups de chaise. Depuis cette agression, plusieurs adhérents du Parti Démocratique Vert du Rwanda, dont son président Monsieur Frank HABINEZA, ont été régulièrement agressé physiquement et verbalement par des individus proches du parti au pouvoir, le FPR.
Antécédents: Des assassinats, des emprisonnements et des agressions antérieurs contre les opposants politiques:
Pour illustrer la gravité des assassinats politiques, des agressions physiques et diverses persécutions dirigées contre les opposants politiques réels ou supposés au Rwanda, nous allons énumérer, ci-après, les faits suivants par ordre chronologique:
Le 16 janvier 1998: L’ancien Ministre de l’Intérieur, Seth SENDASHONGA a été assassiné à Naïrobi au Kenya. Il avait fondé avec l’ancien premier ministre, Faustin TWAGIRAMUNGU, les Forces de Résistance pour la Démocratie (FRD) dont le siège se trouvait à Naïrobi au moment de son assassinat. Quelques années plutôt l’ancien député du FPR, le colonel Théoneste LIZINDE, avait été assassiné à Naïrobi le 6 octobre 1996 en compagnie de son ami, le commerçant Augustin BUGILIMFURA. D’autres intellectuels rwandais connus comme des opposants réels ou supposés ont été assassinés un peu partout en Afrique. Rappelons l’assassinat de Monsieur Pasteur MUSABE survenu dans la nuit du 14 au 15 février 1999 à Yaoundé (CAMEROUN).
L’emprisonnement et la condamnation arbitraires à 15 ans de M. Pasteur BIZIMUNGU, ancien président de la République de 1994 à 2000 et son ministre des Travaux Publics et de l’Energie, M. Charles NTAKIRUTINKA, condamné à 10 ans:
Rappelons qu’ils avaient été arrêtés et emprisonnés respectivement les 19 et 20 avril 2002 après avoir subi une séquestration à domicile depuis le 31 mai 2001, date à laquelle ils avaient prévu de lancer leur parti politique interdit le même jour. Voici la chronologie des différentes persécutions et agressions qui ont frappé ces deux principaux opposants politiques:
Rappelons les principales agressions qui ont frappé plusieurs membres du Parti pour la Démocratie et le Renouveau (PDR-UBUYANJA depuis mai 2001:
a) Le 30 mai 2001 : l’ancien président Pasteur BIZIMUNGU est empêché par la police d’aller annoncer la création de son nouveau parti politique PDR-Ubuyanja.
b) Le 31 mai 2001 : Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu est séquestré chez lui par la police Le Secrétaire Général de ce nouveau parti, l’ancien ministre des travaux publics, Monsieur Charles NTAKIRUTINKA déclare à la Radio BBC que Monsieur Pasteur BIZIMUNGU a perdu tous les honneurs et privilèges réservés aux anciens chefs d’Etat. L’Etat lui a retiré le véhicule, le chauffeur, le téléphone, le personnel de maison et les gardes du corps qui avaient été mis à sa disposition. Il doit évacuer la résidence officielle que l’Etat lui avait accordée. Le porte-parole du Gouvernement et Ministre de la Jeunesse, des Sports et de la Culture, François NGARAMBE, déclare au journaliste de Radio BBC que le Gouvernement s’était réuni dans la nuit du 30 au 31 mai 2001 et qu’il ne tolérera pas les gens comme Pasteur BIZIMUNGU qui veulent saboter le pays en lançant des partis politiques. « La priorité du Gouvernement est de reconstruire le tissu social et le pays, les activités des partis politiques doivent être laissés de côté » a-t-il déclaré. D’après le projet de loi qui était encore à l’étude au Parlement rwandais à cette époque, Pasteur Bizimungu bénéficiait de ces honneurs et privilèges pour lui éviter de tomber dans l’indigence. « Ces privilèges sont accordés à une personne qui accepte de rester dans la légalité, mais quand il sombre dans l’illégalité, cela veut dire qu’il n’en a plus besoin ». Selon le porte-parole du Gouvernement, ce parti a été créé dans l’illégalité car ses fondateurs n’ont pas d’abord sollicité l’autorisation du Ministère de l’Intérieur.
c) Le 15 juin 2001, les manœuvres d'infiltration du PDR UBUYANJA par de faux membres manipulés par la Directorate of Military Intelligence (DM) sont découvertes. Selon la dépêche de l'IRIN du 15/06/01, qui cite celle de l'Agence de presse rwandaise (RNA) du jeudi 14/06/01, trois membres présumés fondateurs du PDR : Eugène Rwibasira, le major Sam Bigabiro et Ladislas Ngendahimana ont fait défection parce que le PDR "préconise la division et les différences qui ne permettront pas au pays de mener à bien sa politique d'unité et de réconciliation". Le Centre rappelle que le major Sam BIGABIRO a été condamné par la Cour militaire à la prison à vie le 30 janvier 1998 pour avoir ordonné les massacres de civils innocents à GIHARA dans la commune RUNDA (Gitarama). Il semble qu'il a été remis en liberté pour continuer les massacres dans le nord-ouest du Rwanda et dans l'Est du Congo.
d) Le 8/08/2001, Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu fut victime d’un attentat devant le garage de Monsieur Magambo à Remera (Kigali-ville);
e) Le 13/08/2001, la voiture de Monsieur Gratien Munyarubuga, membre du PDR, fut volée;
f) Le 15/08/2001, le garagiste du Pasteur Bizimungu, Monsieur. Magambo fut l'objet d’une attaque;
g) Le 16/8/2001, Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka fut attaqué et blessé en plein jour dans sa voiture et en compagnie de son chauffeur. Ce dernier a réagi d’une manière qui a fort surpris et mécontenté le pouvoir. En effet, blessés lui et son chauffeur, il a fait constater les blessures par un diplomate américain en poste à Kigali et il a donné une interview à la Radio BBC en Kinyarwanda en relatant les agressions dont tout ce monde avait été l’objet et en concluant à une action politique.
h) Le 17/08/2001, Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka fit une déclaration écrite dans laquelle il donne des détails précis sur les deux attentats contre lui et Bizimungu;
i) Le 10 décembre 2001, un autre membre du parti PDR, Monsieur Gratien Munyarubuga fut menacé par l’inspecteur Gilbert Ruhorahoza lors de sa visite chez Pasteur Bizimungu. Il fut finalement assassiné le 26/12/2001 à Nyarutarama vers 15h de l’après-midi! Ce qui est encore très grave, certains visiteurs ont été menacés et/ou battus par les policiers affectés au domicile des deux personnalités.
j) Le 15 décembre 2001, un proche parent de Pasteur Bizimungu, Monsieur Gasinga Junior fut battu au portail de chez Bizimungu par les militaires de garde.
k) Le 26/12/2001, Monsieur Gratien MUNYARUBUGA est assassiné à Nyarutarama vers 15h de l’après-midi!
l) Toujours en Décembre 2001, toute la famille de Raphaël HAKIZIMFURA, cousin de Pasteur Bizimungu, fut massacrée en toute impunité, car aucune enquête n’a été menée.
m) Depuis le 5/01/2002, le pouvoir, à travers sa police, a convoqué M. Bizimungu pour l’interroger sur le contenu des journaux qui ont osé commenter cet assassinat et écrire sur son parti PDR et sur l’idéologie de son parti politique. Les interrogatoires ont eu lieu les 5/01/02 (un samedi!) ; 8/01/02; 9/01/02; 11/01/02 ; 12/01/02 (un samedi!), jour où la police lui a interdit de retourner à la messe sous prétexte que sa présence sème la division parmi les chrétiens!
n) Le 8/01/2002, le bourgmestre de la commune Kanombe reçut des instructions visant à priver Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu de tout document officiel comme le passeport. Les agents des renseignements militaires violent sa vie privée et ses entretiens avec ses visiteurs, à savoir des journalistes et des défenseurs des droits humains.
o) Le 21/01/2002, alors qu’il venait de franchir le portail de l’Ambassade de Belgique à Kigali, Monsieur Ntakirutinka a été rappelé par le policier qui le surveille pour lui dire qu’il n’était pas autorisé à se rendre à cet endroit. Il a refusé d’obtempérer bien sûr et l’altercation qui s’en suivie a scandalisé les agents de l’Ambassade accourus voir ce qui se passait.
p) Le 5/02/2002, le Président de la République, le Général Paul Kagame, a tenu une réunion au Village Urugwiro (à Kigali) avec les ressortissants de la préfecture Gikongoro et les a interrogés sur les massacres de Kibeho. Il a dit que les informations qui ont été diffusées par les médias gouvernementaux à l’époque reflétaient la réalité et que les autres chiffres avancés par les ONG humanitaires sont des inventions répandues par M. Ntakirutinka et son épouse.
q) Le 20 mars 2002, sur injonctions des services de la présidence, les autorités du district de Karaba, province Gikongoro, ont refusé de délivrer des documents officiels à Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka et son épouse.
r) Le 25 mars 2002, Messieurs Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et Charles NTAKIRUTINKA ont écrit une lettre au Premier Ministre Bernard MAKUZA pour mettre le gouvernement rwandais devant ses responsabilités afin qu'il respecte leurs droits et leurs libertés fondamentaux. Face à ces nombreuses persécutions, ces dirigeants du parti PDR – UBUYANJA avaient écrit deux lettres, début et fin juin 2001, au Président de la République, le Général Paul KAGAME, pour lui demander de mettre fin à ces pratiques antidémocratiques et de donner les instructions pour lever tous les obstacles mis à la création de leur parti. Aucune suite ne fut enregistrée. Pour toute réponse, le pouvoir a développé une nouvelle stratégie et organisé des attaques contre eux!
s) Les 19 et 20 avril 2002, Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu et Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka sont arbitrairement arrêtés et emprisonnés à la prison centrale de Kigali.
Nous rappelons que le CLIIR a déjà publier dix (10) communiqués pour condamner les persécutions, les séquestrations, les agressions, la fabrication de fausses accusations par la DMI et finalement l’emprisonnement arbitraire de Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et Charles NTAKIRUTINKA. Il s’agit des communiqués suivants:
1. Communiqué n°55/2001 du 31 mai 2001 intitulé: «L’ancien président du Rwanda, Pasteur Bizimungu, séquestré chez lui pour avoir créé un nouveau parti politique»;
2. Communiqué n° 56/2001 du 18 août 2001 intitulé: «Arrestation et agressions de l'ancien chef de l'Etat rwandais Pasteur Bizimungu et de l'ex ministre Charles Ntakirutinka»;
3. Communiqué n°57/2001 du 18 août 2001 intitulé: «Séquestration de l'ancien chef de l'Etat rwandais Pasteur Bizimungu et de l'ex ministre Charles Ntakirutinka»
;
4. Communiqué n° 58/2001 du 20 août 2001 intitulé: « Fabrication de fausses accusations contre l'ancien chef de l'Etat rwandais Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et l'ex ministre Charles NTAKIRUTINKA»;
5. Communiqué n° 60/2002 du 21 avril 2002 intitulé: « Arrestation de l'ancien chef d'Etat rwandais Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et de l'ex ministre Charles NTAKIRUTINKA les 19 et 20 avril 2002»;
6. Communiqué n° 62/2002 du 10 octobre 2002 intitulé : « Rwanda: Un simulacre de procès pour l’ancien Chef de l’Etat rwandais et ses collaborateurs»;
7. Communiqué n° 64/2003 du 8 février 2003 intitulé: « Un nouveau faux procès, de fausses preuves et de fausses accusations pour l’ancien président de la république rwandaise »;
8. Communiqué n° 68/2003 du 6 juillet 2003 intitulé : «Un nouveau simulacre de procès contre l’ancien Président rwandais, Pasteur Bizimungu et Charles Ntakirutinka »;
9. Communiqué n° 72/2004 du 21 mai 2004 intitulé : « Rwanda : Le procès de l’ancien président Pasteur Bizimungu est un véritable cinéma »;
10. Communiqué n°81/2005 du 18 avril 2005 intitulé : « Il faut libérer immédiatement et sans conditions tous les prisonniers politiques détenus au Rwanda ».
L’emprisonnement et la condamnation arbitraires à 15 ans de Théoneste NIYITEGEKA
Mardi le 5 février 2008, le Dr NIYITEGEKA Théoneste a été condamné à 15 ans de prison comme l’ancien président Pasteur BIZIMUNGU. Il a été incarcéré dans la prison de Gitarama. Ancien candidat à la présidence de la République lors des élections de 2003 contre KAGAME, le Dr.Niyitegeka Théoneste avait été acquitté par la juridiction Gacaca de Gihuma (Gitarama) en première instance en date du 30/10/2007. Mais il a été neutralisé et incarcéré.
Depuis le 12 juin jusqu’au 3 juillet 2005 date à laquelle il est revenu chez lui à Gahogo dans la petite ville de Gitarama au centre du Rwanda, le Dr Théoneste Niyitegeka avait été porté disparu. Certaines sources affirment qu’il avait tenté de se réfugier en Uganda mais qu’il a jugé bon de revenir au Rwanda. D’autres parlent d’un kidnapping par les agents du FPR.
Dans la nuit du 5 au 6 juillet 2005, son véhicule a été incendié chez lui par des malfaiteurs soupçonnés d’être des agents de la DMI (Directorate of Military Intelligence). Ce médecin, au franc parler, venait de rentrer à son domicile après une disparition de 20 jours.
RECOMMANDATIONS:
Nous recommandons instamment aux autorités rwandaises de:
- Libérer immédiatement et sans conditions tous les prisonniers politiques tels que : Monsieur Joseph NTAWANGUNDI, collaborateur direct de Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, arrêté à Kigali et emprisonné depuis le 6 février 2010. Monsieur Théoneste NIYITEGEKA, ancien candidat aux élections présidentielles de 2003, condamné arbitrairement par le tribunal Gacaca le 5 février 2008. Monsieur Charles NTAKIRUTINKA, condamné à 10 ans de prison dans le même procès que Pasteur BIZIMUNGU (gracié par le président Paul KAGAME le 6 avril 2008). Plusieurs députés et sénateurs, condamnés arbitrairement par les tribunaux GACACA, doivent être libérés également, car ils sont considérés comme des prisonniers d’opinion.
- Garantir à tous les rwandais, sans exception, la liberté d’expression et d’association;
Nous demandons à la Grande Bretagne et à ses alliés de l'Union Européenne et aux USA d'exercer des pressions pour faire libérer tous les prisonniers politiques et de conditionner l'aide financière et toute coopération au respect des droits humains par le régime rwandais. La Grande Bretagne, la Belgique et les USA doivent jouer un grand rôle dans la libération de tous les opposants politiques condamnés et/ou détenus arbitrairement au Rwanda.
Nous insistons auprès de toutes les organisations internationales des droits humains afin qu'elles s'efforcer d'exiger la libération de tous les opposants politiques rwandais qui croupissent dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda. Nous proposons à Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch d'adopter comme des prisonniers d'opinion tous les opposants politiques rwandais emprisonnés au Rwanda.
Nous demandons à la population rwandaise de ne pas céder à la terreur de la junte militaire qui l'opprime et de résister à toutes les manipulations du pouvoir visant à consolider le terrorisme d'Etat et à institutionnaliser la délation au plus haut niveau de l’Etat rwandais.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 24 février 2010.
Pour les organisateurs de la Manifestation,
MATATA Joseph,
Coordinateur du CLIIR.
ET L’INJUSTICE AU RWANDA (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227 Bruxelles, le 24 février 2010.
1080 BRUXELLES
Tél/Fax : 32.81.60.11.13
GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
Mail : cliir2004@yahoo.fr
Mémorandum n°4/2010 adressé au Gouvernement et aux parlementaires britanniques, américains et belges sur l’assassinat, les agressions physiques, les harcèlements, les emprisonnements et les persécutions dirigés contre les opposants politiques du Rwanda.
En tant que rescapés des génocides et des massacres perpétrés au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), nous demandons l’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain, belge et leurs alliés occidentaux pour faire libérer les nombreux prisonniers politiques détenus dans les prisons du Rwanda. Dans ce quatrième mémorandum du 24/02/2010, nous nous limiterons sur l’assassinat, les agressions physiques, les harcèlements, les emprisonnements et les persécutions dirigés contre les opposants politiques du Rwanda. Depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), l’homme fort du Rwanda, le général Paul KAGAME, n’a jamais cessé de faire assassiner, d’agresser physiquement et de harceler dans les médias pro-FPR, d’emprisonner et de persécuter ses opposants politiques réels ou supposés. En muselant les opposants politiques, il a également muselé la Société Civile Rwandaise en commençant par décapiter l’Eglise catholique et les principales Coopératives et Associations rwandaises pour installer un régime de terreur qui dure depuis plus de 15 ans. C’est ce climat de terreur qui lui assure l’impunité totale avec ses chefs militaires et politiques du FPR impliqués dans les crimes de génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité et les crimes de guerre. Durant toute l’année 2010, nous reviendrons souvent sur le thème de l’impunité qui est le ferment de toutes les violations massives des droits humains au Rwanda et en RDC.
L’impunité assurée à un petit noyau de chefs militaires et politiques du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR) a permis à ce noyau de contrôler, de paralyser et d’instrumentaliser toutes les institutions officielles de l’Etat Rwandais (à savoir le gouvernement, le parlement, la magistrature, l’armée, la police et la milice appelée Local Defense Forces (LDF), etc.). Dès que les institutions d’un Etat sont complètement contrôlées et paralysées par des criminels impliqués dans des crimes de génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité et des crimes de guerre, l’Etat de droit disparaît, la terreur, l’impunité et l’injustice s’installent définitivement. Le peuple est pris en otage par un petit groupe d’individus qui élimine, terrorise et rançonne n’importe quel citoyen. Aucun peuple ne peut survivre dans des conditions pareilles surtout lorsqu’elles perdurent depuis plus de 15 ans.
Les plus récentes attaques contre les opposants politiques:
Le lundi 22 février 2010, Mme Victoire INGABIRE Umuhoza, présidente des FDU (Forces Démocratiques Unies), a dû consulter l’Ambassade britannique à Kigali au Rwanda pendant quelques heures. Elle avait été convoquée pour la 3ème fois en deux semaines par le département de la police criminelle à Kigali (the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). Elle est retournée à son domicile dans l’après-midi. Mais les harcelements de la police continuent.
Le Dimanche 21 février 2010, pendant son congrès extraordinaire tenu à son siège à Nyamirambo dans la capitale Rwandaise, Kigali, le Parti Social Imberakuri (PSI) a été attaqué par un groupe d’individus qui ont cassé les vitres des fenêtres de leurs locaux. La police a laissé faire et n’a arrêté personne parmi les agresseurs qui ont fui à la vue des journalistes occidentaux qui ont été alertés par les ambassades occidentales à Kigali.
Le mercredi 3 février 2010, Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Présidente et Candidate des FDU-Inkingi à l’élection présidentielle rwandaise d’août 2010, accompagnée d’un membre de notre équipe, M. Joseph Ntawangundi ont été lynchés ce jour à midi dans l’enceinte de l’administration publique par une horde de malfaiteurs agissant sur commande du pouvoir. Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza a réussi à se réfugier in extremis dans un lieu sûr et a pu être évacuée par son chauffeur. Dans sa fuite, à la recherche d’un abri, elle s’est vue arracher son sac à mains dans lequel figuraient son passeport ainsi que la carte d’identité qui lui avait été délivrée la veille. Mr Joseph Ntawangundi qui s’était entreposé pour permettre à la Présidente des FDU Inkingi de s’échapper des agresseurs est resté dans les mains de ces derniers, lesquels ont continué à le tabasser, lui causant des contusions graves dans les côtes et aux jambes.
Le samedi 6 février 2010, Monsieur Joseph Ntawangundi a été arrêté et détenu à la brigade judiciaire de Remera (Kigali) par la police rwandaise, sous prétexte qu’il aurait été condamné par contumace à 19 ans de prison par un tribunal GACACA. Nous tenons à rappeler qu’au moment de son arrestation, M. Joseph Ntawangundi commençait à peine à se rétablir des blessures subies le 3 Février 2010 (vers midi) à la suite des agressions dans les locaux de l’Administration publique du secteur administratif de Kinyinya. Les FDU ont déclaré qu’il n’était pas au Rwanda pendant le génocide. En effet, M. Joseph Ntawangundi a quitté le Rwanda en 1986 pour des études en Pologne (Wroclaw). Il est retourné au Rwanda en 1992 où il a travaillé à la Centrale des syndicats des travailleurs du Rwanda « CESTRAR » à Kigali durant une année. En 1993, il a de nouveau quitté le Rwanda pour travailler à la Confédération Internationale des syndicats libres (ICFTU-AFRO); une organisation syndicale régionale africaine sise à Nairobi au Kenya. Il était chargé de formation et de recherche jusqu'en 2002.
Durant le Week end du 26 au 27 décembre 2009, le Parti Social Imberakuri a été empêché, par la police rwandaise, d’installer ces nouveaux bureaux et son drapeau dans les quatre provinces du pays. De la sorte, ce parti est condamné à travailler à son seul siège à Kigali.
Le 30 octobre 2009, le Parti Démocratique Vert du Rwanda (Democratic Green Party of Rwanda) a été attaqué par un groupe d’individus pendant son congrès constitutif tenu au Centre Pastoral Saint Paul à Kigali. La police n’est pas intervenue pour les neutraliser. Ceux qui ont été arrêté ont été relâchés une heure plus tard et la police cache leur identité. Le congrès a été interrompu et les adhérents ont été blessés par les agresseurs à coups de chaise. Depuis cette agression, plusieurs adhérents du Parti Démocratique Vert du Rwanda, dont son président Monsieur Frank HABINEZA, ont été régulièrement agressé physiquement et verbalement par des individus proches du parti au pouvoir, le FPR.
Antécédents: Des assassinats, des emprisonnements et des agressions antérieurs contre les opposants politiques:
Pour illustrer la gravité des assassinats politiques, des agressions physiques et diverses persécutions dirigées contre les opposants politiques réels ou supposés au Rwanda, nous allons énumérer, ci-après, les faits suivants par ordre chronologique:
Le 16 janvier 1998: L’ancien Ministre de l’Intérieur, Seth SENDASHONGA a été assassiné à Naïrobi au Kenya. Il avait fondé avec l’ancien premier ministre, Faustin TWAGIRAMUNGU, les Forces de Résistance pour la Démocratie (FRD) dont le siège se trouvait à Naïrobi au moment de son assassinat. Quelques années plutôt l’ancien député du FPR, le colonel Théoneste LIZINDE, avait été assassiné à Naïrobi le 6 octobre 1996 en compagnie de son ami, le commerçant Augustin BUGILIMFURA. D’autres intellectuels rwandais connus comme des opposants réels ou supposés ont été assassinés un peu partout en Afrique. Rappelons l’assassinat de Monsieur Pasteur MUSABE survenu dans la nuit du 14 au 15 février 1999 à Yaoundé (CAMEROUN).
L’emprisonnement et la condamnation arbitraires à 15 ans de M. Pasteur BIZIMUNGU, ancien président de la République de 1994 à 2000 et son ministre des Travaux Publics et de l’Energie, M. Charles NTAKIRUTINKA, condamné à 10 ans:
Rappelons qu’ils avaient été arrêtés et emprisonnés respectivement les 19 et 20 avril 2002 après avoir subi une séquestration à domicile depuis le 31 mai 2001, date à laquelle ils avaient prévu de lancer leur parti politique interdit le même jour. Voici la chronologie des différentes persécutions et agressions qui ont frappé ces deux principaux opposants politiques:
Rappelons les principales agressions qui ont frappé plusieurs membres du Parti pour la Démocratie et le Renouveau (PDR-UBUYANJA depuis mai 2001:
a) Le 30 mai 2001 : l’ancien président Pasteur BIZIMUNGU est empêché par la police d’aller annoncer la création de son nouveau parti politique PDR-Ubuyanja.
b) Le 31 mai 2001 : Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu est séquestré chez lui par la police Le Secrétaire Général de ce nouveau parti, l’ancien ministre des travaux publics, Monsieur Charles NTAKIRUTINKA déclare à la Radio BBC que Monsieur Pasteur BIZIMUNGU a perdu tous les honneurs et privilèges réservés aux anciens chefs d’Etat. L’Etat lui a retiré le véhicule, le chauffeur, le téléphone, le personnel de maison et les gardes du corps qui avaient été mis à sa disposition. Il doit évacuer la résidence officielle que l’Etat lui avait accordée. Le porte-parole du Gouvernement et Ministre de la Jeunesse, des Sports et de la Culture, François NGARAMBE, déclare au journaliste de Radio BBC que le Gouvernement s’était réuni dans la nuit du 30 au 31 mai 2001 et qu’il ne tolérera pas les gens comme Pasteur BIZIMUNGU qui veulent saboter le pays en lançant des partis politiques. « La priorité du Gouvernement est de reconstruire le tissu social et le pays, les activités des partis politiques doivent être laissés de côté » a-t-il déclaré. D’après le projet de loi qui était encore à l’étude au Parlement rwandais à cette époque, Pasteur Bizimungu bénéficiait de ces honneurs et privilèges pour lui éviter de tomber dans l’indigence. « Ces privilèges sont accordés à une personne qui accepte de rester dans la légalité, mais quand il sombre dans l’illégalité, cela veut dire qu’il n’en a plus besoin ». Selon le porte-parole du Gouvernement, ce parti a été créé dans l’illégalité car ses fondateurs n’ont pas d’abord sollicité l’autorisation du Ministère de l’Intérieur.
c) Le 15 juin 2001, les manœuvres d'infiltration du PDR UBUYANJA par de faux membres manipulés par la Directorate of Military Intelligence (DM) sont découvertes. Selon la dépêche de l'IRIN du 15/06/01, qui cite celle de l'Agence de presse rwandaise (RNA) du jeudi 14/06/01, trois membres présumés fondateurs du PDR : Eugène Rwibasira, le major Sam Bigabiro et Ladislas Ngendahimana ont fait défection parce que le PDR "préconise la division et les différences qui ne permettront pas au pays de mener à bien sa politique d'unité et de réconciliation". Le Centre rappelle que le major Sam BIGABIRO a été condamné par la Cour militaire à la prison à vie le 30 janvier 1998 pour avoir ordonné les massacres de civils innocents à GIHARA dans la commune RUNDA (Gitarama). Il semble qu'il a été remis en liberté pour continuer les massacres dans le nord-ouest du Rwanda et dans l'Est du Congo.
d) Le 8/08/2001, Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu fut victime d’un attentat devant le garage de Monsieur Magambo à Remera (Kigali-ville);
e) Le 13/08/2001, la voiture de Monsieur Gratien Munyarubuga, membre du PDR, fut volée;
f) Le 15/08/2001, le garagiste du Pasteur Bizimungu, Monsieur. Magambo fut l'objet d’une attaque;
g) Le 16/8/2001, Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka fut attaqué et blessé en plein jour dans sa voiture et en compagnie de son chauffeur. Ce dernier a réagi d’une manière qui a fort surpris et mécontenté le pouvoir. En effet, blessés lui et son chauffeur, il a fait constater les blessures par un diplomate américain en poste à Kigali et il a donné une interview à la Radio BBC en Kinyarwanda en relatant les agressions dont tout ce monde avait été l’objet et en concluant à une action politique.
h) Le 17/08/2001, Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka fit une déclaration écrite dans laquelle il donne des détails précis sur les deux attentats contre lui et Bizimungu;
i) Le 10 décembre 2001, un autre membre du parti PDR, Monsieur Gratien Munyarubuga fut menacé par l’inspecteur Gilbert Ruhorahoza lors de sa visite chez Pasteur Bizimungu. Il fut finalement assassiné le 26/12/2001 à Nyarutarama vers 15h de l’après-midi! Ce qui est encore très grave, certains visiteurs ont été menacés et/ou battus par les policiers affectés au domicile des deux personnalités.
j) Le 15 décembre 2001, un proche parent de Pasteur Bizimungu, Monsieur Gasinga Junior fut battu au portail de chez Bizimungu par les militaires de garde.
k) Le 26/12/2001, Monsieur Gratien MUNYARUBUGA est assassiné à Nyarutarama vers 15h de l’après-midi!
l) Toujours en Décembre 2001, toute la famille de Raphaël HAKIZIMFURA, cousin de Pasteur Bizimungu, fut massacrée en toute impunité, car aucune enquête n’a été menée.
m) Depuis le 5/01/2002, le pouvoir, à travers sa police, a convoqué M. Bizimungu pour l’interroger sur le contenu des journaux qui ont osé commenter cet assassinat et écrire sur son parti PDR et sur l’idéologie de son parti politique. Les interrogatoires ont eu lieu les 5/01/02 (un samedi!) ; 8/01/02; 9/01/02; 11/01/02 ; 12/01/02 (un samedi!), jour où la police lui a interdit de retourner à la messe sous prétexte que sa présence sème la division parmi les chrétiens!
n) Le 8/01/2002, le bourgmestre de la commune Kanombe reçut des instructions visant à priver Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu de tout document officiel comme le passeport. Les agents des renseignements militaires violent sa vie privée et ses entretiens avec ses visiteurs, à savoir des journalistes et des défenseurs des droits humains.
o) Le 21/01/2002, alors qu’il venait de franchir le portail de l’Ambassade de Belgique à Kigali, Monsieur Ntakirutinka a été rappelé par le policier qui le surveille pour lui dire qu’il n’était pas autorisé à se rendre à cet endroit. Il a refusé d’obtempérer bien sûr et l’altercation qui s’en suivie a scandalisé les agents de l’Ambassade accourus voir ce qui se passait.
p) Le 5/02/2002, le Président de la République, le Général Paul Kagame, a tenu une réunion au Village Urugwiro (à Kigali) avec les ressortissants de la préfecture Gikongoro et les a interrogés sur les massacres de Kibeho. Il a dit que les informations qui ont été diffusées par les médias gouvernementaux à l’époque reflétaient la réalité et que les autres chiffres avancés par les ONG humanitaires sont des inventions répandues par M. Ntakirutinka et son épouse.
q) Le 20 mars 2002, sur injonctions des services de la présidence, les autorités du district de Karaba, province Gikongoro, ont refusé de délivrer des documents officiels à Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka et son épouse.
r) Le 25 mars 2002, Messieurs Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et Charles NTAKIRUTINKA ont écrit une lettre au Premier Ministre Bernard MAKUZA pour mettre le gouvernement rwandais devant ses responsabilités afin qu'il respecte leurs droits et leurs libertés fondamentaux. Face à ces nombreuses persécutions, ces dirigeants du parti PDR – UBUYANJA avaient écrit deux lettres, début et fin juin 2001, au Président de la République, le Général Paul KAGAME, pour lui demander de mettre fin à ces pratiques antidémocratiques et de donner les instructions pour lever tous les obstacles mis à la création de leur parti. Aucune suite ne fut enregistrée. Pour toute réponse, le pouvoir a développé une nouvelle stratégie et organisé des attaques contre eux!
s) Les 19 et 20 avril 2002, Monsieur Pasteur Bizimungu et Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka sont arbitrairement arrêtés et emprisonnés à la prison centrale de Kigali.
Nous rappelons que le CLIIR a déjà publier dix (10) communiqués pour condamner les persécutions, les séquestrations, les agressions, la fabrication de fausses accusations par la DMI et finalement l’emprisonnement arbitraire de Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et Charles NTAKIRUTINKA. Il s’agit des communiqués suivants:
1. Communiqué n°55/2001 du 31 mai 2001 intitulé: «L’ancien président du Rwanda, Pasteur Bizimungu, séquestré chez lui pour avoir créé un nouveau parti politique»;
2. Communiqué n° 56/2001 du 18 août 2001 intitulé: «Arrestation et agressions de l'ancien chef de l'Etat rwandais Pasteur Bizimungu et de l'ex ministre Charles Ntakirutinka»;
3. Communiqué n°57/2001 du 18 août 2001 intitulé: «Séquestration de l'ancien chef de l'Etat rwandais Pasteur Bizimungu et de l'ex ministre Charles Ntakirutinka»
;
4. Communiqué n° 58/2001 du 20 août 2001 intitulé: « Fabrication de fausses accusations contre l'ancien chef de l'Etat rwandais Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et l'ex ministre Charles NTAKIRUTINKA»;
5. Communiqué n° 60/2002 du 21 avril 2002 intitulé: « Arrestation de l'ancien chef d'Etat rwandais Pasteur BIZIMUNGU et de l'ex ministre Charles NTAKIRUTINKA les 19 et 20 avril 2002»;
6. Communiqué n° 62/2002 du 10 octobre 2002 intitulé : « Rwanda: Un simulacre de procès pour l’ancien Chef de l’Etat rwandais et ses collaborateurs»;
7. Communiqué n° 64/2003 du 8 février 2003 intitulé: « Un nouveau faux procès, de fausses preuves et de fausses accusations pour l’ancien président de la république rwandaise »;
8. Communiqué n° 68/2003 du 6 juillet 2003 intitulé : «Un nouveau simulacre de procès contre l’ancien Président rwandais, Pasteur Bizimungu et Charles Ntakirutinka »;
9. Communiqué n° 72/2004 du 21 mai 2004 intitulé : « Rwanda : Le procès de l’ancien président Pasteur Bizimungu est un véritable cinéma »;
10. Communiqué n°81/2005 du 18 avril 2005 intitulé : « Il faut libérer immédiatement et sans conditions tous les prisonniers politiques détenus au Rwanda ».
L’emprisonnement et la condamnation arbitraires à 15 ans de Théoneste NIYITEGEKA
Mardi le 5 février 2008, le Dr NIYITEGEKA Théoneste a été condamné à 15 ans de prison comme l’ancien président Pasteur BIZIMUNGU. Il a été incarcéré dans la prison de Gitarama. Ancien candidat à la présidence de la République lors des élections de 2003 contre KAGAME, le Dr.Niyitegeka Théoneste avait été acquitté par la juridiction Gacaca de Gihuma (Gitarama) en première instance en date du 30/10/2007. Mais il a été neutralisé et incarcéré.
Depuis le 12 juin jusqu’au 3 juillet 2005 date à laquelle il est revenu chez lui à Gahogo dans la petite ville de Gitarama au centre du Rwanda, le Dr Théoneste Niyitegeka avait été porté disparu. Certaines sources affirment qu’il avait tenté de se réfugier en Uganda mais qu’il a jugé bon de revenir au Rwanda. D’autres parlent d’un kidnapping par les agents du FPR.
Dans la nuit du 5 au 6 juillet 2005, son véhicule a été incendié chez lui par des malfaiteurs soupçonnés d’être des agents de la DMI (Directorate of Military Intelligence). Ce médecin, au franc parler, venait de rentrer à son domicile après une disparition de 20 jours.
RECOMMANDATIONS:
Nous recommandons instamment aux autorités rwandaises de:
- Libérer immédiatement et sans conditions tous les prisonniers politiques tels que : Monsieur Joseph NTAWANGUNDI, collaborateur direct de Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, arrêté à Kigali et emprisonné depuis le 6 février 2010. Monsieur Théoneste NIYITEGEKA, ancien candidat aux élections présidentielles de 2003, condamné arbitrairement par le tribunal Gacaca le 5 février 2008. Monsieur Charles NTAKIRUTINKA, condamné à 10 ans de prison dans le même procès que Pasteur BIZIMUNGU (gracié par le président Paul KAGAME le 6 avril 2008). Plusieurs députés et sénateurs, condamnés arbitrairement par les tribunaux GACACA, doivent être libérés également, car ils sont considérés comme des prisonniers d’opinion.
- Garantir à tous les rwandais, sans exception, la liberté d’expression et d’association;
Nous demandons à la Grande Bretagne et à ses alliés de l'Union Européenne et aux USA d'exercer des pressions pour faire libérer tous les prisonniers politiques et de conditionner l'aide financière et toute coopération au respect des droits humains par le régime rwandais. La Grande Bretagne, la Belgique et les USA doivent jouer un grand rôle dans la libération de tous les opposants politiques condamnés et/ou détenus arbitrairement au Rwanda.
Nous insistons auprès de toutes les organisations internationales des droits humains afin qu'elles s'efforcer d'exiger la libération de tous les opposants politiques rwandais qui croupissent dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda. Nous proposons à Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch d'adopter comme des prisonniers d'opinion tous les opposants politiques rwandais emprisonnés au Rwanda.
Nous demandons à la population rwandaise de ne pas céder à la terreur de la junte militaire qui l'opprime et de résister à toutes les manipulations du pouvoir visant à consolider le terrorisme d'Etat et à institutionnaliser la délation au plus haut niveau de l’Etat rwandais.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 24 février 2010.
Pour les organisateurs de la Manifestation,
MATATA Joseph,
Coordinateur du CLIIR.
US warship docks in Georgia for joint training.
The News
26 February 2010
Editor's Note: Don't forget that Georgia has offered NATO the use of its territory as an alternative transit route to Afghanistan.
A US guided-missile frigate docked in Georgia on Thursday for joint training exercises next week in the Black Sea, along the coast from where Russian troops are setting up a base in the rebel region of Abkhazia.
The former Soviet republic fought a five-day war with Russia in August 2008 that helped drag US-Russian relations to a post-Cold War low under then president George W Bush.
In the weeks after the war, several US navy ships, including the guided-missile destroyer McFaul, docked in Georgia to provide aid, angering Moscow which accused Washington of sending weapons.
Relations have improved under the US administration of Barack Obama, but Russia remains sensitive to military cooperation between the West and US ally Georgia, whose Nato membership ambitions were dealt a severe blow by the war.
The USS John L. Hall docked in the port of Poti, some 50-km from the de facto border with Abkhazia and 130-km from Ochamchire, the Abkhaz town from which Russian coastguard ships patrol the territory’s sub-tropical coastline.
26 February 2010
Editor's Note: Don't forget that Georgia has offered NATO the use of its territory as an alternative transit route to Afghanistan.
A US guided-missile frigate docked in Georgia on Thursday for joint training exercises next week in the Black Sea, along the coast from where Russian troops are setting up a base in the rebel region of Abkhazia.
The former Soviet republic fought a five-day war with Russia in August 2008 that helped drag US-Russian relations to a post-Cold War low under then president George W Bush.
In the weeks after the war, several US navy ships, including the guided-missile destroyer McFaul, docked in Georgia to provide aid, angering Moscow which accused Washington of sending weapons.
Relations have improved under the US administration of Barack Obama, but Russia remains sensitive to military cooperation between the West and US ally Georgia, whose Nato membership ambitions were dealt a severe blow by the war.
The USS John L. Hall docked in the port of Poti, some 50-km from the de facto border with Abkhazia and 130-km from Ochamchire, the Abkhaz town from which Russian coastguard ships patrol the territory’s sub-tropical coastline.
25 February, 2010
Rwandan Green Party President Writes Rwandan Government Asking Them to Ensure Security of Opposition Members.
By: FRANK HABINEZA
B.P. 6334 Kigali,
Tel: 078 85 630 39,
Email: fhabineza@rwandagreendemocrats.org
25th February 2010
To: The Minister of Internal Security
KIGALI, RWANDA
Re: Security Threat to My Life, Requesting for Protection.
Dear Sir,
I would like to take this opportunity to draw your kind attention to some very disturbing events in the recent past that have surrounded my daily life as the Chairman of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda (DGPR), a party that, as you know, is yet to be registered.
Since early February of this year, there have been several reports about my imminent demise through an assassination. At first, I dismissed such information as ordinary rumours that form part of the occupational hazards of a politician’s life. I tried to ignore the various threats, intimidations, and harassments I have been subjected to, including all those committed to other party members since 30th October 2009.
However, subsequent events have forced me to reconsider all aspects related to my security. Recent press reports published in UMUSESO No. 396, of 22 Feb-01 March 2010, (Page two) revealed, according to reliable sources, there are people who plan to kill me within 60 days. I also have information which I can’t substantiate that there are planned robberies, beatings, grenade attacks and harassment being prepared against my family and other senior party leaders. Other details indicate that we are supposed to be assassinated before the August 2010 Presidential elections.
Similar events have happened to Ms. Victoire Ingabire. She was beaten by a mob at Kinyinya Sector in Kigali in February 2010.
These security threats were preceded by an event that happened to me on 4th February 2010, while I was at the Hotel Le Printemps, in Kimironko, Kigali. I was sharing a soft drink with a friend named Jean-Paul MUDAHERANWA (aka Sunday) when a certain person unknown to me approached us and greeted me by name. This person told me in a menacing voice that "they" are watching me very closely. He asked me why I was fighting them, even though they paid for my education. I reported this matter to the police on 5th February 2010. On 9th February, I gave my full official statement to the Remera Police Station in Gasabo District.
In a country like Rwanda, which is supposed to follow the rule of law, is trying to be democratic, and a significant community believes to be peaceful, these developments are very worrying.
The purpose of this letter is to request you use your good offices to verify these threats and, if found to be true, bring the perpetrators to book. In particular, I would also like to request you ensure my security and that of the senior leaders of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda and fellow opposition leaders in other yet-to-be registered political parties.
I look forward to recieving your kind consideration.
Yours Faithfully,
Frank HABINEZA
Chairman, Democratic Green Party of Rwanda
C.C:
- H.E. The President of the Republic
- The Right Hon. Prime Minister
- The Commissioner General of Police
- The Director General of National Security Services
- National Human Rights Commission
- All Embassies in Rwanda
B.P. 6334 Kigali,
Tel: 078 85 630 39,
Email: fhabineza@rwandagreendemocrats.org
25th February 2010
To: The Minister of Internal Security
KIGALI, RWANDA
Re: Security Threat to My Life, Requesting for Protection.
Dear Sir,
I would like to take this opportunity to draw your kind attention to some very disturbing events in the recent past that have surrounded my daily life as the Chairman of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda (DGPR), a party that, as you know, is yet to be registered.
Since early February of this year, there have been several reports about my imminent demise through an assassination. At first, I dismissed such information as ordinary rumours that form part of the occupational hazards of a politician’s life. I tried to ignore the various threats, intimidations, and harassments I have been subjected to, including all those committed to other party members since 30th October 2009.
However, subsequent events have forced me to reconsider all aspects related to my security. Recent press reports published in UMUSESO No. 396, of 22 Feb-01 March 2010, (Page two) revealed, according to reliable sources, there are people who plan to kill me within 60 days. I also have information which I can’t substantiate that there are planned robberies, beatings, grenade attacks and harassment being prepared against my family and other senior party leaders. Other details indicate that we are supposed to be assassinated before the August 2010 Presidential elections.
Similar events have happened to Ms. Victoire Ingabire. She was beaten by a mob at Kinyinya Sector in Kigali in February 2010.
These security threats were preceded by an event that happened to me on 4th February 2010, while I was at the Hotel Le Printemps, in Kimironko, Kigali. I was sharing a soft drink with a friend named Jean-Paul MUDAHERANWA (aka Sunday) when a certain person unknown to me approached us and greeted me by name. This person told me in a menacing voice that "they" are watching me very closely. He asked me why I was fighting them, even though they paid for my education. I reported this matter to the police on 5th February 2010. On 9th February, I gave my full official statement to the Remera Police Station in Gasabo District.
In a country like Rwanda, which is supposed to follow the rule of law, is trying to be democratic, and a significant community believes to be peaceful, these developments are very worrying.
The purpose of this letter is to request you use your good offices to verify these threats and, if found to be true, bring the perpetrators to book. In particular, I would also like to request you ensure my security and that of the senior leaders of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda and fellow opposition leaders in other yet-to-be registered political parties.
I look forward to recieving your kind consideration.
Yours Faithfully,
Frank HABINEZA
Chairman, Democratic Green Party of Rwanda
C.C:
- H.E. The President of the Republic
- The Right Hon. Prime Minister
- The Commissioner General of Police
- The Director General of National Security Services
- National Human Rights Commission
- All Embassies in Rwanda
Oil Bill Unveiled as Ghana Preps Jubilee for Production.
Dow Jones Newswires
2/25/2010
URL: http://www.rigzone.com/news/article.asp?a_id=88396
Ghanaian President John Atta Mills said Thursday his government will soon submit to parliament an oil and gas revenue management bill ahead of planned oil production in the last quarter of this year.
"Ghana is preparing an oil and gas revenue management bill to be submitted to the parliament for approval," he told lawmakers while presenting his state of the nation address.
"The [Oil and Gas Revenue Management] bill will ensure transparency in management and will commit the bulk of the oil revenue to a shared growth fund to finance investments and infrastructure development," he said.
Ghana plans to launch oil production from its Jubilee Oil field in the last quarter of this year.
In June 2007, U.K. oil and gas company Tullow Oil PLC (TLW.LN) announced that it had discovered up to 600 million barrels of oil in the West Cape Three Points block off Ghana's coast.
For foreign exchange income, Ghana's oil is set to upstage the gold, cocoa and timber exports it previously relied on.
Industry sources say the crude found off Ghana is of a quality even easier to refine than the light, sweet crude found in Nigeria, one of the world's largest oil producers.
Revenue derived from oil will be invested in the national power supply, with improvements to the road network and water supply, construction of a deep sea oil port and revamping railway lines, Atta-Mills said.
"These projects will not only create significant employment themselves but will also support the growth of other industries," he told the parliamentarians.
2/25/2010
URL: http://www.rigzone.com/news/article.asp?a_id=88396
Ghanaian President John Atta Mills said Thursday his government will soon submit to parliament an oil and gas revenue management bill ahead of planned oil production in the last quarter of this year.
"Ghana is preparing an oil and gas revenue management bill to be submitted to the parliament for approval," he told lawmakers while presenting his state of the nation address.
"The [Oil and Gas Revenue Management] bill will ensure transparency in management and will commit the bulk of the oil revenue to a shared growth fund to finance investments and infrastructure development," he said.
Ghana plans to launch oil production from its Jubilee Oil field in the last quarter of this year.
In June 2007, U.K. oil and gas company Tullow Oil PLC (TLW.LN) announced that it had discovered up to 600 million barrels of oil in the West Cape Three Points block off Ghana's coast.
For foreign exchange income, Ghana's oil is set to upstage the gold, cocoa and timber exports it previously relied on.
Industry sources say the crude found off Ghana is of a quality even easier to refine than the light, sweet crude found in Nigeria, one of the world's largest oil producers.
Revenue derived from oil will be invested in the national power supply, with improvements to the road network and water supply, construction of a deep sea oil port and revamping railway lines, Atta-Mills said.
"These projects will not only create significant employment themselves but will also support the growth of other industries," he told the parliamentarians.
POLITICAL MANOEUVERS ALLEGEDLY SABOTAGE FDU/UDF-INKINGI CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS.
FDU/UDF-Inkingi
Press Release
In a letter dated 16th February 2010 addressed to the Mayor of Nyarugenge District, our political organisation officially requested authorization to hold our constitutional congress in Kigali on 26th February 2010.
In a tactical move to delay the party, on 22nd February 2010, the Mayor of Nyarugenge Dictrict summoned Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, the Chair of the United Democratic Front Inkingi, to her office to explain arrangements related to the proposed meeting. On 24th February, security details were discussed and the District Socio-Political Affairs Development Unity promised to issue its final decision the same day.
It is strange that one day before the congress, no decision has yet been made by the relevant local administration. We believe the authorization has been derailed by political manoeuvrings by the RPF government in order to hinder the opposition's full participation in the country's electoral process.
Done in Kigali,
25th February 2010
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson
FDU/UDF-INKINGI.
Press Release
In a letter dated 16th February 2010 addressed to the Mayor of Nyarugenge District, our political organisation officially requested authorization to hold our constitutional congress in Kigali on 26th February 2010.
In a tactical move to delay the party, on 22nd February 2010, the Mayor of Nyarugenge Dictrict summoned Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, the Chair of the United Democratic Front Inkingi, to her office to explain arrangements related to the proposed meeting. On 24th February, security details were discussed and the District Socio-Political Affairs Development Unity promised to issue its final decision the same day.
It is strange that one day before the congress, no decision has yet been made by the relevant local administration. We believe the authorization has been derailed by political manoeuvrings by the RPF government in order to hinder the opposition's full participation in the country's electoral process.
Done in Kigali,
25th February 2010
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson
FDU/UDF-INKINGI.
ILLEGAL EXPLOITATION OF COLTAN IN KIBIRA NATURAL RESERVE.
MISNA
25 February 2010
There is said to be an illegal exploitation of coltan, a naturally occurring mix of minerals, which has assumed strategic important in the past decades because of its use in the production of cell phones, videogames, and other products in the aerospace industry, in the Kibira national park. The Burundian press agency (Abp) said that ‘administrative sources’ are denouncing the presence of some 100 irregular occupants in the forest involved in “coltan extraction”. The same sources ask for a clear involvement of the ministries of the environment and energy to put an end the trafficking of coltan, whose protagonists have eluded the security forces so far. The contest over coltan – along with other natural resources – is one of the reasons at the origin of the persistent insecurity in the nearby region of the DR Congo, which has the largest reserves of coltan in the world. Before the 1930’s, the Kibira forest served as the main hunting reserve for the king of Burundi. The people living around it respected the forest – attributing magic powers – and they had access rights to allow cattle grazing or to collect wood, medicinal plants and other botanical resources. The only inhabitants of the forest were the Twa (or Batwa), a pigmy people, who represent one of Burundi’s minorities today.
25 February 2010
There is said to be an illegal exploitation of coltan, a naturally occurring mix of minerals, which has assumed strategic important in the past decades because of its use in the production of cell phones, videogames, and other products in the aerospace industry, in the Kibira national park. The Burundian press agency (Abp) said that ‘administrative sources’ are denouncing the presence of some 100 irregular occupants in the forest involved in “coltan extraction”. The same sources ask for a clear involvement of the ministries of the environment and energy to put an end the trafficking of coltan, whose protagonists have eluded the security forces so far. The contest over coltan – along with other natural resources – is one of the reasons at the origin of the persistent insecurity in the nearby region of the DR Congo, which has the largest reserves of coltan in the world. Before the 1930’s, the Kibira forest served as the main hunting reserve for the king of Burundi. The people living around it respected the forest – attributing magic powers – and they had access rights to allow cattle grazing or to collect wood, medicinal plants and other botanical resources. The only inhabitants of the forest were the Twa (or Batwa), a pigmy people, who represent one of Burundi’s minorities today.
AEL Zimbabwe gears up for Ngezi platinum mine expansion.
Mineweb
25 February 2010
AEL Zimbabwe, a member of the international AEL Mining Services group, has partnered with Zimplats at its Ngezi Mining Division to provide an explosives solution for the expansion project for the development and production at three portals, Ngwarati, Rukodzi and Bimha underground mines.
The premature closure of the open pit mine at Ngezi Mining Division due to the worldwide economic recession in 2008 shifted the ore demand to the underground operations with annual production ramping up from 2.1Mt to an expected 4.2Mt by 2010.
When the second concentrator started operating in July 2009, AEL Zimbabwe was well-prepared to meet the increase in underground bulk emulsion supply to support each of the mine's portals. This included the restructuring of its site personnel and equipment to support each of the three portals, managing stock and shafthead deliveries, and providing additional technical back-up to service charging units. Upskilling its on-site personnel was also critical to support the change.
AEL's relationship with Zimplats Ngezi Mining Division dates back to 2001 when the mine issued an explosives tender to provide Prime, Load, Tie and Shoot (PLTS) blasting services for the open pit mine. With a wealth of experience in PLTS in other African countries, AEL put together a winning bid in the face of stiff competition from other established explosives suppliers.
AEL was awarded an initial three year PLTS contract that heralded the beginning of a long term and fruitful relationship with Zimplats Ngezi Mining Division. Eight years on, that relationship has grown. During the open pit life, in excess of 70,000 tons of emulsion was used to blast ore and overburden totalling close to 60,000,000bcm using a fleet of four AEL Mobile Manufacturing Units (MMUs).
AEL's UBS technology in conjunction with Tunnelmaster shock tube system was accepted as the blasting system for Ngezi Mining Division's room and pillar mining after extensive trials at the start of underground mining in 2003.
Langton Nyandoro, Business Manager of AEL Zimbabwe, comments, "Up until July 2009, AEL R100G was the main product used for underground operations. After reviewing the product and its use at Ngezi Mining Division and other similar operations in the region, AEL developed SDD emulsion as a cost effective alternative to R100G".
"The bulk emulsion is supplied from AEL's central manufacturing plant at its head office in Johannesburg and is transported to site by a fleet of dedicated road tankers into AEL storage silos erected on site at Ngezi Mining Division.".
First to Use Electronic Detonators
Through the application of the ‘Mine to Mill' concept, Ngezi Open Pit Mine became the first mine in Zimbabwe to use electronic delay detonator technology, called SmartDets, supplied by AEL's sister company, DetNet to optimise the mining-processing value chain. The SmartDet electronic delay system was upgraded by the development of the synchronised blaster, which increased blasting capability from 800 to 1600 detonators.
AEL's 34 member site-based team that serviced the Ngezi Open Pit mine consisted primarily of local citizens with various levels of mining and explosives engineering experience and one expatriate.
AEL Blast Consult continually provides training to the AEL team on site, as well as customer personnel in order to keep up with technological advancements. To meet the future requirements of Ngezi Mining Division, AEL Zimbabwe has embarked on a skills development strategy through an intensive explosives engineering course for its field personnel. Four mining engineers are now at an advanced stage of the course.
Looking ahead
Expectations are high that Phase Two expansion of the Ngezi project will commence in the next few years. The volumes of explosives consumption is forecast to increase from the current 4,500 tons per year to 8,000 tons per year. At present, six emulsion charging units have been commissioned for the three portals and an additional three will be deployed as production ramps up at Bimha Mine (Portal 4).
Langton concludes, "As the mine expands and the volume of emulsion increases, AEL will continuously monitor and assess the viability of site based emulsion manufacture, which can be rapidly mobilised in the form of modular plants. AEL's automated shock tube manufacturing plant at Modderfontein (ISAP) has the capacity and capability to meet Ngezi Mining Division's future demands."
About the Ngezi Mine
Ngezi Mining Division is situated 160km by road to the south west of Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe. The mine started as an open pit mine in 2001 and then underground mining commenced in 2003. Initially, all the ore mined at Ngezi Mining Division was trucked 86km to the north for processing at the Selous Metallurgical Complex, but a second concentrator has since been commissioned at Ngezi Mining Division to double annual production by 2010 from 2.1Mt to 4.2Mt.
Ngezi Open Pit Mine was the first open pit Platinum Group Metals' (PGM) mine on the Great Dyke of Zimbabwe.
AEL Mining Services
AEL Mining Services, a member of the JSE-listed AECI Group in South Africa, is a leading developer, producer and supplier of commercial explosives, initiating systems and blasting services for mining, quarrying and construction markets in Africa and Indonesia.
AEL reckons to be a world-class mining services company with global technologies that create wealth and growth in South Africa, African and selected international markets.
With its head office in Johannesburg, South Africa, AEL was established in 1896, and is today one of the world's leading suppliers of explosives and initiating systems. With 17 companies in AEL Mining Services, the group also has production facilities and offices in South Africa, Egypt, Ghana, Mali, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Zambia, DRC, Zimbabwe, Botswana and Indonesia.
With its large team of leading engineers and scientists, AEL has over a century of expertise and knowledge in developing ground-breaking and innovative blasting solutions that contribute to the creation of infrastructures in countries throughout the world.
25 February 2010
AEL Zimbabwe, a member of the international AEL Mining Services group, has partnered with Zimplats at its Ngezi Mining Division to provide an explosives solution for the expansion project for the development and production at three portals, Ngwarati, Rukodzi and Bimha underground mines.
The premature closure of the open pit mine at Ngezi Mining Division due to the worldwide economic recession in 2008 shifted the ore demand to the underground operations with annual production ramping up from 2.1Mt to an expected 4.2Mt by 2010.
When the second concentrator started operating in July 2009, AEL Zimbabwe was well-prepared to meet the increase in underground bulk emulsion supply to support each of the mine's portals. This included the restructuring of its site personnel and equipment to support each of the three portals, managing stock and shafthead deliveries, and providing additional technical back-up to service charging units. Upskilling its on-site personnel was also critical to support the change.
AEL's relationship with Zimplats Ngezi Mining Division dates back to 2001 when the mine issued an explosives tender to provide Prime, Load, Tie and Shoot (PLTS) blasting services for the open pit mine. With a wealth of experience in PLTS in other African countries, AEL put together a winning bid in the face of stiff competition from other established explosives suppliers.
AEL was awarded an initial three year PLTS contract that heralded the beginning of a long term and fruitful relationship with Zimplats Ngezi Mining Division. Eight years on, that relationship has grown. During the open pit life, in excess of 70,000 tons of emulsion was used to blast ore and overburden totalling close to 60,000,000bcm using a fleet of four AEL Mobile Manufacturing Units (MMUs).
AEL's UBS technology in conjunction with Tunnelmaster shock tube system was accepted as the blasting system for Ngezi Mining Division's room and pillar mining after extensive trials at the start of underground mining in 2003.
Langton Nyandoro, Business Manager of AEL Zimbabwe, comments, "Up until July 2009, AEL R100G was the main product used for underground operations. After reviewing the product and its use at Ngezi Mining Division and other similar operations in the region, AEL developed SDD emulsion as a cost effective alternative to R100G".
"The bulk emulsion is supplied from AEL's central manufacturing plant at its head office in Johannesburg and is transported to site by a fleet of dedicated road tankers into AEL storage silos erected on site at Ngezi Mining Division.".
First to Use Electronic Detonators
Through the application of the ‘Mine to Mill' concept, Ngezi Open Pit Mine became the first mine in Zimbabwe to use electronic delay detonator technology, called SmartDets, supplied by AEL's sister company, DetNet to optimise the mining-processing value chain. The SmartDet electronic delay system was upgraded by the development of the synchronised blaster, which increased blasting capability from 800 to 1600 detonators.
AEL's 34 member site-based team that serviced the Ngezi Open Pit mine consisted primarily of local citizens with various levels of mining and explosives engineering experience and one expatriate.
AEL Blast Consult continually provides training to the AEL team on site, as well as customer personnel in order to keep up with technological advancements. To meet the future requirements of Ngezi Mining Division, AEL Zimbabwe has embarked on a skills development strategy through an intensive explosives engineering course for its field personnel. Four mining engineers are now at an advanced stage of the course.
Looking ahead
Expectations are high that Phase Two expansion of the Ngezi project will commence in the next few years. The volumes of explosives consumption is forecast to increase from the current 4,500 tons per year to 8,000 tons per year. At present, six emulsion charging units have been commissioned for the three portals and an additional three will be deployed as production ramps up at Bimha Mine (Portal 4).
Langton concludes, "As the mine expands and the volume of emulsion increases, AEL will continuously monitor and assess the viability of site based emulsion manufacture, which can be rapidly mobilised in the form of modular plants. AEL's automated shock tube manufacturing plant at Modderfontein (ISAP) has the capacity and capability to meet Ngezi Mining Division's future demands."
About the Ngezi Mine
Ngezi Mining Division is situated 160km by road to the south west of Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe. The mine started as an open pit mine in 2001 and then underground mining commenced in 2003. Initially, all the ore mined at Ngezi Mining Division was trucked 86km to the north for processing at the Selous Metallurgical Complex, but a second concentrator has since been commissioned at Ngezi Mining Division to double annual production by 2010 from 2.1Mt to 4.2Mt.
Ngezi Open Pit Mine was the first open pit Platinum Group Metals' (PGM) mine on the Great Dyke of Zimbabwe.
AEL Mining Services
AEL Mining Services, a member of the JSE-listed AECI Group in South Africa, is a leading developer, producer and supplier of commercial explosives, initiating systems and blasting services for mining, quarrying and construction markets in Africa and Indonesia.
AEL reckons to be a world-class mining services company with global technologies that create wealth and growth in South Africa, African and selected international markets.
With its head office in Johannesburg, South Africa, AEL was established in 1896, and is today one of the world's leading suppliers of explosives and initiating systems. With 17 companies in AEL Mining Services, the group also has production facilities and offices in South Africa, Egypt, Ghana, Mali, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Zambia, DRC, Zimbabwe, Botswana and Indonesia.
With its large team of leading engineers and scientists, AEL has over a century of expertise and knowledge in developing ground-breaking and innovative blasting solutions that contribute to the creation of infrastructures in countries throughout the world.
UN and Africa to discuss mercenaries and private military and security companies.
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Press Release
25 February 2010
Representatives of some 25 from African States will meet on 3 and 4 March in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with the UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries* to discuss the presence and activities of mercenaries and private military and security companies (PMSCs) on the continent.
“This regional consultation in Africa is of particular importance given that the region is becoming a key market for the security industry”, said Shaista Shameem, who currently heads the Working Group. “However, PMSCs have remained largely unregulated, insufficiently monitored and rarely held accountable for the international crimes and human rights abuses they have committed.”
This meeting is the fourth of a series of five regional consultations which will end with the consultation with the Western European and Others Group in Geneva in April 2010. “This mandate was created in 1987 in a context in which the right of peoples to self-determination in Africa was often threatened by mercenary activities”, said Ms. Shameem.
State representatives will exchange good practices and lessons learned on the monitoring and regulation of the activities of private military and security companies and in particular on the adoption of a possible draft convention regulating their activities.
The Working Group said it “welcomes this opportunity to build on national experience in the continent to discuss general guidelines and principles for national and international regulation and oversight of the activities of private companies with the aim of encouraging the protection of human rights.”
(*) The Working Group is composed of five independent experts serving in their personal capacities: Ms. Shaista Shameem (Chairperson-Rapporteur, Fiji), Ms. Najat al-Hajjaji (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Ms. Amada Benavides de Pérez (Colombia), Mr. José Luis Gómez del Prado (Spain), and Mr. Alexander Nikitin (Russian Federation).
Press Release
25 February 2010
Representatives of some 25 from African States will meet on 3 and 4 March in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with the UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries* to discuss the presence and activities of mercenaries and private military and security companies (PMSCs) on the continent.
“This regional consultation in Africa is of particular importance given that the region is becoming a key market for the security industry”, said Shaista Shameem, who currently heads the Working Group. “However, PMSCs have remained largely unregulated, insufficiently monitored and rarely held accountable for the international crimes and human rights abuses they have committed.”
This meeting is the fourth of a series of five regional consultations which will end with the consultation with the Western European and Others Group in Geneva in April 2010. “This mandate was created in 1987 in a context in which the right of peoples to self-determination in Africa was often threatened by mercenary activities”, said Ms. Shameem.
State representatives will exchange good practices and lessons learned on the monitoring and regulation of the activities of private military and security companies and in particular on the adoption of a possible draft convention regulating their activities.
The Working Group said it “welcomes this opportunity to build on national experience in the continent to discuss general guidelines and principles for national and international regulation and oversight of the activities of private companies with the aim of encouraging the protection of human rights.”
(*) The Working Group is composed of five independent experts serving in their personal capacities: Ms. Shaista Shameem (Chairperson-Rapporteur, Fiji), Ms. Najat al-Hajjaji (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Ms. Amada Benavides de Pérez (Colombia), Mr. José Luis Gómez del Prado (Spain), and Mr. Alexander Nikitin (Russian Federation).
Blackwater Did "Rescue" Alan Grayson in Niger During Coup.
Mother Jones
By Daniel Schulman
February 24, 2010
Rep. Alan Grayson (D-Fla.), who made his substantial fortune by suing military contractors and later lambasted them as a lawmmaker, was indeed evacuated from Niger by personnel working for Xe Services (the private security empire formally known as Blackwater), his spokesman confirms.
Earlier today I reported on the testimony of Fred Roitz, an executive vice president at Xe, at today's Senate Armed Service Committee on Blackwater subsidiary Paravant. In his prepared remarks, he stated: "Xe Services, through its subsidiary Presidential Airways, provides aviation support and medevac services to Defense Department personnel in Africa. Just last week, our personnel evacuated a congressman from Niger during civil unrest." (Emphasis added-Editor)
This sure seemed to fit the description of Grayson, who was traveling in the country last week when a military coup erupted. The lawmaker was quickly evacuated out the country to neighborhing Burkina Faso. "The flight was arranged through the State Department," Todd Jukowski, Grayson's spokesman, told me. "The Congressman did not know, and frankly did not care, who owned the plane.” Later, Jurkowski followed up with an email confirming that Grayson was flown out of the country on a "Xe helicopter."
I also asked Jurkowski whether the experience had changed Grayson's thinking on the use of private military firms. Jurkowski replied: "The Congressman does not deny that there is admirable work being done by some employees of private contractors. However, he stands by his criticism of companies who have been found to cheat the American people, defraud our government, and unnecessarily risk the lives of members of our military, all in the name of making a profit."
By Daniel Schulman
February 24, 2010
Rep. Alan Grayson (D-Fla.), who made his substantial fortune by suing military contractors and later lambasted them as a lawmmaker, was indeed evacuated from Niger by personnel working for Xe Services (the private security empire formally known as Blackwater), his spokesman confirms.
Earlier today I reported on the testimony of Fred Roitz, an executive vice president at Xe, at today's Senate Armed Service Committee on Blackwater subsidiary Paravant. In his prepared remarks, he stated: "Xe Services, through its subsidiary Presidential Airways, provides aviation support and medevac services to Defense Department personnel in Africa. Just last week, our personnel evacuated a congressman from Niger during civil unrest." (Emphasis added-Editor)
This sure seemed to fit the description of Grayson, who was traveling in the country last week when a military coup erupted. The lawmaker was quickly evacuated out the country to neighborhing Burkina Faso. "The flight was arranged through the State Department," Todd Jukowski, Grayson's spokesman, told me. "The Congressman did not know, and frankly did not care, who owned the plane.” Later, Jurkowski followed up with an email confirming that Grayson was flown out of the country on a "Xe helicopter."
I also asked Jurkowski whether the experience had changed Grayson's thinking on the use of private military firms. Jurkowski replied: "The Congressman does not deny that there is admirable work being done by some employees of private contractors. However, he stands by his criticism of companies who have been found to cheat the American people, defraud our government, and unnecessarily risk the lives of members of our military, all in the name of making a profit."
Blackwater guards stole weapons in Kabul and went on deadly rampage.
Times Online
25 February 2010
By Giles Whittell
Private American security guards working for the US military in Afghanistan removed hundreds of handguns and automatic weapons from stores intended for the exclusive use of the Afghan police and used them on drunken shooting rampages that killed two Afghan civilians and injured at least two more.
The guards included a former US Marine with a criminal record of assault and battery and a former soldier discharged from the US Army after testing positive for cocaine, Congress heard yesterday.
Justin Cannon, Christopher Drotleff and a guard using the name “Eric Cartman” from the cartoon South Park were employees of a subsidiary of the Blackwater Worldwide group, implicated in a litany of extrajudicial shootings since 2003 in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Cannon and Drotleff have been charged with killing two Afghans and injuring a third in an incident last May when they opened fire on a car carrying four civilians in Kabul, while under the influence of alcohol. The men, who were hired to train Afghan soldiers, had no permission from US authorities to carry guns.
A congressional investigation in response to the shooting has revealed an e-mail from a former vicepresident of Paravant, the Blackwater subsidiary, saying: “We have not received formal permission from the army to carry weapons yet, but I will take my chances.”
The investigation found that more than 500 AK47 rifles had been removed from the bunker by Blackwater staff without permission. Blackwater has been renamed Xe Services since its staff killed 17 civilians in Baghdad in 2007. Its licence in Iraq has been withdrawn by the Iraqi Government.
25 February 2010
By Giles Whittell
Private American security guards working for the US military in Afghanistan removed hundreds of handguns and automatic weapons from stores intended for the exclusive use of the Afghan police and used them on drunken shooting rampages that killed two Afghan civilians and injured at least two more.
The guards included a former US Marine with a criminal record of assault and battery and a former soldier discharged from the US Army after testing positive for cocaine, Congress heard yesterday.
Justin Cannon, Christopher Drotleff and a guard using the name “Eric Cartman” from the cartoon South Park were employees of a subsidiary of the Blackwater Worldwide group, implicated in a litany of extrajudicial shootings since 2003 in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Cannon and Drotleff have been charged with killing two Afghans and injuring a third in an incident last May when they opened fire on a car carrying four civilians in Kabul, while under the influence of alcohol. The men, who were hired to train Afghan soldiers, had no permission from US authorities to carry guns.
A congressional investigation in response to the shooting has revealed an e-mail from a former vicepresident of Paravant, the Blackwater subsidiary, saying: “We have not received formal permission from the army to carry weapons yet, but I will take my chances.”
The investigation found that more than 500 AK47 rifles had been removed from the bunker by Blackwater staff without permission. Blackwater has been renamed Xe Services since its staff killed 17 civilians in Baghdad in 2007. Its licence in Iraq has been withdrawn by the Iraqi Government.
24 February, 2010
Three Rwandan journalists sentenced to prison
Committee to Protect Journalists
23 February 2010
Three journalists were sentenced to prison on Monday in Rwanda over a story reporting on an extramarital affair between the mayor of the capital, Kigali, and a government minister, according to local journalists and news reports.
Magistrate Fidele Bazihana of Nyarugenge Court in Kigali convicted former Editor Charles Kabonero, Acting Editor-in-Chief Didas Gasana, and reporter Richard Kayigamba of the Kinyarwanda-language private weekly Umuseso in absentia of invading the privacy of Cabinet Affairs Minister Protais Musoni and Kigali Mayor Aisa Kirabo Kacyira under Rwanda’s 1977 penal code and Rwanda’s 2009 Media Law, defense lawyer Christopher Niyomugabo told CPJ.
The magistrate sentenced Kabonero to one year in prison and gave six-month prison terms to Gasana and Kayigamba. The three were also ordered to pay damages of 1 million Rwandan francs (US$1,700) to the two officials. (The lawyer was unable to clarify yet whether the amount was a total figure or would be paid to each official.) The magistrate dismissed the prosecution’s requests to ban the newspaper and imprison the journalists upon conviction, according to Niyomugabo. The journalists are free pending an appeal, he said.
“These prison sentences are deeply disturbing because they reveal a pattern of using criminal defamation to silence critical journalism in Rwanda,” said CPJ Deputy Director Robert Mahoney. “We urge the court of appeals to overturn this ruling.”
Umuseso, known for its critical coverage of the government, was the first to report the allegations in November 2009, according to local journalists. Kabonero told CPJ today that the story was a matter of public interest because Rwanda’s 2008 Law on the Leadership Code of Conduct criminalized offenses like adultery for public office holders. Both Mayor Kacyira and Musoni, who is also the interim information minister, publicly denied the accusations.
Kabonero and Gasana are already appealing a suspended two-year prison term from a 2008 conviction for slander over a story about tax evasion charges against businessman Tribert Rujugiro in South Africa, according to CPJ research. Rujugiro was later detained in London on a South African arrest warrant on the charges reported by Umuseso, according to news reports.
23 February 2010
Three journalists were sentenced to prison on Monday in Rwanda over a story reporting on an extramarital affair between the mayor of the capital, Kigali, and a government minister, according to local journalists and news reports.
Magistrate Fidele Bazihana of Nyarugenge Court in Kigali convicted former Editor Charles Kabonero, Acting Editor-in-Chief Didas Gasana, and reporter Richard Kayigamba of the Kinyarwanda-language private weekly Umuseso in absentia of invading the privacy of Cabinet Affairs Minister Protais Musoni and Kigali Mayor Aisa Kirabo Kacyira under Rwanda’s 1977 penal code and Rwanda’s 2009 Media Law, defense lawyer Christopher Niyomugabo told CPJ.
The magistrate sentenced Kabonero to one year in prison and gave six-month prison terms to Gasana and Kayigamba. The three were also ordered to pay damages of 1 million Rwandan francs (US$1,700) to the two officials. (The lawyer was unable to clarify yet whether the amount was a total figure or would be paid to each official.) The magistrate dismissed the prosecution’s requests to ban the newspaper and imprison the journalists upon conviction, according to Niyomugabo. The journalists are free pending an appeal, he said.
“These prison sentences are deeply disturbing because they reveal a pattern of using criminal defamation to silence critical journalism in Rwanda,” said CPJ Deputy Director Robert Mahoney. “We urge the court of appeals to overturn this ruling.”
Umuseso, known for its critical coverage of the government, was the first to report the allegations in November 2009, according to local journalists. Kabonero told CPJ today that the story was a matter of public interest because Rwanda’s 2008 Law on the Leadership Code of Conduct criminalized offenses like adultery for public office holders. Both Mayor Kacyira and Musoni, who is also the interim information minister, publicly denied the accusations.
Kabonero and Gasana are already appealing a suspended two-year prison term from a 2008 conviction for slander over a story about tax evasion charges against businessman Tribert Rujugiro in South Africa, according to CPJ research. Rujugiro was later detained in London on a South African arrest warrant on the charges reported by Umuseso, according to news reports.
23 February, 2010
UN says Albania 'stalling' organ trafficking inquiry.
BBC News
23 February 2010
A UN expert said Albania is holding up inquiries into reports that Serbs captured during the 1998-99 Kosovo war were butchered for their organs.
UN special rapporteur Philip Alston said the Council of Europe, Serbia and the EU authorities in Kosovo were all investigating the reports.
He called on Albania to allow an independent inquiry.
Albanian PM Sali Berisha has dismissed the allegations as fiction and says they have already been investigated.
International attention was drawn to the alleged crimes in 2008 when former UN war crimes prosecutor Carla Del Ponte revealed in her memoirs that her team had investigated reports that around 300 Serbs held in Albania had had organs removed, apparently for sale to foreign clinics.
According to her book, UN investigators searched a house in the Albanian town of Burrel in 2004 after receiving reports that Kosovo Albanian militants had used it as a base for removing Serbs' organs before killing them.
"The investigators found pieces of gauze, a used syringe and two plastic IV bags encrusted with mud and empty bottles of medicine, some of which was of a muscle relaxant often used in surgical operations," Ms Del Ponte wrote.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia said its judges had never received evidence in support of the allegations.
During the Kosovo war, which ended with Serbia withdrawing its forces from the province after a Nato bombing campaign and an eventual unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic Albanian majority, thousands of people were killed, most of them ethnic Albanians.
'Diplomatic ping pong'
Last year, Albania rejected a Serbian request for an investigation into the alleged abductions and killings.
Speaking to reporters in the Albanian capital Tirana, Mr Alston said the authorities in Albania strongly believed that the allegations were "politically motivated and absolutely without any foundation".
"On this basis, none of the efforts to investigate have received meaningful co-operation on the side of the government of Albania."
His own inquiries in Albania had met with a "game of bureaucratic and diplomatic ping pong", said Mr Alston, who is the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial executions.
"The bottom line is that the issue is definitely stalled," he added.
"All Albanian officials I have met with consider the claims, charges of killings, as ridiculous," he said.
"If it is ridiculous, in order to get rid of this issue, make available a proposal for an independent investigation and offer genuine co-operation."
Serbia welcomed the UN expert's call for an independent investigation.
"That would be the right path to find out the truth and achieve full regional co-operation," Bruno Vekaric, a spokesman for Serbia's war crimes prosecutor, told Reuters news agency.
23 February 2010
A UN expert said Albania is holding up inquiries into reports that Serbs captured during the 1998-99 Kosovo war were butchered for their organs.
UN special rapporteur Philip Alston said the Council of Europe, Serbia and the EU authorities in Kosovo were all investigating the reports.
He called on Albania to allow an independent inquiry.
Albanian PM Sali Berisha has dismissed the allegations as fiction and says they have already been investigated.
International attention was drawn to the alleged crimes in 2008 when former UN war crimes prosecutor Carla Del Ponte revealed in her memoirs that her team had investigated reports that around 300 Serbs held in Albania had had organs removed, apparently for sale to foreign clinics.
According to her book, UN investigators searched a house in the Albanian town of Burrel in 2004 after receiving reports that Kosovo Albanian militants had used it as a base for removing Serbs' organs before killing them.
"The investigators found pieces of gauze, a used syringe and two plastic IV bags encrusted with mud and empty bottles of medicine, some of which was of a muscle relaxant often used in surgical operations," Ms Del Ponte wrote.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia said its judges had never received evidence in support of the allegations.
During the Kosovo war, which ended with Serbia withdrawing its forces from the province after a Nato bombing campaign and an eventual unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic Albanian majority, thousands of people were killed, most of them ethnic Albanians.
'Diplomatic ping pong'
Last year, Albania rejected a Serbian request for an investigation into the alleged abductions and killings.
Speaking to reporters in the Albanian capital Tirana, Mr Alston said the authorities in Albania strongly believed that the allegations were "politically motivated and absolutely without any foundation".
"On this basis, none of the efforts to investigate have received meaningful co-operation on the side of the government of Albania."
His own inquiries in Albania had met with a "game of bureaucratic and diplomatic ping pong", said Mr Alston, who is the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial executions.
"The bottom line is that the issue is definitely stalled," he added.
"All Albanian officials I have met with consider the claims, charges of killings, as ridiculous," he said.
"If it is ridiculous, in order to get rid of this issue, make available a proposal for an independent investigation and offer genuine co-operation."
Serbia welcomed the UN expert's call for an independent investigation.
"That would be the right path to find out the truth and achieve full regional co-operation," Bruno Vekaric, a spokesman for Serbia's war crimes prosecutor, told Reuters news agency.
Ugandan Rights Body Blocked From JATT "Safe" Houses.
Daily Monitor
Gerald Bareebe
23 February 2010
Editor's Note: This is a follow up to a HRW report ("Open Secret:...) which detailed the JATT's abitrary detention and torture of alleged "terrorists." The JATT was created on May 13, 1999, allegedly in response to the ADF/NALU group based in the Ruwenzori Mountains. It is a paramilitary group with members drawn from the intelligence services and police, the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) and the External Security Organisation (ESO). Since it wasn't created without the involvment of the legislative branch, they had no official mandate, directives, specificed mission, or formal checks, balances and oversight. The agencies that have members comprising the JATT have wrangled for command control over it. In 2002, Gen. Mayombo, head of military intelligence, denied the infighting. He died under mysterious circumstances on 1 May 2007. AFRICOM has trained members of the JATT under its "Anti-Terrorism Training" programs in Gulu and Folkasenyi. This training has intensified as Uganda has deployed soldiers for AMISOM and as hired private military contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan. It also comes during a time joint-AFRICOM operations against the LRA have also intensified since Operation Thunder Lighting occurred in the DRC. Somalian refugees fleeing the chaos, including some alleged militants, have increasingly been destabilizing Kenya and Uganda as the training has stepped-up as well. It is unknown if the JATT is exchanging captured alleged terrorists with international ties with the US as Ethiopia is.
Kampala — The Uganda Human Rights Commission, a government human rights watchdog, has been blocked three times from inspecting the safe houses of the Joint Anti- Terrorism Task Force (JATT) in Kololo, Daily Monitor has learnt.
Highly-placed sources within the Commission told Daily Monitor on Monday that the Kitante-based military outfit has been elusive with its activities for three years, making it impossible for the human rights defenders to ascertain the condition of the detained suspects.
But the military yesterday said the human rights activists would not be accorded unconditional access to the military detention centres where, its feared, suspects are tortured and live deplorable lives.
The UHRC was established by the government to protect and promote human rights as guaranteed by the Constitution and other binding human rights instruments.
"We have had a series of meeting with JATT leaders but still they have not given us a leeway to inspect the safe houses," said a source that preferred anonymity in order to extensively discuss this matter.
"The last time we went there, they showed us only a few things and stopped our staff from accessing the other facilities. We suspect there are many people under their detention who are suffering. We are now in discussion with them, and hopefully they will allow us to inspect them," the source added.
There has been a growing local and international outcry regarding torture activities by military forces, particularly JATT.
Types of torture
After interviewing former and current prisoners, The Human Rights Watch said in its 2009 report that the forms of torture used by JATT include genital and body mutilation, tying and suspending victims from the ceiling, beatings and electrocution.
JATT is a security agency established by the government through the Anti-Terrorism Taskforce of 2002. It draws its staff from the Internal Security Organisation, the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence and the Rapid Response Unit.
In a press statement issued yesterday, Mr Med Kagwa, the chairperson of UHRC remained tight-lipped as far as the Commission's access to JATT detention centres is concerned. He said negotiations are going on to allow the commission to unconditionally inspect all military detention centres.
Although Mr Kagwa was optimistic his commission would get unconditional access to military detention centres, army spokesman, Col. Felix Kulayigye revealed that such a matter was impossible.
"They [Commission] know why we cannot allow them. They cannot just bump into us. They have always received cooperation from us but what I cannot guarantee is unconditional access. Even in your bedroom, you cannot just jump onto your bed like that. Your wife must prepare it for you to sleep."
The commission, however, visited Kampilingisa, a rehabilitation centre, where they found the facility was congested and many children at the centre lacked clothing and beddings.
Gerald Bareebe
23 February 2010
Editor's Note: This is a follow up to a HRW report ("Open Secret:...) which detailed the JATT's abitrary detention and torture of alleged "terrorists." The JATT was created on May 13, 1999, allegedly in response to the ADF/NALU group based in the Ruwenzori Mountains. It is a paramilitary group with members drawn from the intelligence services and police, the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) and the External Security Organisation (ESO). Since it wasn't created without the involvment of the legislative branch, they had no official mandate, directives, specificed mission, or formal checks, balances and oversight. The agencies that have members comprising the JATT have wrangled for command control over it. In 2002, Gen. Mayombo, head of military intelligence, denied the infighting. He died under mysterious circumstances on 1 May 2007. AFRICOM has trained members of the JATT under its "Anti-Terrorism Training" programs in Gulu and Folkasenyi. This training has intensified as Uganda has deployed soldiers for AMISOM and as hired private military contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan. It also comes during a time joint-AFRICOM operations against the LRA have also intensified since Operation Thunder Lighting occurred in the DRC. Somalian refugees fleeing the chaos, including some alleged militants, have increasingly been destabilizing Kenya and Uganda as the training has stepped-up as well. It is unknown if the JATT is exchanging captured alleged terrorists with international ties with the US as Ethiopia is.
Kampala — The Uganda Human Rights Commission, a government human rights watchdog, has been blocked three times from inspecting the safe houses of the Joint Anti- Terrorism Task Force (JATT) in Kololo, Daily Monitor has learnt.
Highly-placed sources within the Commission told Daily Monitor on Monday that the Kitante-based military outfit has been elusive with its activities for three years, making it impossible for the human rights defenders to ascertain the condition of the detained suspects.
But the military yesterday said the human rights activists would not be accorded unconditional access to the military detention centres where, its feared, suspects are tortured and live deplorable lives.
The UHRC was established by the government to protect and promote human rights as guaranteed by the Constitution and other binding human rights instruments.
"We have had a series of meeting with JATT leaders but still they have not given us a leeway to inspect the safe houses," said a source that preferred anonymity in order to extensively discuss this matter.
"The last time we went there, they showed us only a few things and stopped our staff from accessing the other facilities. We suspect there are many people under their detention who are suffering. We are now in discussion with them, and hopefully they will allow us to inspect them," the source added.
There has been a growing local and international outcry regarding torture activities by military forces, particularly JATT.
Types of torture
After interviewing former and current prisoners, The Human Rights Watch said in its 2009 report that the forms of torture used by JATT include genital and body mutilation, tying and suspending victims from the ceiling, beatings and electrocution.
JATT is a security agency established by the government through the Anti-Terrorism Taskforce of 2002. It draws its staff from the Internal Security Organisation, the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence and the Rapid Response Unit.
In a press statement issued yesterday, Mr Med Kagwa, the chairperson of UHRC remained tight-lipped as far as the Commission's access to JATT detention centres is concerned. He said negotiations are going on to allow the commission to unconditionally inspect all military detention centres.
Although Mr Kagwa was optimistic his commission would get unconditional access to military detention centres, army spokesman, Col. Felix Kulayigye revealed that such a matter was impossible.
"They [Commission] know why we cannot allow them. They cannot just bump into us. They have always received cooperation from us but what I cannot guarantee is unconditional access. Even in your bedroom, you cannot just jump onto your bed like that. Your wife must prepare it for you to sleep."
The commission, however, visited Kampilingisa, a rehabilitation centre, where they found the facility was congested and many children at the centre lacked clothing and beddings.
US reopens North Sudan program closed since 1992.
Sudan Tribune
23 February 2010
The US Agency for International Development (USAID) will reopen a food secuirty analysis system in North Sudan that had been closed since 1992. Today the US signed an implementation protocol that will end up costing it nearly US $1 million.
The protocol for US $950,000 re-establishes the Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET) project in the fifteen states of northern Sudan. "The provision of timely and analytical food security information will help to predict and manage the threats of food insecurity," said a statement from the US Embassy in Khartoum
The US government has already spent some $4 billion on humanitarian aid in Sudan since its fiscal year 2004.
Sudan’s Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry joined with the Ministry of International Cooperation in signing the deal. The agriculture ministry will be the primary focal ministry to work with FEWS NET, with particularly close collaboration envisioned with the newly formed inter-ministerial food security coordinating body, the Food Security Technical Secretariat.
State-level ministries are also supposed to become involved with the famine warning network, "and will look for opportunities to help build their capacity for monitoring and analyzing natural and manmade impact on food security."
"The U.S. Government looks forward to a long and productive relationship with the Government of National Unity in support of the FEWS NET project, which aims to improve information sharing and analysis on critical issues related to food security," stated the embassy.
This follows a period of high-level engagement between Sudan and the U.S. including a visit by US envoy Scott Gration on Sunday at the presidential palace. Gration met with Vice President Ali Osman Taha and saidin remarks afterwards, "It is wonderful to be able to meet with the people that I have gotten to know as the leadership but also as friends. I have just completed a meeting with Vice President [Ali Osman] Taha, where we reviewed the status of the progress between Chad and Sudan, efforts in Darfur to bring a lasting peace, and efforts to fully implement the Comprehensive Peace Agreement."
FEWS NET is a system that is used elsewhere in east Africa including Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Somalia, Djibouti and Ethiopia. It is used in South Sudan already.
In January the FEWS NET issued a warning for South Sudan, saying "the food insecure population in south Sudan has significantly increased since the beginning of the year following escalated inter‐tribal/clan and cattleraiding conflicts during 2009, combined with poor rainfall and crop performance across the country."
23 February 2010
The US Agency for International Development (USAID) will reopen a food secuirty analysis system in North Sudan that had been closed since 1992. Today the US signed an implementation protocol that will end up costing it nearly US $1 million.
The protocol for US $950,000 re-establishes the Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET) project in the fifteen states of northern Sudan. "The provision of timely and analytical food security information will help to predict and manage the threats of food insecurity," said a statement from the US Embassy in Khartoum
The US government has already spent some $4 billion on humanitarian aid in Sudan since its fiscal year 2004.
Sudan’s Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry joined with the Ministry of International Cooperation in signing the deal. The agriculture ministry will be the primary focal ministry to work with FEWS NET, with particularly close collaboration envisioned with the newly formed inter-ministerial food security coordinating body, the Food Security Technical Secretariat.
State-level ministries are also supposed to become involved with the famine warning network, "and will look for opportunities to help build their capacity for monitoring and analyzing natural and manmade impact on food security."
"The U.S. Government looks forward to a long and productive relationship with the Government of National Unity in support of the FEWS NET project, which aims to improve information sharing and analysis on critical issues related to food security," stated the embassy.
This follows a period of high-level engagement between Sudan and the U.S. including a visit by US envoy Scott Gration on Sunday at the presidential palace. Gration met with Vice President Ali Osman Taha and saidin remarks afterwards, "It is wonderful to be able to meet with the people that I have gotten to know as the leadership but also as friends. I have just completed a meeting with Vice President [Ali Osman] Taha, where we reviewed the status of the progress between Chad and Sudan, efforts in Darfur to bring a lasting peace, and efforts to fully implement the Comprehensive Peace Agreement."
FEWS NET is a system that is used elsewhere in east Africa including Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Somalia, Djibouti and Ethiopia. It is used in South Sudan already.
In January the FEWS NET issued a warning for South Sudan, saying "the food insecure population in south Sudan has significantly increased since the beginning of the year following escalated inter‐tribal/clan and cattleraiding conflicts during 2009, combined with poor rainfall and crop performance across the country."
Rwandan Political Situation Update - 23 February 2010
Yesterday's (Mr. Habineza's birthday) edition of Umuseso published claims of a plot to kill the President of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, Mr. Frank Habineza, allegedly planned by the RPF. A translation of part of the article follows below. This issue follows yesterday's Nyarugenge Primary Court ruling that handed various jail sentences to editors of Umuseso after they were found guilty of defaming and invading the privacy of Cabinet Affairs Minister Protais Musoni. They will be allowed a chance to appeal. Charles Kabonero, the former Managing Editor and his predecessor, Didas Gasana, were given one-year and six months jail sentences respectively. They were also each ordered to pay a fine of 1 million Rwf. Richard Kayigamba was sentenced to six months and a fine of 1 million Rwf in a verdict that was pronounced in the absence of all defendants. The Rwandan government has threatened to close the newspaper permanently. While the paper has been accused many times of defamation and publication of inflammatory articles by various Rwandan officials, Reporters Without Borders has documented the Rwandan Government's repeated oppression of Umuseso and shown the government has often violated the right of freedom of speech to independent Rwandan periodicals in general. The well-known organization ranked Rwanda as one of the worst countries in the world for press freedom. Last year, they ranked 157th out of 175 countries and is the 4th worst country in Africa.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
UMUSESO NEWSPAPER No.396 of 22nd February-01 March 2010
BAD PLANS-HABINEZA TO BE KILLED IN 60 DAYS
Translation of some text from Page 2.
………………. While Victoire Ingabire is in the process of being sent to prison, another opposition politician Mr.Frank HABINEZA will be killed within 60 days.
One of the security operatives who gave us the information had this to say Frank is going to be killed within 60 days, they have no case against him. They can’t charge him with harboring genocide ideology.
They have been trying to frame him up but have not yet succeeded, yet he is the one fully supporting (giving courage) to Victoire Ingabire.
Frank Habineza, who was physically threatened by an unknown person while at a Kigali Hotel known as Le Printemps admits having received this information but says he does not believe that this Government can do such a thing “I do not believe that RF can stoop so low by killing a person just simply because he/she has different views, but from what aim hearing anything is possible”
Arrangements are being made to kill Frank Habineza, the party he is reading is at road blocks, still struggling to get registered.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
UMUSESO NEWSPAPER No.396 of 22nd February-01 March 2010
BAD PLANS-HABINEZA TO BE KILLED IN 60 DAYS
Translation of some text from Page 2.
………………. While Victoire Ingabire is in the process of being sent to prison, another opposition politician Mr.Frank HABINEZA will be killed within 60 days.
One of the security operatives who gave us the information had this to say Frank is going to be killed within 60 days, they have no case against him. They can’t charge him with harboring genocide ideology.
They have been trying to frame him up but have not yet succeeded, yet he is the one fully supporting (giving courage) to Victoire Ingabire.
Frank Habineza, who was physically threatened by an unknown person while at a Kigali Hotel known as Le Printemps admits having received this information but says he does not believe that this Government can do such a thing “I do not believe that RF can stoop so low by killing a person just simply because he/she has different views, but from what aim hearing anything is possible”
Arrangements are being made to kill Frank Habineza, the party he is reading is at road blocks, still struggling to get registered.
ICTR Accused and Political Prisoners in Arusha Respond to the Mutsinzi Report.
Arusha, 18 February 2010
(Edited by Michael Collins)
ICTR Detainees
United Nations Detention Facility (UNDF)
Arusha, Tanzania
The President of the UN Security Council,
The UN Secretary General,
The President of the ICTR,
Subject: An independent inquiry into and prosecution of the
perpetrators of the terrorist attack against the airplane of Rwandan
President Juvénal Habyarimana on 6th April 1994.
Your Excellencies,
We, the undersigned detainees of the ICTR, have the honor of sending
you, herewith attached, our reaction to the report by a Committee[1]
established by the Rwandan government to investigate the attack on
President Habyarimana’s airplane. As you will notice, we have
demonstrated, on the basis of evidence, the falseness of the report
produced by this so-called independent Committee.
Actually, this committee of Experts, composed of eminent RPF members,
was given, by the current President of Rwanda, General Paul Kagame,
the mission of fabricating exculpatory evidence in order to absolve
him and his henchmen, who took part in the murders of the Heads of
State of Rwanda and Burundi, seven of their collaborators, as well as
the three French crew members of the presidential Falcon 50 airplane.
This Committee was also put in place to block the international arrest
warrants issued by the French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière after his
eight year inquiry into the terrorist attack of 6 April 1994. In the
Mutsinzi Report, we see the RPF’s final attempt to completely silence
the truth of its responsibility in the Rwandan tragedy, in general,
and in the assassination of President Habyarimana, in particular.
Given its creator, its composition, and its real mission, the Mutsinzi
Committee can hardly be independent. It can not produce an objective
report because from the first outline of its methodology, it
considered a priori that the RPF is innocent and reflexively charged
“the Hutu extremists within the former regime” with being the
perpetrators of the attack. This is the postulate that prevailed
throughout the drafting of the report.
Aside from Paul Kagame’s sycophantic admirers, most commentators, from
the moment it was published, described the Mutsinzi Report as partial.
Prof. Filip Reyntjens, the Belgian researcher, said that “it is an
opportunistic political report of highly dubious quality.”[2] Belgian
Colonel Luc Marchal, former UNAMIR officer and the Commander of the
Kigali Sector, said: “We had the feeling of having been an audience to
a parody of an investigation, the script of which had been written in
advance.”[3]
In the long preliminary section about its methodology, the Mutsinzi
Committee indicated that it interviewed a large number of witnesses
and read hundreds of documents from different sources, including those
available from the ICTR. Actually, after reading the report, one
discovers that the Mutsinzi Committee systematically excluded all
relevant witnesses and documents that were likely to contradict its
postulate.[4]
Concerning the motive and circumstances of the attack, the Mutsinzi
Committee did not hesitate to repeat, in its conclusions, the outdated
theory of a planned genocide of the Tutsi by the former regime, a
theory the ICTR Prosecutor has failed, up to now, to demonstrate
despite his tremendous efforts and the vast material means at his
disposal.[5]
With regard to the technical part of its report, the Committee
commissioned a pair of British experts to clarify two points: i.e., to
determine the place from where the airplane was fired on, and to
identify the type of weapon fired on the airplane. Concerning the
place from where the missiles were fired, the two experts were content
to read testimony handed to them by the Committee. Without any
critique or cross-checking, they concluded exactly what the Committee
wanted them to conclude. However, the Committee had excluded all
testimony given by the local residents of Masaka and Kanombe that did
not support its theory. With respect to the identification of the
weapon that was used to perpetrate the crime, the British experts
brought nothing substantial to the Mutsinzi Committee. In short, one
must conclude that the report of the two British experts is rather
fanciful. It is colored by a troubling feebleness that suggests a
complicity in the lies and intoxication of public opinion. In our
Reaction to the Mutsinzi Report, we demonstrate clearly that the
missiles were fired from the Masaka farm and that those missiles were
part of the RPF arsenal.[6]
In our reaction, we looked particularly into those responsible for
the attack. Our conclusion is irrevocable: in the face of Judge
Bruguière’s overwhelming evidence against Kagame and his accomplices
in the attack of April 6, 1994, the Mutsinzi Committee has made every
possible effort to fabricate elements that might impede, however
momentarily, the French judicial proceedings. The publication of the
Mutsinzi Report fits right into the political stratagem launched by
French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner with an aim toward renewing
diplomatic relations between Paris and Kigali. As Professor Filip
Reyntjens[7] quite aptly stated, it is frightening that justice can be
so cynically sacrificed on the altar of politics.[8]
The Mutsinzi Committee indicates, without credible basis, that some of
those under indictment at the ICTR are the perpetrators of the attack
against President Habyarimana’s airplane.[9] These false accusations
are nonsense. All those named by the Committee have been in the
custody of the ICTR Prosecutor for many years. Despite the fact that
the attack against President Habyarimana’s airplane is regarded by the
international community as the event that triggered the genocide, the
Prosecutor has never charged any of them with that attack. On the
contrary, he has continuously avoided arguments on this important
factor in the Rwandan tragedy. By so doing, he has prevented the ICTR
Judges from hearing evidence in the case. It is in the same attitude
that the Prosecutor vehemently opposed the oral motion recently filed
by the defense for Joseph Nzirorera in Trial Chamber III, on 18
January 2010.
Since the memorandum on the assassination of President Habyarimana
sent you in a letter dated 3 June 1999, the ICTR detainees have
constantly reminded you, in their numerous correspondences, of the
necessity for an independent inquiry into this terrorist attack.
Various commissions of inquiry created to look into the tragic events
in Rwanda 1994 have issued recommendations to that effect.[10]
Whereas they have been called upon many times to investigate the
assassination of President Habyarimana, the ICTR Prosecutors
invariably claimed that this terrorist attack does not fall within
their mandate. This position was once again strongly affirmed by ICTR
Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow at the Symposium on the ICTR held in
Geneva from 9 to 11 July 2009:
“All the Prosecutors, I believe, have taken a similar position with
regard to the
shooting down of the aircraft, and this is that it is not a matter
which falls within
the mandate of the ICTR.” [11]
However, there is a notable exception: Mme Carla Del Ponte was
dismissed from her position as ICTR Prosecutor because she had
expressed an inclination to prosecute the RPF, notably on the basis of
the investigation conducted by the French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière.
Previously, she had publicly stated:
“If it is the RPF that shot down the plane, the history of the
genocide must be rewritten.”
ICTR Prosecutor Hassan B. Jallow put a stop to all the inquiries that
might implicate Kagame and his henchmen. Obviously, he takes advantage
of the indifference of the UN toward the assassination of two sitting
Heads of State. However, the UN Security Council did not hesitate a
single moment in setting up commissions of inquiry into the
assassinations of the former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri or
the former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto.
Various independent personalities and NGOs have continuously denounced
the impunity granted by the ICTR to RPF members responsible for
serious violations of international humanitarian law. They rightly
consider that such impunity irreparably compromises the reconciliation
of the Rwandan people.
Therefore, we fervently request that an inquiry by a genuinely
independent commission be initiated to determine those responsible for
the 6 April 1994 attack carried out in an area under UNAMIR control,
and that the perpetrators be duly prosecuted. This is the only way to
counter the dictatorial Kagame regime’s last desperate attempt to bury
the truth of the RPF’s responsibility in the Rwandan tragedy. Should
the ICTR not be willing to deal with this matter that falls well and
truly within its jurisdiction, the UN Security Council and the UN
General Assembly are duty bound to come up with a mechanism for
entrusting the case to another independent international tribunal.
Yours sincerely,
The signatories: [See the attached list.]
Notes:
[1] Independent Committee of Experts charged with the investigation
into the crash on 06/04/1994 of the Falcon 50
aircraft, registration number 9XR-NN. That Committee was created by
Prime Ministerial Decree no. 07/03 of
16/04/2007 (hereinafter called Mutsinzi Committee).
[2] Filip Reyntjens : Rwanda : Analyse du Mutsinzi Report sur
l’attentat contre l’avion présidentiel, p. 25 [non official translation]
[3] Rwanda: Analysis of the MUTSINZI Report By Luc Marchal & The
Collective for the Truth [translated from French by CirqueMinime/
Paris], January 31, 2010.
[4] We demonstrated this manipulation in Sections 2 and 3 of our
Reaction to the Mutsinzi Report.
[5] We demonstrated the falseness of these allegations made by the
Mutsinzi Committee on that subject in Section 1 of our Reaction to the
Mutsinzi Report.
[6] See Sections 2 and 3 of our Reaction to the Mutsinzi Report.
[7] Filip Reyntjens : Rwanda : Analyse du Rapport Mutsinzi sur
l’attentat contre l’avion présidentiel.
[8] The visit of French President Nicolas Sarkozy to Kigali, scheduled for 26
February 2010, will mark the normalization of diplomatic relations
between the two countries.
[9] These individuals are : Théoneste Bagosora, Anatole Nsengiyumva,
Aloys Ntabakuze, François Nzuwonemeye, Joseph Nzirorera and Matthieu
Ngirumpatse.
[10] The Special Rapporteur of United Nations Committee for Human
Rights, Mr. René Degni Segui (Report of 28/08/1994), the Commission of
Experts (Report of 09/12/1994), the Inquiry Commission of the Senate
of Belgium, the Information Commission of the French Parliament and
the International Group of Prominent Personalities designated by OAU.
[11] Geneva Symposium, Session 5, p. 12.
(Edited by Michael Collins)
ICTR Detainees
United Nations Detention Facility (UNDF)
Arusha, Tanzania
The President of the UN Security Council,
The UN Secretary General,
The President of the ICTR,
Subject: An independent inquiry into and prosecution of the
perpetrators of the terrorist attack against the airplane of Rwandan
President Juvénal Habyarimana on 6th April 1994.
Your Excellencies,
We, the undersigned detainees of the ICTR, have the honor of sending
you, herewith attached, our reaction to the report by a Committee[1]
established by the Rwandan government to investigate the attack on
President Habyarimana’s airplane. As you will notice, we have
demonstrated, on the basis of evidence, the falseness of the report
produced by this so-called independent Committee.
Actually, this committee of Experts, composed of eminent RPF members,
was given, by the current President of Rwanda, General Paul Kagame,
the mission of fabricating exculpatory evidence in order to absolve
him and his henchmen, who took part in the murders of the Heads of
State of Rwanda and Burundi, seven of their collaborators, as well as
the three French crew members of the presidential Falcon 50 airplane.
This Committee was also put in place to block the international arrest
warrants issued by the French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière after his
eight year inquiry into the terrorist attack of 6 April 1994. In the
Mutsinzi Report, we see the RPF’s final attempt to completely silence
the truth of its responsibility in the Rwandan tragedy, in general,
and in the assassination of President Habyarimana, in particular.
Given its creator, its composition, and its real mission, the Mutsinzi
Committee can hardly be independent. It can not produce an objective
report because from the first outline of its methodology, it
considered a priori that the RPF is innocent and reflexively charged
“the Hutu extremists within the former regime” with being the
perpetrators of the attack. This is the postulate that prevailed
throughout the drafting of the report.
Aside from Paul Kagame’s sycophantic admirers, most commentators, from
the moment it was published, described the Mutsinzi Report as partial.
Prof. Filip Reyntjens, the Belgian researcher, said that “it is an
opportunistic political report of highly dubious quality.”[2] Belgian
Colonel Luc Marchal, former UNAMIR officer and the Commander of the
Kigali Sector, said: “We had the feeling of having been an audience to
a parody of an investigation, the script of which had been written in
advance.”[3]
In the long preliminary section about its methodology, the Mutsinzi
Committee indicated that it interviewed a large number of witnesses
and read hundreds of documents from different sources, including those
available from the ICTR. Actually, after reading the report, one
discovers that the Mutsinzi Committee systematically excluded all
relevant witnesses and documents that were likely to contradict its
postulate.[4]
Concerning the motive and circumstances of the attack, the Mutsinzi
Committee did not hesitate to repeat, in its conclusions, the outdated
theory of a planned genocide of the Tutsi by the former regime, a
theory the ICTR Prosecutor has failed, up to now, to demonstrate
despite his tremendous efforts and the vast material means at his
disposal.[5]
With regard to the technical part of its report, the Committee
commissioned a pair of British experts to clarify two points: i.e., to
determine the place from where the airplane was fired on, and to
identify the type of weapon fired on the airplane. Concerning the
place from where the missiles were fired, the two experts were content
to read testimony handed to them by the Committee. Without any
critique or cross-checking, they concluded exactly what the Committee
wanted them to conclude. However, the Committee had excluded all
testimony given by the local residents of Masaka and Kanombe that did
not support its theory. With respect to the identification of the
weapon that was used to perpetrate the crime, the British experts
brought nothing substantial to the Mutsinzi Committee. In short, one
must conclude that the report of the two British experts is rather
fanciful. It is colored by a troubling feebleness that suggests a
complicity in the lies and intoxication of public opinion. In our
Reaction to the Mutsinzi Report, we demonstrate clearly that the
missiles were fired from the Masaka farm and that those missiles were
part of the RPF arsenal.[6]
In our reaction, we looked particularly into those responsible for
the attack. Our conclusion is irrevocable: in the face of Judge
Bruguière’s overwhelming evidence against Kagame and his accomplices
in the attack of April 6, 1994, the Mutsinzi Committee has made every
possible effort to fabricate elements that might impede, however
momentarily, the French judicial proceedings. The publication of the
Mutsinzi Report fits right into the political stratagem launched by
French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner with an aim toward renewing
diplomatic relations between Paris and Kigali. As Professor Filip
Reyntjens[7] quite aptly stated, it is frightening that justice can be
so cynically sacrificed on the altar of politics.[8]
The Mutsinzi Committee indicates, without credible basis, that some of
those under indictment at the ICTR are the perpetrators of the attack
against President Habyarimana’s airplane.[9] These false accusations
are nonsense. All those named by the Committee have been in the
custody of the ICTR Prosecutor for many years. Despite the fact that
the attack against President Habyarimana’s airplane is regarded by the
international community as the event that triggered the genocide, the
Prosecutor has never charged any of them with that attack. On the
contrary, he has continuously avoided arguments on this important
factor in the Rwandan tragedy. By so doing, he has prevented the ICTR
Judges from hearing evidence in the case. It is in the same attitude
that the Prosecutor vehemently opposed the oral motion recently filed
by the defense for Joseph Nzirorera in Trial Chamber III, on 18
January 2010.
Since the memorandum on the assassination of President Habyarimana
sent you in a letter dated 3 June 1999, the ICTR detainees have
constantly reminded you, in their numerous correspondences, of the
necessity for an independent inquiry into this terrorist attack.
Various commissions of inquiry created to look into the tragic events
in Rwanda 1994 have issued recommendations to that effect.[10]
Whereas they have been called upon many times to investigate the
assassination of President Habyarimana, the ICTR Prosecutors
invariably claimed that this terrorist attack does not fall within
their mandate. This position was once again strongly affirmed by ICTR
Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow at the Symposium on the ICTR held in
Geneva from 9 to 11 July 2009:
“All the Prosecutors, I believe, have taken a similar position with
regard to the
shooting down of the aircraft, and this is that it is not a matter
which falls within
the mandate of the ICTR.” [11]
However, there is a notable exception: Mme Carla Del Ponte was
dismissed from her position as ICTR Prosecutor because she had
expressed an inclination to prosecute the RPF, notably on the basis of
the investigation conducted by the French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière.
Previously, she had publicly stated:
“If it is the RPF that shot down the plane, the history of the
genocide must be rewritten.”
ICTR Prosecutor Hassan B. Jallow put a stop to all the inquiries that
might implicate Kagame and his henchmen. Obviously, he takes advantage
of the indifference of the UN toward the assassination of two sitting
Heads of State. However, the UN Security Council did not hesitate a
single moment in setting up commissions of inquiry into the
assassinations of the former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri or
the former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto.
Various independent personalities and NGOs have continuously denounced
the impunity granted by the ICTR to RPF members responsible for
serious violations of international humanitarian law. They rightly
consider that such impunity irreparably compromises the reconciliation
of the Rwandan people.
Therefore, we fervently request that an inquiry by a genuinely
independent commission be initiated to determine those responsible for
the 6 April 1994 attack carried out in an area under UNAMIR control,
and that the perpetrators be duly prosecuted. This is the only way to
counter the dictatorial Kagame regime’s last desperate attempt to bury
the truth of the RPF’s responsibility in the Rwandan tragedy. Should
the ICTR not be willing to deal with this matter that falls well and
truly within its jurisdiction, the UN Security Council and the UN
General Assembly are duty bound to come up with a mechanism for
entrusting the case to another independent international tribunal.
Yours sincerely,
The signatories: [See the attached list.]
Notes:
[1] Independent Committee of Experts charged with the investigation
into the crash on 06/04/1994 of the Falcon 50
aircraft, registration number 9XR-NN. That Committee was created by
Prime Ministerial Decree no. 07/03 of
16/04/2007 (hereinafter called Mutsinzi Committee).
[2] Filip Reyntjens : Rwanda : Analyse du Mutsinzi Report sur
l’attentat contre l’avion présidentiel, p. 25 [non official translation]
[3] Rwanda: Analysis of the MUTSINZI Report By Luc Marchal & The
Collective for the Truth [translated from French by CirqueMinime/
Paris], January 31, 2010.
[4] We demonstrated this manipulation in Sections 2 and 3 of our
Reaction to the Mutsinzi Report.
[5] We demonstrated the falseness of these allegations made by the
Mutsinzi Committee on that subject in Section 1 of our Reaction to the
Mutsinzi Report.
[6] See Sections 2 and 3 of our Reaction to the Mutsinzi Report.
[7] Filip Reyntjens : Rwanda : Analyse du Rapport Mutsinzi sur
l’attentat contre l’avion présidentiel.
[8] The visit of French President Nicolas Sarkozy to Kigali, scheduled for 26
February 2010, will mark the normalization of diplomatic relations
between the two countries.
[9] These individuals are : Théoneste Bagosora, Anatole Nsengiyumva,
Aloys Ntabakuze, François Nzuwonemeye, Joseph Nzirorera and Matthieu
Ngirumpatse.
[10] The Special Rapporteur of United Nations Committee for Human
Rights, Mr. René Degni Segui (Report of 28/08/1994), the Commission of
Experts (Report of 09/12/1994), the Inquiry Commission of the Senate
of Belgium, the Information Commission of the French Parliament and
the International Group of Prominent Personalities designated by OAU.
[11] Geneva Symposium, Session 5, p. 12.
22 February, 2010
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Home Safe for Now.
FDU/UDF-Inkingi
Press Release
I am home and safe.
This morning my political organisation, the FDU/UDF-Inkingi informed the national and international communities about my request for temporary asylum. It’s true for many hours today I was inside the British High Commission in Kigali. We discussed the current political situation in Rwanda and the numerous threats to opposition leaders and I still expect that all stakeholders will do the utmost for the peaceful democratization of Rwanda.
However, police harassment is still on the agenda because the CID persistently summoned me for fresh questioning this evening. I like to make it publicly known that from now on during the night and for all subsequent police interrogations; I will, if necessary, exercise my constitutional right to remain silent until my case is taken to a court of law.
Done in Kigali,
22 February 2010.
Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson, UDF/FDU-Inkingi.
Press Release
I am home and safe.
This morning my political organisation, the FDU/UDF-Inkingi informed the national and international communities about my request for temporary asylum. It’s true for many hours today I was inside the British High Commission in Kigali. We discussed the current political situation in Rwanda and the numerous threats to opposition leaders and I still expect that all stakeholders will do the utmost for the peaceful democratization of Rwanda.
However, police harassment is still on the agenda because the CID persistently summoned me for fresh questioning this evening. I like to make it publicly known that from now on during the night and for all subsequent police interrogations; I will, if necessary, exercise my constitutional right to remain silent until my case is taken to a court of law.
Done in Kigali,
22 February 2010.
Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson, UDF/FDU-Inkingi.
George W. Bush, Tony Blair Visit Nigerian President Jonathan.
Daily Champion
By Tony Ailemen
22 February 2010
Abuja — Former President George W. Bush of the United States (U.S.) and ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain yesterday advocated a tougher war against corruption in Nigeria with Bush saying that those who loot public treasury should be in jail.
Also, international support for Acting President Goodluck Jonathan increased weekend following separate visits by Bush and Blair to the State House in Abuja.
However, speaking earlier at a special luncheon hosted by the former U.S. Secretary of State, Dr. Condoleezza Rice as part of activities lined up for the 15th THISDAY Awards in Abuja Bush said, stealing public money is not good governance.
"When leaders steal from the people that is bad governance, they ought to be in jail," he said.
In separate remarks Blair said "corruption is wrong, it is the least efficient way of doing things and it is important that the next election must be free and fair and nobody should try to interfere.
Elaborating on the issue, Bush said: Bad governance is when you steal peoples money that is entrusted in your care. That is the hallmark of what is bad governance. When you ask me what is good governance. It is honest officials who are there to serve the interest of the people and will make sure tax payers monies are spent on education, health among others."
Both leaders said transparency, accountability and war against corruption among public officials are necessary ingredients for good governance.
Both leaders said Africa is important in the new world and the development of Nigeria is important to the development of Africa . But in spite of all the support Africa gets, the future of Africa should be shaped by Africans. Both Bush and Blair said the interest of America and Britain in Nigeria during their tenure in office was spurred by poor indices of development especially health, debt burden and capacity building.
For instance, Bush said he was concerned by statistics of HIV/AIDS when he was in office. He said, over 50,000 infected persons had access of anti-retroviral drugs but by the time he left office it has increased to over 2 million.
Both leaders argued against protectionism and encouraged free trade. However, they agreed that agriculture subsidies in the developed nations hamper the potential of African farmers for export.
On Press freedom, they said vibrant and healthy press is good for societal development and democracy. They said the freedom of the press must be exercised with some responsibility, and that stories must be factual to make the right impact and must be devoid of sensationalism.
On women empowerment, both leaders recalled having strong women around them as mothers and spouses when they were in government, explaining that human capital development is the greatest resource of a nation and so discrimination against women is a colossal waste of human resources.
Blair said "it is wrong and stupid", adding that "If you want a tough job done get a woman to do it".
Bush and Blair explained the sensitivity of their respective countries to terrorism against the background of September 11, 2001 attack on the U.S. For example, Bush said, "We are still very nervous after 9/11".
Meanwhile Dr. Rice has said there is something that Nigerians must do to strengthen democracy in the country. These include:
"Demanding accountability of the government, overcoming old grievances by government, overcoming grievances by society, overcoming grievances by the people, and overcoming grievances one by one.
"And a multi ethnic and multi religion state, the overcoming of grievances through democratic institutions is of absolute necessity."
By Tony Ailemen
22 February 2010
Abuja — Former President George W. Bush of the United States (U.S.) and ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain yesterday advocated a tougher war against corruption in Nigeria with Bush saying that those who loot public treasury should be in jail.
Also, international support for Acting President Goodluck Jonathan increased weekend following separate visits by Bush and Blair to the State House in Abuja.
However, speaking earlier at a special luncheon hosted by the former U.S. Secretary of State, Dr. Condoleezza Rice as part of activities lined up for the 15th THISDAY Awards in Abuja Bush said, stealing public money is not good governance.
"When leaders steal from the people that is bad governance, they ought to be in jail," he said.
In separate remarks Blair said "corruption is wrong, it is the least efficient way of doing things and it is important that the next election must be free and fair and nobody should try to interfere.
Elaborating on the issue, Bush said: Bad governance is when you steal peoples money that is entrusted in your care. That is the hallmark of what is bad governance. When you ask me what is good governance. It is honest officials who are there to serve the interest of the people and will make sure tax payers monies are spent on education, health among others."
Both leaders said transparency, accountability and war against corruption among public officials are necessary ingredients for good governance.
Both leaders said Africa is important in the new world and the development of Nigeria is important to the development of Africa . But in spite of all the support Africa gets, the future of Africa should be shaped by Africans. Both Bush and Blair said the interest of America and Britain in Nigeria during their tenure in office was spurred by poor indices of development especially health, debt burden and capacity building.
For instance, Bush said he was concerned by statistics of HIV/AIDS when he was in office. He said, over 50,000 infected persons had access of anti-retroviral drugs but by the time he left office it has increased to over 2 million.
Both leaders argued against protectionism and encouraged free trade. However, they agreed that agriculture subsidies in the developed nations hamper the potential of African farmers for export.
On Press freedom, they said vibrant and healthy press is good for societal development and democracy. They said the freedom of the press must be exercised with some responsibility, and that stories must be factual to make the right impact and must be devoid of sensationalism.
On women empowerment, both leaders recalled having strong women around them as mothers and spouses when they were in government, explaining that human capital development is the greatest resource of a nation and so discrimination against women is a colossal waste of human resources.
Blair said "it is wrong and stupid", adding that "If you want a tough job done get a woman to do it".
Bush and Blair explained the sensitivity of their respective countries to terrorism against the background of September 11, 2001 attack on the U.S. For example, Bush said, "We are still very nervous after 9/11".
Meanwhile Dr. Rice has said there is something that Nigerians must do to strengthen democracy in the country. These include:
"Demanding accountability of the government, overcoming old grievances by government, overcoming grievances by society, overcoming grievances by the people, and overcoming grievances one by one.
"And a multi ethnic and multi religion state, the overcoming of grievances through democratic institutions is of absolute necessity."
Halliburton - Nigerian Senate Suspends Investigation.
This Day
By Sufuyan Ojeifo
21 February 2010
Editor's Note: This occurs as George W. Bush, Condolezza Rice and Robin Sanders are in Nigeria.....
The Ad-Hoc Committee, empowered by the Senate, to investigate the Halliburton bribery scandal involving some top Nigerian officials (both former and serving), has recommended suspension of the exercise pending when the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice makes available to it required information.
A whopping $180 million was reportedly paid as bribes by a United States of America-based company-Kellogg Brown & Root (KBR) Inc.- the engineering subsidiary of Halliburton Company. The company had pleaded guilty to five federal charges that it paid that amount as bribes to Nigerian officials.
The Upper House had mandated a Joint Ad-Hoc Committee, comprising Committee on Drugs, Narcotics, Financial Crimes and Anti-Corruption; Committee on Gas; and Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, to embark on a separate, independent investigation into the scandal.Those found culpable in the scandal would be compelled to return the US$180 million money paid to them as bribes by the United States of America-based company.
But in the report of the investigation submitted to the Senate last Wednesday, the Ad-Hoc Committee only recommended the suspension of the investigation because the United States Government could not oblige the request by the AGF and Minister of Justice for disclosure of information.
By Sufuyan Ojeifo
21 February 2010
Editor's Note: This occurs as George W. Bush, Condolezza Rice and Robin Sanders are in Nigeria.....
The Ad-Hoc Committee, empowered by the Senate, to investigate the Halliburton bribery scandal involving some top Nigerian officials (both former and serving), has recommended suspension of the exercise pending when the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice makes available to it required information.
A whopping $180 million was reportedly paid as bribes by a United States of America-based company-Kellogg Brown & Root (KBR) Inc.- the engineering subsidiary of Halliburton Company. The company had pleaded guilty to five federal charges that it paid that amount as bribes to Nigerian officials.
The Upper House had mandated a Joint Ad-Hoc Committee, comprising Committee on Drugs, Narcotics, Financial Crimes and Anti-Corruption; Committee on Gas; and Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, to embark on a separate, independent investigation into the scandal.Those found culpable in the scandal would be compelled to return the US$180 million money paid to them as bribes by the United States of America-based company.
But in the report of the investigation submitted to the Senate last Wednesday, the Ad-Hoc Committee only recommended the suspension of the investigation because the United States Government could not oblige the request by the AGF and Minister of Justice for disclosure of information.
FDU Leader Seeks Asylum in UK Embassy Amidst Rwandan Goverment's Continued Oppression.
FDU/UDF-Inkingi
22 February 2010
Press Release
Today, 22 February 2010, Ms. Victoire Ingabire requested political protection and temporary asylum in the Embassy of the United Kingdom in Kigali. Following confirmation of an RPF plan for her imminent arrest, their intention to detain her in solitary confinement and subject her to physical/mental harassment and psychological torture, Ms. Victoire Ingabire, the Chair of UDF-Inkingi, managed to reach the British High Commission in Kigali for temporary refuge.
Under the orders of President Paul Kagame, Ms. Ingabire was once again summoned today by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) for interrogation, marking the third time in less than two weeks. This continued blatant harassment of peaceful Rwandan opposition parties is shrinking the political space to new lows ahead of the the upcoming 2010 presidential elections.
We call upon all Rwandans to remain calm and remember that peace and non-violence has always been the principle guiding Victoire Ingabire’s actions. The winds of democratic change are here and nobody will stop it. It’s time for President Kagame, his ruling party and hardliner fanatics, to choose a peaceful future for our Rwandan children and our country. The time for the right choice is now.
We call upon President Paul Kagame and his regime to give peace a chance. You have done war for many years and this is a critical time in our country's history. The Rwandan people will remember well the choices you are now going to make.
To the international community, it’s long past time for you to play a leading role in the process of Rwanda's democratization.
Done on 22 February 2010,
For the FDU-UDF INKINGI,
Nkiko Nsengimana
Coordination Committee
Editor's Update: 17:22 Kigali Time - Rwandan sources claim Mrs. Ingabire has left the High Commission and reported to the Kigali CID office. They state assurances were obtained that she would not be arrested. More to follow as the situation develops.
22 February 2010
Press Release
Today, 22 February 2010, Ms. Victoire Ingabire requested political protection and temporary asylum in the Embassy of the United Kingdom in Kigali. Following confirmation of an RPF plan for her imminent arrest, their intention to detain her in solitary confinement and subject her to physical/mental harassment and psychological torture, Ms. Victoire Ingabire, the Chair of UDF-Inkingi, managed to reach the British High Commission in Kigali for temporary refuge.
Under the orders of President Paul Kagame, Ms. Ingabire was once again summoned today by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) for interrogation, marking the third time in less than two weeks. This continued blatant harassment of peaceful Rwandan opposition parties is shrinking the political space to new lows ahead of the the upcoming 2010 presidential elections.
We call upon all Rwandans to remain calm and remember that peace and non-violence has always been the principle guiding Victoire Ingabire’s actions. The winds of democratic change are here and nobody will stop it. It’s time for President Kagame, his ruling party and hardliner fanatics, to choose a peaceful future for our Rwandan children and our country. The time for the right choice is now.
We call upon President Paul Kagame and his regime to give peace a chance. You have done war for many years and this is a critical time in our country's history. The Rwandan people will remember well the choices you are now going to make.
To the international community, it’s long past time for you to play a leading role in the process of Rwanda's democratization.
Done on 22 February 2010,
For the FDU-UDF INKINGI,
Nkiko Nsengimana
Coordination Committee
Editor's Update: 17:22 Kigali Time - Rwandan sources claim Mrs. Ingabire has left the High Commission and reported to the Kigali CID office. They state assurances were obtained that she would not be arrested. More to follow as the situation develops.
Robin Sanders, Condolezza Rice, and George W. Bush In Nigeria.
Next
22 February 2010
By Bassey Udo
United States of America’s insistence on establishing a military high command for Africa called AFRICOM in the Gulf of Guinea is not for the love of the continent, but principally for the lust for its oil resources.
Over the years, the U.S. has significantly increased its oil imports from Africa, mainly through most of its companies operating in Nigeria, Angola, and to a lesser extent from Equatorial Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe.
The expectation of an average American is that by 2015 about 25 percent of its oil imports would come from Africa, essentially from the Gulf of Guinea. Therefore, any threat to sustained oil exploration and production activities in the region is, invariably, a direct threat to America’s strategic interest. Maintaining stability in the centres of oil production in Africa has remained a prime concern to the US, as have the establishment of US naval bases and stop-over points streching from Djibouti around to Tunisia.
With China also venturing outside for other sources of oil to support its quest for solutions to its energy needs, the competition has heightened the pressure on the U.S. to safeguard its existing oil interests. Therefore the many visits to Africa by top American businessmen and leaders, including erstwhile American President, George W. Bush, may not be unconnected with the ever-tougher competition from China for the control of the continent’s oil resources.
Most of the major oil exploration and production companies in Nigeria are of American origin. These include ExxonMobil Corporation and Chevron Nigeria Limited, which are respectively the second and third largest upstream operators in a joint venture with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).
ExxonMobil, which currently accounts for almost 600,000 barrels of oil per day, also has Esso Exploration and Production of Nigeria (EEPN), which is the deep offshore production arm of the corporation, in charge of Erha oil field, Nigeria’s second largest deep water oil acreage.
Similarly, Chevron, which produces about 400,000 barrels per day, also has a deepwater subsidiary, Star Deepwater, which operates the Agbami offshore oil field reputed to be one of Nigeria’s biggest oil concessions in recent times.
The Niger Delta challenge Since the breakout of crisis in the Niger Delta in late 2005,
following the launching of attacks on oil installations by armed militant groups in the oil region, the operations of these companies, along with others, have been seriously curtailed.
For more than a decade, the crisis appears to have defied resolution, thus deeming the prospects of America and its allies’ access to the region’s ‘sweet crude’, which has been their main source of energy for their industries.
Nigeria, the world’s sixth leading oil and gas producers, produces an average of 2.3 million barrels of oil every day, with prospects of raising the capacity to about 4.5million in the near future.
A leading member of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Nigeria is America’s fifth largest supplier.
The U.S. consumes between 18 million and 20 million barrels of oil per day. With a proven pool of about 60 billion barrels from the Gulf of Guinea, with prospects of more supplies from the deep water discoveries, oil is certainly on the front burner of Bush’s visit agenda.
Observers say Mr. Bush would attempt to use the visit to open diplomatic talks with Nigeria on the possibility of helping to restore peace in the crisis-torn region, particularly at a time when the Federal Government’s amnesty programme appears to have been stalled as a result of the unceremonious absence of the ailing President, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.
The programme initiated to help disarm, rehabilitate, mobilise and integrate erstwhile armed militant group leaders in the Niger Delta for constructive development engagement, recorded some significant positive benefits within the short period it was introduced, with oil production climbing gradually back to it’s the level prior to its take off.
With the coming of the Acting President, Goodluck Jonathan, there appears to be a glimmer of hope for America to move in to find a way of forging new alliances to protect its oil supply interests.
There is no better personality who would fit the bill of the assignment than Mr. Bush, whose interest in oil business dates back to 1978, when he, following his father’s footsteps, set up series of limited liability partnerships, including Arbusto Energy, in Midland, Texas for the primary business of drilling for oil. He was to later change Arbusto’s name to Bush Exploration, after a merger deal into Spectrum 7 Energy Corporation in 1984.
The Bush-controlled oil business eventually ended up being folded into Harken Energy Corporation, a Dallas-based corporation.
An oil industry source who pleaded anonymity yesterday night told NEXT ‘‘ The visit of Mr. Bush although not official because he came for a media event, should not be lost on all. He is an investor in the oil sector and would not allow such an opportunity to pass without discussing some form of oil business with the Acting President.’’
22 February 2010
By Bassey Udo
United States of America’s insistence on establishing a military high command for Africa called AFRICOM in the Gulf of Guinea is not for the love of the continent, but principally for the lust for its oil resources.
Over the years, the U.S. has significantly increased its oil imports from Africa, mainly through most of its companies operating in Nigeria, Angola, and to a lesser extent from Equatorial Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe.
The expectation of an average American is that by 2015 about 25 percent of its oil imports would come from Africa, essentially from the Gulf of Guinea. Therefore, any threat to sustained oil exploration and production activities in the region is, invariably, a direct threat to America’s strategic interest. Maintaining stability in the centres of oil production in Africa has remained a prime concern to the US, as have the establishment of US naval bases and stop-over points streching from Djibouti around to Tunisia.
With China also venturing outside for other sources of oil to support its quest for solutions to its energy needs, the competition has heightened the pressure on the U.S. to safeguard its existing oil interests. Therefore the many visits to Africa by top American businessmen and leaders, including erstwhile American President, George W. Bush, may not be unconnected with the ever-tougher competition from China for the control of the continent’s oil resources.
Most of the major oil exploration and production companies in Nigeria are of American origin. These include ExxonMobil Corporation and Chevron Nigeria Limited, which are respectively the second and third largest upstream operators in a joint venture with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).
ExxonMobil, which currently accounts for almost 600,000 barrels of oil per day, also has Esso Exploration and Production of Nigeria (EEPN), which is the deep offshore production arm of the corporation, in charge of Erha oil field, Nigeria’s second largest deep water oil acreage.
Similarly, Chevron, which produces about 400,000 barrels per day, also has a deepwater subsidiary, Star Deepwater, which operates the Agbami offshore oil field reputed to be one of Nigeria’s biggest oil concessions in recent times.
The Niger Delta challenge Since the breakout of crisis in the Niger Delta in late 2005,
following the launching of attacks on oil installations by armed militant groups in the oil region, the operations of these companies, along with others, have been seriously curtailed.
For more than a decade, the crisis appears to have defied resolution, thus deeming the prospects of America and its allies’ access to the region’s ‘sweet crude’, which has been their main source of energy for their industries.
Nigeria, the world’s sixth leading oil and gas producers, produces an average of 2.3 million barrels of oil every day, with prospects of raising the capacity to about 4.5million in the near future.
A leading member of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Nigeria is America’s fifth largest supplier.
The U.S. consumes between 18 million and 20 million barrels of oil per day. With a proven pool of about 60 billion barrels from the Gulf of Guinea, with prospects of more supplies from the deep water discoveries, oil is certainly on the front burner of Bush’s visit agenda.
Observers say Mr. Bush would attempt to use the visit to open diplomatic talks with Nigeria on the possibility of helping to restore peace in the crisis-torn region, particularly at a time when the Federal Government’s amnesty programme appears to have been stalled as a result of the unceremonious absence of the ailing President, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.
The programme initiated to help disarm, rehabilitate, mobilise and integrate erstwhile armed militant group leaders in the Niger Delta for constructive development engagement, recorded some significant positive benefits within the short period it was introduced, with oil production climbing gradually back to it’s the level prior to its take off.
With the coming of the Acting President, Goodluck Jonathan, there appears to be a glimmer of hope for America to move in to find a way of forging new alliances to protect its oil supply interests.
There is no better personality who would fit the bill of the assignment than Mr. Bush, whose interest in oil business dates back to 1978, when he, following his father’s footsteps, set up series of limited liability partnerships, including Arbusto Energy, in Midland, Texas for the primary business of drilling for oil. He was to later change Arbusto’s name to Bush Exploration, after a merger deal into Spectrum 7 Energy Corporation in 1984.
The Bush-controlled oil business eventually ended up being folded into Harken Energy Corporation, a Dallas-based corporation.
An oil industry source who pleaded anonymity yesterday night told NEXT ‘‘ The visit of Mr. Bush although not official because he came for a media event, should not be lost on all. He is an investor in the oil sector and would not allow such an opportunity to pass without discussing some form of oil business with the Acting President.’’
21 February, 2010
Opposition forms coalition as Govt goes into closed-door retreat.
Rwandan News Agency
20 February 2010
Two of the yet-to-be registered political parties have joined up with a registered party in a move possibly indicating a coalition for vocal government critics just six months ahead of the presidential elections, RNA reports.
The United Democratic Forces–Inkingi and the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda agreed on Friday to join up with the Social Party-Imberakuri, which is already registered, to form the “Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties” (PCCOP).
FDU-Inkingi is led by politician Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, who just returned to the country from a 16-year exile. The Green Party is headed by Mr. Frank Habineza – a former government employee. As for PS-Imberakuri’s Mr. Bernard Ntaganda, a lawyer, he only came into the political limelight in 2008.
There are ten legally accepted political parties registered with the Ministry of Local Government. PS-Imberakuri was registered in July of last year after two failed attempts because the authorities demanded certain changes. First, the party gave itself the abbreviation PSI – which government claimed would cause confusion with health charity Population Services International (PSI).
Then it was discovered that the group did not have the legally mandated 30 percent female quota in its ranks – as stipulated by the country’s constitution. These issues had to be rectified before it was given approval to operate as a mainstream party within the Political Party Forum.
The new opposition block said in a statement that the new coalition would carry out lobbying and advocacy at the national and international level.
Meanwhile, on Saturday, government officials including current President Paul Kagame started their annual retreat to strategize on leadership and political priorities. Mr. Kagame opened it with his usual harsh criticism of the performance of government departments.
He demanded that this seventh retreat find ways on limiting government meetings and workshops – which he said have become the norm but with very little in terms of results. He said everything in government has become “somehow” – as he claimed officials often do not put in much effort to achieve results.
Working under the theme ‘Leaders take ownership, change and work for a better life for all Rwandans’, the four-day retreat brings together all political leaders from the executive, judiciary and legislature.
It is expected to review the progress made since last year’s retreat and to set priorities for the state this year.
20 February 2010
Two of the yet-to-be registered political parties have joined up with a registered party in a move possibly indicating a coalition for vocal government critics just six months ahead of the presidential elections, RNA reports.
The United Democratic Forces–Inkingi and the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda agreed on Friday to join up with the Social Party-Imberakuri, which is already registered, to form the “Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties” (PCCOP).
FDU-Inkingi is led by politician Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, who just returned to the country from a 16-year exile. The Green Party is headed by Mr. Frank Habineza – a former government employee. As for PS-Imberakuri’s Mr. Bernard Ntaganda, a lawyer, he only came into the political limelight in 2008.
There are ten legally accepted political parties registered with the Ministry of Local Government. PS-Imberakuri was registered in July of last year after two failed attempts because the authorities demanded certain changes. First, the party gave itself the abbreviation PSI – which government claimed would cause confusion with health charity Population Services International (PSI).
Then it was discovered that the group did not have the legally mandated 30 percent female quota in its ranks – as stipulated by the country’s constitution. These issues had to be rectified before it was given approval to operate as a mainstream party within the Political Party Forum.
The new opposition block said in a statement that the new coalition would carry out lobbying and advocacy at the national and international level.
Meanwhile, on Saturday, government officials including current President Paul Kagame started their annual retreat to strategize on leadership and political priorities. Mr. Kagame opened it with his usual harsh criticism of the performance of government departments.
He demanded that this seventh retreat find ways on limiting government meetings and workshops – which he said have become the norm but with very little in terms of results. He said everything in government has become “somehow” – as he claimed officials often do not put in much effort to achieve results.
Working under the theme ‘Leaders take ownership, change and work for a better life for all Rwandans’, the four-day retreat brings together all political leaders from the executive, judiciary and legislature.
It is expected to review the progress made since last year’s retreat and to set priorities for the state this year.
International Community Smuggled Arms, Claims Karadzic at ICTY, and he's Right.
IWPR
19 February 2010
By Rachel Irwin
Editor's Note: Many people may make the mistake of dismissing these claims simply because Mr. Karadzic, who the Western world has already been conditioned to see as the only "bad guy" and has already been judged guilty by the press, is making the claims. However, it is well-established that several actors armed the Bosnian Muslims throughout the war. The Daily Telegraph reported on Germany's intelligence agency, the BND, supplying arms to the Bosnian Muslims in 93-94 by infiltrating the EU monitoring missions. Mr. Christoph von Bezold, head of the German EU monitors, was said to be a BND agent who smuggled arms to Bosnian Muslims through the Bihac pocket in containers with powdered milk. After the UN arms embargo was implimented, Iran, aided by Turkey, began arming the Bosnian Muslims in 92. Muhammed Cengic brokered arms deals for the Bosnian Muslims with Turkey in 1992. Also in 1992, the National Islamic Front in Sudan (led by Hassan al-Turabi), during the time Osama Bin Laden lived in Khartoum, facilitated arms shipment to Maribor, Slovenia, where they were packaged as humanitarian aid and flown to Croatia and smuggled into Bosnia. Bin Laden himself personally visited Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic, who gave him a Bosnian passport (some foreign reporters who were eyewitnesses to the visits testified to this during the Milosevic trial). Bin Laden provided Pres. Izetbegovic with large amounts of money to purchase arms through his charities, particularly the Third World Relief Agency, and supplies the Bosnian Muslim army with mujahadeen fighters from across the globe. The planes belonged to one of Victor Bout's companies. In late 1994, the US, with Hasan Cengic and his father Halid Cengic, finish work on an airstip in Visoko, Bosnia where arms shipments were flown in. Canadian UN peacekeepers claimed they believed the flights were American C-130s in the Observer. In January 1993, Pakistani ships were caught in the Adriatic Sea shipping arms to Croatia for smuggling into Bosnia. Prof. Cees Wiebes said in early 1994, President Clinton and (then) NSC head Tony Lake gave a carefully veiled and tacit agreement to allow Iran to ship weapons to Croatia for smuggling into Bosnia. 4 months later, the Scotsman reported that (then) Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs Richard Holbrooke convinced the State Department to hire the private military contractor MPRI to train the Croatian Army and help them plan operations. By mid 1995, arms are flown in to Tuzla. Wiebes claimed a UN offical was "physically threatened" by 3 American officers not to talk. Tim Ripley alleged the flights were conducted by "'covert warriors’ of the NSC [National Security Council] and State Department" and claimed US NATO officials where not involved, but it was rather a compartmentalized operation. In January 1996, Richard Perle tells the Turkish Daily News that the arming and training of Bosnian Muslims is of “vital interest” to the US and suggests that “among the NATO allies Turkey is [the] number one candidate for the job.” according to Turkish Daily News.
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Former Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic this week demanded that several countries turn over documents which he claims will prove they were illegally smuggling weapons into Bosnia during the war.
“[The documents] will show not only what was happening on the ground…[but also] that members of the UN were on the side of the warring party, rather than neutral parties,” Karadzic said at a February 15 hearing in the Hague tribunal, which included representatives from Germany, France, Croatia and Iran. Bosnian representatives were unable to attend due to “technical obstacles”.
A 1991 United Nations arms embargo prevented countries from supplying weapons to armies in the former Yugoslavia, but Karadzic claims that many funneled weapons to the Bosnian army, composed mostly of Bosniaks.
In the past several months, he has requested related documents from several countries which he says are pertinent to his defence. The hearing this week was held to discuss states’ progress in locating the documents, or in Germany’s case, why they do not wish to hand them over.
“We can’t arrive at a full picture and have a fair trial if we do not have all the elements,” Karadzic told the court this week.
German ambassador Thomas Laufer disagreed, questioning the relevance of the requested documents.
“Karadzic is facing charges of genocide and other crimes, and it not clear why [these documents] are required,” Laufer said. “We stick to our position.”
Karadzic responded that “the events in Bosnia are not part of a vacuum”.
“The smuggling of weapons that arrived through Germany …that is of significance and will impact on the testimonies on international witnesses,” he continued.
He added that several countries, Germany included, “predicted what would happen in Yugoslavia and some of them contributed actively to what would happen there”.
In a more detailed written request to the German government dated August 12, 2009, Karadzic stated that many of the documents were directly related to the July 1995 Srebrenica massacre, in which about 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were killed. It is considered the single worst atrocity to occur on European soil since World War II.
Karadzic, the president of Bosnia’s Republika Srpska from 1992 to 1996, is accused of planning the Srebrenica massacre as well as with overseeing the siege of Sarajevo that left nearly 12,000 people dead.
The indictment – which lists 11 counts in total – alleges that he is responsible for crimes of genocide, persecution, extermination, murder and forcible transfer which “contributed to achieving the objective of the permanent removal of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats from Bosnian Serb-claimed territory”.
Karadzic wrote in the August 12 request that intelligence gathered by the German government will show that he never “favoured, planned, or condoned the killing of civilians in Srebrenica”.
Furthermore, Karadzic stated that the smuggling of weapons to the Bosnian army will show that there was a “legitimate military objective to commence operations” on Srebrenica, since the smuggled weapons were, he claims, being used to launch attacks on Bosnian Serb civilians.
Laufer was not convinced by Karadzic’s assertions, and told judges that the accused “simply claims that certain people had knowledge of certain events”.
“No one can possibly check up on this,” Laufer continued. “The way Karadzic is explaining himself is not motivating us to [meet] his demands.”
Judge Kwon said that the court will determine whether or not the documents are relevant to Karadzic’s case and, as part of that process, he asked the prosecution to clarify some issues relating to Srebrenica.
“The prosecution does not dispute that arms were smuggled in and that Muslim attacks continued after [Srebrenica] was declared a safe area,” explained prosecutor Alan Tieger.
He added that the prosecution had never taken the position that the Bosnian army was not a legitimate military target.
Karadzic said he appreciated Tieger’s words.
“This leads us to the conclusion that the decisions I made in relation to Srebrenica were legitimate,” Karadzic said. “However, that charge remains in the indictment.”
He added that attacks against Serbs were “very, very violent” and that he has evidence that “[Bosniak] fighters from the enclave returned with chains of Serb ears around their necks”.
Judge Kwon interjected and told Karadzic that “it’s one thing to have a legitimate cause in waging war, but totally a separate matter on how it is waged”.
“I would like to remind you that the purpose of this trial is to judge whether you are guilty of the charges in the indictment,” the judge continued. “This is not an opportunity to produce [evidence] of all the events that happened at the time.”
Judge Kwon also asked if the requested documents were at all relevant to the charge that Karadzic is responsible for taking more than 200 UN personnel hostage in 1995.
“The taking of hostages, this was done spontaneously and in a panic,” Karadzic responded. “People perceived these armed representatives as biased. [The hostages] did side with one side in the conflict and that is what we are going to show.”
While Germany objected to providing the requested documents, representatives from France said that they could disclose one of the documents sought. Others, however, were actually internal UN documents they did not possess.
Croatian ambassador Josko Paro said that his country had provided 15 documents to the accused, and would need more time as regards further requests.
Iranian representatives said they had completed a search for the requested documents but found none. They also questioned the relevance of such documents for the accused’s case, especially as relates to the events in Srebrenica.
When asked by Judge Kwon to explain this, Karadzic said the documents will “demonstrate that the charges by the prosecution are not as they seem.
“We have to show there is no evidence for this charge [of genocide] in the indictment. The Serbian side was put in a position to defend its very survival.”
The trial is scheduled to recommence on March 1.
19 February 2010
By Rachel Irwin
Editor's Note: Many people may make the mistake of dismissing these claims simply because Mr. Karadzic, who the Western world has already been conditioned to see as the only "bad guy" and has already been judged guilty by the press, is making the claims. However, it is well-established that several actors armed the Bosnian Muslims throughout the war. The Daily Telegraph reported on Germany's intelligence agency, the BND, supplying arms to the Bosnian Muslims in 93-94 by infiltrating the EU monitoring missions. Mr. Christoph von Bezold, head of the German EU monitors, was said to be a BND agent who smuggled arms to Bosnian Muslims through the Bihac pocket in containers with powdered milk. After the UN arms embargo was implimented, Iran, aided by Turkey, began arming the Bosnian Muslims in 92. Muhammed Cengic brokered arms deals for the Bosnian Muslims with Turkey in 1992. Also in 1992, the National Islamic Front in Sudan (led by Hassan al-Turabi), during the time Osama Bin Laden lived in Khartoum, facilitated arms shipment to Maribor, Slovenia, where they were packaged as humanitarian aid and flown to Croatia and smuggled into Bosnia. Bin Laden himself personally visited Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic, who gave him a Bosnian passport (some foreign reporters who were eyewitnesses to the visits testified to this during the Milosevic trial). Bin Laden provided Pres. Izetbegovic with large amounts of money to purchase arms through his charities, particularly the Third World Relief Agency, and supplies the Bosnian Muslim army with mujahadeen fighters from across the globe. The planes belonged to one of Victor Bout's companies. In late 1994, the US, with Hasan Cengic and his father Halid Cengic, finish work on an airstip in Visoko, Bosnia where arms shipments were flown in. Canadian UN peacekeepers claimed they believed the flights were American C-130s in the Observer. In January 1993, Pakistani ships were caught in the Adriatic Sea shipping arms to Croatia for smuggling into Bosnia. Prof. Cees Wiebes said in early 1994, President Clinton and (then) NSC head Tony Lake gave a carefully veiled and tacit agreement to allow Iran to ship weapons to Croatia for smuggling into Bosnia. 4 months later, the Scotsman reported that (then) Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs Richard Holbrooke convinced the State Department to hire the private military contractor MPRI to train the Croatian Army and help them plan operations. By mid 1995, arms are flown in to Tuzla. Wiebes claimed a UN offical was "physically threatened" by 3 American officers not to talk. Tim Ripley alleged the flights were conducted by "'covert warriors’ of the NSC [National Security Council] and State Department" and claimed US NATO officials where not involved, but it was rather a compartmentalized operation. In January 1996, Richard Perle tells the Turkish Daily News that the arming and training of Bosnian Muslims is of “vital interest” to the US and suggests that “among the NATO allies Turkey is [the] number one candidate for the job.” according to Turkish Daily News.
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Former Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic this week demanded that several countries turn over documents which he claims will prove they were illegally smuggling weapons into Bosnia during the war.
“[The documents] will show not only what was happening on the ground…[but also] that members of the UN were on the side of the warring party, rather than neutral parties,” Karadzic said at a February 15 hearing in the Hague tribunal, which included representatives from Germany, France, Croatia and Iran. Bosnian representatives were unable to attend due to “technical obstacles”.
A 1991 United Nations arms embargo prevented countries from supplying weapons to armies in the former Yugoslavia, but Karadzic claims that many funneled weapons to the Bosnian army, composed mostly of Bosniaks.
In the past several months, he has requested related documents from several countries which he says are pertinent to his defence. The hearing this week was held to discuss states’ progress in locating the documents, or in Germany’s case, why they do not wish to hand them over.
“We can’t arrive at a full picture and have a fair trial if we do not have all the elements,” Karadzic told the court this week.
German ambassador Thomas Laufer disagreed, questioning the relevance of the requested documents.
“Karadzic is facing charges of genocide and other crimes, and it not clear why [these documents] are required,” Laufer said. “We stick to our position.”
Karadzic responded that “the events in Bosnia are not part of a vacuum”.
“The smuggling of weapons that arrived through Germany …that is of significance and will impact on the testimonies on international witnesses,” he continued.
He added that several countries, Germany included, “predicted what would happen in Yugoslavia and some of them contributed actively to what would happen there”.
In a more detailed written request to the German government dated August 12, 2009, Karadzic stated that many of the documents were directly related to the July 1995 Srebrenica massacre, in which about 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were killed. It is considered the single worst atrocity to occur on European soil since World War II.
Karadzic, the president of Bosnia’s Republika Srpska from 1992 to 1996, is accused of planning the Srebrenica massacre as well as with overseeing the siege of Sarajevo that left nearly 12,000 people dead.
The indictment – which lists 11 counts in total – alleges that he is responsible for crimes of genocide, persecution, extermination, murder and forcible transfer which “contributed to achieving the objective of the permanent removal of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats from Bosnian Serb-claimed territory”.
Karadzic wrote in the August 12 request that intelligence gathered by the German government will show that he never “favoured, planned, or condoned the killing of civilians in Srebrenica”.
Furthermore, Karadzic stated that the smuggling of weapons to the Bosnian army will show that there was a “legitimate military objective to commence operations” on Srebrenica, since the smuggled weapons were, he claims, being used to launch attacks on Bosnian Serb civilians.
Laufer was not convinced by Karadzic’s assertions, and told judges that the accused “simply claims that certain people had knowledge of certain events”.
“No one can possibly check up on this,” Laufer continued. “The way Karadzic is explaining himself is not motivating us to [meet] his demands.”
Judge Kwon said that the court will determine whether or not the documents are relevant to Karadzic’s case and, as part of that process, he asked the prosecution to clarify some issues relating to Srebrenica.
“The prosecution does not dispute that arms were smuggled in and that Muslim attacks continued after [Srebrenica] was declared a safe area,” explained prosecutor Alan Tieger.
He added that the prosecution had never taken the position that the Bosnian army was not a legitimate military target.
Karadzic said he appreciated Tieger’s words.
“This leads us to the conclusion that the decisions I made in relation to Srebrenica were legitimate,” Karadzic said. “However, that charge remains in the indictment.”
He added that attacks against Serbs were “very, very violent” and that he has evidence that “[Bosniak] fighters from the enclave returned with chains of Serb ears around their necks”.
Judge Kwon interjected and told Karadzic that “it’s one thing to have a legitimate cause in waging war, but totally a separate matter on how it is waged”.
“I would like to remind you that the purpose of this trial is to judge whether you are guilty of the charges in the indictment,” the judge continued. “This is not an opportunity to produce [evidence] of all the events that happened at the time.”
Judge Kwon also asked if the requested documents were at all relevant to the charge that Karadzic is responsible for taking more than 200 UN personnel hostage in 1995.
“The taking of hostages, this was done spontaneously and in a panic,” Karadzic responded. “People perceived these armed representatives as biased. [The hostages] did side with one side in the conflict and that is what we are going to show.”
While Germany objected to providing the requested documents, representatives from France said that they could disclose one of the documents sought. Others, however, were actually internal UN documents they did not possess.
Croatian ambassador Josko Paro said that his country had provided 15 documents to the accused, and would need more time as regards further requests.
Iranian representatives said they had completed a search for the requested documents but found none. They also questioned the relevance of such documents for the accused’s case, especially as relates to the events in Srebrenica.
When asked by Judge Kwon to explain this, Karadzic said the documents will “demonstrate that the charges by the prosecution are not as they seem.
“We have to show there is no evidence for this charge [of genocide] in the indictment. The Serbian side was put in a position to defend its very survival.”
The trial is scheduled to recommence on March 1.
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