BBC News
13 March 2010
By Charles Haviland
In recent weeks, the Tamil National Alliance has dropped some of its MPs
The Sri Lankan political party closest to the defeated Tamil Tiger rebel movement has dropped a demand for a separate Tamil homeland.
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA), which is the biggest political grouping representing the ethnic minority, said it instead wanted a "federal" solution.
The party wants the two Tamil-majority provinces to be merged back into one, and significant devolution of powers.
It outlined the stance in a manifesto for April's parliamentary election.
'Shared sovereignty'
Formed nine years ago, the Tamil National Alliance was generally seen as a proxy for the Tamil Tigers.
Since the 1970s, the latter professed to be fighting for what it called Tamil Eelam, an independent state for Tamils on the island of Sri Lanka. The TNA followed their ideological line.
The government's victory over the Tigers ended a bloody civil war
But 10 months after the Tigers' defeat by government forces, the TNA is changing its outlook.
Its election manifesto asks for power-sharing within a "federal structure".
It wants the two Tamil-majority provinces to be merged back into one, and significant devolution of powers on issues like land and taxes. And it mentions self-determination.
But it also speaks of "shared sovereignty among the peoples who inhabit this island".
The TNA is therefore codifying what its politicians have been saying for some time.
Last month its leader, Rajavarothiam Sampanthan, told the BBC he believed most Tamils in Sri Lanka no longer believed in violence or separation, but nevertheless wanted equality.
Another TNA parliamentarian, Suresh Premachandran, told the BBC on Saturday a federal solution was appropriate given the "changed global and regional situation".
Mr Premachandran said he was inviting the government to respond by solving Tamils' problems within a united Sri Lanka.
In recent weeks, the TNA has dropped some of its MPs and some have formed a new grouping to compete with it.
The TNA's new stance is partly a reflection of Realpolitik - espousing separatism is illegal in Sri Lanka.
But it also highlights the contrast between Tamils based here and those living abroad - the vast majority of the diaspora still believe in a separate Tamil homeland.
13 March, 2010
Human Rights Watch director in Rwanda risks deportation.
Expression Today
13 March 2010
With the media situation deteriorating by the day, a well-known human rights monitor with a group that has been critical of Rwanda faces possible deportation after her work permit application was found to have gross anomalies.
As a result, immigration officials have revoked the work permit for Ms Carina Tertsakian, the country director of the New York-based Human Rights Watch.
Immigration officials told state radio on March 11 that Ms Tertsakian, a British national, has to secure new accreditation documents or other measures would be taken against her when her visa expires in three months, which may include deportation.
The communications manager of the Immigration Department, Mr. Innocent Niyonsenga, was quoted as saying that the signatures on Ms. Tertsakian’s accreditation documents are suspicious – prompting speculation they could be fabricated.
Ms. Tertsakian has been told that she must find the appropriate documents as soon as possible to avert any repercussions, according to Radio Rwanda.
The development comes in the wake of a bitter exchange between government and the human rights group over a recent statement that highlighted Rwandan authorities' oppressive actions against opposition parties.
Relations between Human Rights Watch and Kigali have always been icy since the days the late Rwanda specialist, Dr. Alison Des Forges, began releasing reports critical of the human rights situation in Rwanda.
Ms. Tertsakian is said to have reported to the country on January 25 and right away applied for a work permit at the immigration department, which she received two days later.
However, on her return to the immigration department to apply for a foreigner’s identity card, which is usually required for all foreigners with a long stay visa, her file was found to have mismatching signatures, prompting the immigration department to revoke the work permit.
Niyonsenga told the pro-government daily The New Times that the case is currently being handled by the Criminal Investigations Department to ascertain whether there was a case of fraud.
“We found anomalies in her file. There were differences in the signatures of one person in the visa application letter and her employment contract."
“The signature of the Executive Director, Africa Division found on the visa application form, is different from the signature of the same person in her employment contract,” Niyonsenga alleged.
He alleged that the signature of the Human Resource Manager on her employment contract also differed from the signature in the employment contract of the outgoing Country Director, yet the Human Resource Manager has not changed. Her employment contract was also alleged to have an anomaly in the date of issue — indicating that the contract was signed on October 29, 2010, seven months from now.
13 March 2010
With the media situation deteriorating by the day, a well-known human rights monitor with a group that has been critical of Rwanda faces possible deportation after her work permit application was found to have gross anomalies.
As a result, immigration officials have revoked the work permit for Ms Carina Tertsakian, the country director of the New York-based Human Rights Watch.
Immigration officials told state radio on March 11 that Ms Tertsakian, a British national, has to secure new accreditation documents or other measures would be taken against her when her visa expires in three months, which may include deportation.
The communications manager of the Immigration Department, Mr. Innocent Niyonsenga, was quoted as saying that the signatures on Ms. Tertsakian’s accreditation documents are suspicious – prompting speculation they could be fabricated.
Ms. Tertsakian has been told that she must find the appropriate documents as soon as possible to avert any repercussions, according to Radio Rwanda.
The development comes in the wake of a bitter exchange between government and the human rights group over a recent statement that highlighted Rwandan authorities' oppressive actions against opposition parties.
Relations between Human Rights Watch and Kigali have always been icy since the days the late Rwanda specialist, Dr. Alison Des Forges, began releasing reports critical of the human rights situation in Rwanda.
Ms. Tertsakian is said to have reported to the country on January 25 and right away applied for a work permit at the immigration department, which she received two days later.
However, on her return to the immigration department to apply for a foreigner’s identity card, which is usually required for all foreigners with a long stay visa, her file was found to have mismatching signatures, prompting the immigration department to revoke the work permit.
Niyonsenga told the pro-government daily The New Times that the case is currently being handled by the Criminal Investigations Department to ascertain whether there was a case of fraud.
“We found anomalies in her file. There were differences in the signatures of one person in the visa application letter and her employment contract."
“The signature of the Executive Director, Africa Division found on the visa application form, is different from the signature of the same person in her employment contract,” Niyonsenga alleged.
He alleged that the signature of the Human Resource Manager on her employment contract also differed from the signature in the employment contract of the outgoing Country Director, yet the Human Resource Manager has not changed. Her employment contract was also alleged to have an anomaly in the date of issue — indicating that the contract was signed on October 29, 2010, seven months from now.
CPJ urges Ethiopia to stop oppressing journalists.
Sudan Tribune
13 March 2010
An international media rights group, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on Thursday called on Ethiopian authorities to end what the group said was a continuing pursuit of politically motivated charges to journalists in connection to country’s previous election.
Despite the promises, the Ethiopian government has continued to press charges against publishers, said CPJ in a statement it emailed to Sudan tribune, citing this week’s court ruling against four private publishing agents.
"The government continues to use the courts and administrative means to settle political scores against journalists who were acquitted after the 2005 election," said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Tom Rhodes.
"We call on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to end his administration’s unrelenting harassment of these journalists, which contradicts his public statements in 2007 that the government did not harbor a ‘sense of revenge’ toward its critics in the press.”
According to the media watch dog, The Ethiopian Supreme Court reinstated fines on Monday against four newspaper publishing companies over their coverage of the disputed 2005 national election.
The imposed fines which are as high as 8,800 USD are substantial considering the country’s economic standard
Monday’s ruling overturned a February 2009 High Court decision that had struck down the fines. The High Court said that a July 2007 presidential pardon, granted to numerous journalists and political dissidents who were facing anti-state charges related to the election, also applied to the four publishing houses.
The publishing houses and their newspapers were forced to close in 2005 and were later banned by the government. The principals in the companies were acquitted of individual charges of anti-state activity, although they spent 17 months in pretrial detention, according to CPJ research.
The Committee to Protect Journalists is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to defending press freedom worldwide.
13 March 2010
An international media rights group, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on Thursday called on Ethiopian authorities to end what the group said was a continuing pursuit of politically motivated charges to journalists in connection to country’s previous election.
Despite the promises, the Ethiopian government has continued to press charges against publishers, said CPJ in a statement it emailed to Sudan tribune, citing this week’s court ruling against four private publishing agents.
"The government continues to use the courts and administrative means to settle political scores against journalists who were acquitted after the 2005 election," said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Tom Rhodes.
"We call on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to end his administration’s unrelenting harassment of these journalists, which contradicts his public statements in 2007 that the government did not harbor a ‘sense of revenge’ toward its critics in the press.”
According to the media watch dog, The Ethiopian Supreme Court reinstated fines on Monday against four newspaper publishing companies over their coverage of the disputed 2005 national election.
The imposed fines which are as high as 8,800 USD are substantial considering the country’s economic standard
Monday’s ruling overturned a February 2009 High Court decision that had struck down the fines. The High Court said that a July 2007 presidential pardon, granted to numerous journalists and political dissidents who were facing anti-state charges related to the election, also applied to the four publishing houses.
The publishing houses and their newspapers were forced to close in 2005 and were later banned by the government. The principals in the companies were acquitted of individual charges of anti-state activity, although they spent 17 months in pretrial detention, according to CPJ research.
The Committee to Protect Journalists is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to defending press freedom worldwide.
President Paul Kagame: A Predator of the Free Press.
Reporters Without Borders
The fact that respect for press freedom is enshrined in the constitution does not mean it is a reality. President Paul Kagame knows all about that. He tolerates no embarrassing questions at press conferences, frequently insults independent journalists and brands all critical media outlets as new versions of “Radio Mille Collines,” the radio station that encouraged the 1994 genocide.
The government cannot deny the obvious – it is tough being an independent journalist in Kigali. The authorities target any journalist, local or foreign, who puts out news they do not like or who violates the taboos of the society rebuilt by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR), which came to power after overthrowing the genocidal Hutu regime and ending its massacres.
In 2008, a Ugandan journalist was declared persona non grata, a Tanzanian journalist was deported and three other journalists were forcibly expelled from a ceremony marking World Press Freedom Day. Every year several Rwandan journalists decide to go into exile because they find the atmosphere unbearable in their home country. This does not worry President Kagame, who refers to journalists as “mercenaries” or “bums”.
The fact that respect for press freedom is enshrined in the constitution does not mean it is a reality. President Paul Kagame knows all about that. He tolerates no embarrassing questions at press conferences, frequently insults independent journalists and brands all critical media outlets as new versions of “Radio Mille Collines,” the radio station that encouraged the 1994 genocide.
The government cannot deny the obvious – it is tough being an independent journalist in Kigali. The authorities target any journalist, local or foreign, who puts out news they do not like or who violates the taboos of the society rebuilt by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR), which came to power after overthrowing the genocidal Hutu regime and ending its massacres.
In 2008, a Ugandan journalist was declared persona non grata, a Tanzanian journalist was deported and three other journalists were forcibly expelled from a ceremony marking World Press Freedom Day. Every year several Rwandan journalists decide to go into exile because they find the atmosphere unbearable in their home country. This does not worry President Kagame, who refers to journalists as “mercenaries” or “bums”.
Journalists Killed in Rwanda.
Committee to Protect Journalists
Beats Covered by Victims *
6% Culture
25% Human Rights
81% Politics
Freelance
6% Freelance
Job *
13% Broadcast reporter
6% Camera Operator
25% Editor
50% Print reporter/writer
6% Producer
Medium *
69% Print
13% Radio
25% Television
Gender
94% Male
6% Female
Local / Foreign
100% Local
Murder Victims
6% Taken Captive
38% Threatened
19% Tortured
Type of Death
100% Murder
Impunity in Murder Cases
88% Complete impunity
6% Partial justice
6% Full justice
Suspected Source of Fire in Murder Cases
25% Military Officials
75% Paramilitary Group
Wilson Ndayambadje, National Rwanda Radio and TV
January 28 1998, in Gisenyi, Rwanda
André Kameya, Rwanda Rushya
April-June, 1994, in Rwanda, Rwanda
Vénant Ntawucikayenda, TV Rwanda
May 10, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Anastase Seruvumba, Imbaga
April 29, 1994, Rwanda
Charles Karinganire, Le Flambeau
April 24 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Emmanuel-Damien Rukondo, Rubyiruko-Rubanda
April 24, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Marcellin Kayiranga, Kanguka
April 22, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Obed Bazimaziki, Le Flambeau
April 11, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Charles Bideri-Munyangabe, Le Messager
April 11, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Vincent Rwabukwisi, Kanguka
April 10-12, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Gratien Karambizi, Imbaga
April 9, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Tharcisse Rubwiriza, Orinfor
April 8 or 9, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Gilbert Munana, Le Flambeau
April 8, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Eudés Nshimiryo, TV Rwanda
April 7, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Aloys Nyimbuzi, L'Observateur
April 7, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Winifrida Mukamana, Reba Videwo
April 7, 1994, in Remera, Rwanda
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
6 Journalists Killed in Rwanda/Motive Unconfirmed
Terminology explained
Vincent Shabakaka, Kiberinka
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Alfonse Rutsindura, Amakuruki I Butare
June 1, 1994, in Butare, Rwanda
Ignace Ruhatana, Kanyarwanda
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Jeanne d'Arc Mukamusoni, Le Soleil
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Théotime Kamanayo, Kiberinka
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Callixte Kalissa, Television Rwandaise
April 6, 1993, in Kigali, Rwanda
Beats Covered by Victims *
6% Culture
25% Human Rights
81% Politics
Freelance
6% Freelance
Job *
13% Broadcast reporter
6% Camera Operator
25% Editor
50% Print reporter/writer
6% Producer
Medium *
69% Print
13% Radio
25% Television
Gender
94% Male
6% Female
Local / Foreign
100% Local
Murder Victims
6% Taken Captive
38% Threatened
19% Tortured
Type of Death
100% Murder
Impunity in Murder Cases
88% Complete impunity
6% Partial justice
6% Full justice
Suspected Source of Fire in Murder Cases
25% Military Officials
75% Paramilitary Group
Wilson Ndayambadje, National Rwanda Radio and TV
January 28 1998, in Gisenyi, Rwanda
André Kameya, Rwanda Rushya
April-June, 1994, in Rwanda, Rwanda
Vénant Ntawucikayenda, TV Rwanda
May 10, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Anastase Seruvumba, Imbaga
April 29, 1994, Rwanda
Charles Karinganire, Le Flambeau
April 24 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Emmanuel-Damien Rukondo, Rubyiruko-Rubanda
April 24, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Marcellin Kayiranga, Kanguka
April 22, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Obed Bazimaziki, Le Flambeau
April 11, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Charles Bideri-Munyangabe, Le Messager
April 11, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Vincent Rwabukwisi, Kanguka
April 10-12, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Gratien Karambizi, Imbaga
April 9, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Tharcisse Rubwiriza, Orinfor
April 8 or 9, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Gilbert Munana, Le Flambeau
April 8, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Eudés Nshimiryo, TV Rwanda
April 7, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Aloys Nyimbuzi, L'Observateur
April 7, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Winifrida Mukamana, Reba Videwo
April 7, 1994, in Remera, Rwanda
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
6 Journalists Killed in Rwanda/Motive Unconfirmed
Terminology explained
Vincent Shabakaka, Kiberinka
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Alfonse Rutsindura, Amakuruki I Butare
June 1, 1994, in Butare, Rwanda
Ignace Ruhatana, Kanyarwanda
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Jeanne d'Arc Mukamusoni, Le Soleil
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Théotime Kamanayo, Kiberinka
June 1, 1994, in Kigali, Rwanda
Callixte Kalissa, Television Rwandaise
April 6, 1993, in Kigali, Rwanda
12 March, 2010
POLITICAL IMPASSE: KAGAME ADMINISTRATION DERAILS OPPOSITION CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS FOR THE SECOND TIME.
FDU/UDF-Inkingi
Press Release
We are sorry to inform Rwandans and all friends of Rwanda that our Constitutional Congress scheduled to be held in Kigali on 12 March 2010, was for the second time torpedoed by President Kagame's administration. We express our deepest apologies to the hundreds of delegates who travelled from all over the country for any inconvenience and humiliation endured.
This is an unacceptable political impasse deliberately imposed by the regime on the Rwandan population. On top of other well-documented threats and political harassment, the regime has confirmined its resolve to seal off all political space. Under visible pressure, the municipal administration failed to allow the Congress that was supposed to convene on 26th February 2010.
In violation of Article 5 of the Organic law n° 19/2007 of 04/05/2007, modifying and complementing organic law n° 16/2003 of 27/06/2003, governing political organizations and politician, including the Mayor of Nyarugenge (Kigali), ordered in a letter dated 05 March 2010, that the meeting will be authorized only if the National police confirm that it will carry out its mandated duty to ensure security during the meeting. In a chicken or the egg dilemma, the police officially informed us in a letter dated 10th March 2010, that it is not their business to authorise political meetings and therefore they cannot discuss security details as long as there is no licence to convene issued by relevant administration. The municipal administration pretends to be under confusing instructions from the Ministry of Local Government, referring to a non-existing law transferring the licensing of political meetings to the national police or other security services. Stated thus, the problem seems trivial.
The government should understand that peaceful political activities and opposition parties are not a threat to national security. There is no state of emergency backing plans to put political and civil rights under the police or security apparatus diktat. Clearly, the regime is buying time to shy away from any serious political competition. All these deceiving manoeuvres seriously endanger the credibility of the looming presidential election and consequently the legitimacy of the results. The country will slide deeper into a volatile state of affairs.
This is happening in the background of an unpredictable security situation with the arrest of a political opposition figure, Deogratias Mushayidi; arrest or exile of senior military officers; explosion of grenades in the Capital city; military road blocks at night and serious threats against international human rights observers.
Taking into account the obvious lack of goodwill from the government to open the shrinking political space;
Disappointed by an absence of pressure from the main partners of Rwanda and the international community on this political impasse, along with the deterioration of the security situation 4 months before the controversial 2010 presidential election;
Determined to pursue our non-violent struggle for democracy in our country,
The UDF-Inkingi has decided to appoint a provisional Executive Committee as follows:
•Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Chair
•Mr. Boniface Twagirimana, Vice President
•Mr. Sylvain Sibomana, Secretary General
•Ms. Alice Uwera, Treasurer
•Ms. Madeleine Mukamana, Social Affairs, Human Rights and Gender
•Mr. Pascal Ntirenganya, Economic Affairs
•Mr. Gratien Nsabiyaremye, Youth and Community Development
Done on 12 March 2010,
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson
UDF-Inkingi
Press Release
We are sorry to inform Rwandans and all friends of Rwanda that our Constitutional Congress scheduled to be held in Kigali on 12 March 2010, was for the second time torpedoed by President Kagame's administration. We express our deepest apologies to the hundreds of delegates who travelled from all over the country for any inconvenience and humiliation endured.
This is an unacceptable political impasse deliberately imposed by the regime on the Rwandan population. On top of other well-documented threats and political harassment, the regime has confirmined its resolve to seal off all political space. Under visible pressure, the municipal administration failed to allow the Congress that was supposed to convene on 26th February 2010.
In violation of Article 5 of the Organic law n° 19/2007 of 04/05/2007, modifying and complementing organic law n° 16/2003 of 27/06/2003, governing political organizations and politician, including the Mayor of Nyarugenge (Kigali), ordered in a letter dated 05 March 2010, that the meeting will be authorized only if the National police confirm that it will carry out its mandated duty to ensure security during the meeting. In a chicken or the egg dilemma, the police officially informed us in a letter dated 10th March 2010, that it is not their business to authorise political meetings and therefore they cannot discuss security details as long as there is no licence to convene issued by relevant administration. The municipal administration pretends to be under confusing instructions from the Ministry of Local Government, referring to a non-existing law transferring the licensing of political meetings to the national police or other security services. Stated thus, the problem seems trivial.
The government should understand that peaceful political activities and opposition parties are not a threat to national security. There is no state of emergency backing plans to put political and civil rights under the police or security apparatus diktat. Clearly, the regime is buying time to shy away from any serious political competition. All these deceiving manoeuvres seriously endanger the credibility of the looming presidential election and consequently the legitimacy of the results. The country will slide deeper into a volatile state of affairs.
This is happening in the background of an unpredictable security situation with the arrest of a political opposition figure, Deogratias Mushayidi; arrest or exile of senior military officers; explosion of grenades in the Capital city; military road blocks at night and serious threats against international human rights observers.
Taking into account the obvious lack of goodwill from the government to open the shrinking political space;
Disappointed by an absence of pressure from the main partners of Rwanda and the international community on this political impasse, along with the deterioration of the security situation 4 months before the controversial 2010 presidential election;
Determined to pursue our non-violent struggle for democracy in our country,
The UDF-Inkingi has decided to appoint a provisional Executive Committee as follows:
•Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Chair
•Mr. Boniface Twagirimana, Vice President
•Mr. Sylvain Sibomana, Secretary General
•Ms. Alice Uwera, Treasurer
•Ms. Madeleine Mukamana, Social Affairs, Human Rights and Gender
•Mr. Pascal Ntirenganya, Economic Affairs
•Mr. Gratien Nsabiyaremye, Youth and Community Development
Done on 12 March 2010,
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson
UDF-Inkingi
I am ready to face the ICC, Pres. Museveni says.
The Observer
12 March 2010
By Shifa Mwesigye
President Museveni has said he is ready to face the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague, Netherlands if called upon to answer charges of committing crimes against humanity over the September 2009 killings in Kampala.
Museveni made the declaration on Friday afternoon while officially opening the NRM Communications Bureau in Kamwokya.
“Those people going to The Hague are wasting their time they are just making a fool of themselves,” the president told a gathering at the NRM Communication Bureau on Plot 87 Kiira Road Kamwokya. This was during the launch of the NRM communication Bureau. “If I committed crimes against humanity I would be very happy to be tried,” Museveni dressed in a grey suit, and spotting a yellow tie told journalists and NRM officials.
Museveni’s remarks are a direct response to a petition filed by youth from the Inter Party Cooperation on March 1, 2010 where they want the president and two senior army officers indicted for the September 2009 Killings in Kampala and other areas.
This week, Mengo added its weight behind the petition by suggesting that it supports the action taken by the IPC youth (See Mengo backs anti Museveni ICC petition). Museveni said that while he does not deny having a hand in the shooting, murder is not a crime against humanity as the petition states.
Museveni said crimes against humanity would include genocide or mass rape. He added that a case can be taken to the ICC when the local system is unwilling or unable to handle the case. He says that the NRM government has executed 123 soldiers for killing people and it did not need the international court to come in.
12 March 2010
By Shifa Mwesigye
President Museveni has said he is ready to face the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague, Netherlands if called upon to answer charges of committing crimes against humanity over the September 2009 killings in Kampala.
Museveni made the declaration on Friday afternoon while officially opening the NRM Communications Bureau in Kamwokya.
“Those people going to The Hague are wasting their time they are just making a fool of themselves,” the president told a gathering at the NRM Communication Bureau on Plot 87 Kiira Road Kamwokya. This was during the launch of the NRM communication Bureau. “If I committed crimes against humanity I would be very happy to be tried,” Museveni dressed in a grey suit, and spotting a yellow tie told journalists and NRM officials.
Museveni’s remarks are a direct response to a petition filed by youth from the Inter Party Cooperation on March 1, 2010 where they want the president and two senior army officers indicted for the September 2009 Killings in Kampala and other areas.
This week, Mengo added its weight behind the petition by suggesting that it supports the action taken by the IPC youth (See Mengo backs anti Museveni ICC petition). Museveni said that while he does not deny having a hand in the shooting, murder is not a crime against humanity as the petition states.
Museveni said crimes against humanity would include genocide or mass rape. He added that a case can be taken to the ICC when the local system is unwilling or unable to handle the case. He says that the NRM government has executed 123 soldiers for killing people and it did not need the international court to come in.
Letter from Paul Rusesabagina to Pres. Sarkozy on Mrs. Habyarimana's Detention.
From: Paul Rusesabagina
Done in Chicago, 09 March 2010
Hotel Rwanda Foundation Rusesabagina Foundation
P. O. Box 11,001
Chicago, IL 60611-0001
To: His Excellency Nicolas Sarkozy
President of the French Republic
Subject: The arrest of Mrs. Agathe Habyarimana
Dear Mr. President,
On behalf of the organization Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation and on my own behalf, allow me to express my deep dismay following the arrest of Mrs. Agathe Habyarimana, the widow of former President Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda, the Prosecutor General in Paris Tuesday, March 2, 2010. Let me also clarify at the outset, it is as a humanitarian and a victim of the tragedy of 1994 that I inform you of my deep concerns that affect both the pattern and extent of this inquiry, and the period during which it occurs. One thing is certain: it is imperative that there be trial, the court record by Mrs Habyarimana should be decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and not by the Kigali regime unable to deliver justice fairly and impartially.
Mr. President, the public and I have learned that Ms. Agathe Habyarimana was interpelée based on an international arrest warrant issued by Rwanda and the ground that it participated in planning the 1994 genocide. This inquiry, which came a day after your visit to Kigali, where there is not very long regime grinding of black against France at the point of breaking off diplomatic relations with your country following the arrest warrants of incriminating French dignitaries RPF in the deadly attack against the plane of former Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana April 6, 1994, feels hints of retaliation. Indeed, a complaint filed by Mrs Habyarimana and other plaintiffs had been the source of the French investigation. This question is even more absurd that Mrs Habyarimana has not once been sought for prosecution by the ICTR, for 16 years that the court exists. The widow of the former head of the Rwandan Government was therefore suspect until last week, only to view the Rwandan regime and today she is also in the eyes of French justice. In other words, Paris and Kigali want to make the world believe that Mrs Habyarimana, who has never chaired or attended any council or government of the General Staff of the Rwandan army, would have had the authority to use military and governmental structures in place to plan and execute the removal of her own husband, President Juvénal Habyarimana, and his brother, Colonel Elijah Sagatwa, both died in the plane April 6, 1994 to carry out his plan of genocide.
Mr. President, this indictment in France for the former first lady of Rwanda is a serious focused both detrimental to the image of France and the victims of the Rwandan genocide. First, Mr. President, make sure that for 16 years, Rwandans know perfectly well, unfortunately unable to do anything, that is the source of their misfortune in 1994, before 1994, and of after 1994, and the suspect is not that the French judiciary has put on the dock. But curiously, the lawsuit last week seems to say aloud that France gleefully mocks the intelligence of the Rwandans, of our national tragedy which claimed over one million of our brothers and sisters, and pain of the relatives of those who perished in the plane, without forgetting that French citizens and Burundi. Then, until last week, it was unthinkable that France, a great member of the Security Council United Nations at the forefront of defending human rights, can abdicate its image in the battle, proudly, morally and historically, should be his own: that of justice and truth, the fight against the inhumanity of man to man. When you see in Kigali box right by General Paul Kagame and behind by the Chief of Staff of the Army and the national commissioner of police in Rwanda, two of which are responsible for the greatest number of deaths since the Second World War are also covered by the French arrest warrants, we measure the shaking of the authority of the French judiciary and the embarrassment of the French nation. Is it not shameful that France, sung daily by the current regime in Kigali as having actively participated in the Rwandan tragedy, do not even try to bleach before the world and history by requiring the placing on foot of a neutral international investigation on the tragedy of Rwanda, failing to enforce the provisions of the judicial inquiry report of the French justice?
It is unacceptable that we want today for political purposes and without forensic evidence, monster into a woman who has herself been overshadowed by those that triggered the genocide by shooting down the plane with her husband. To attack the dignity of Mrs Habyarimana based solely on allegations of frivolous Kigali regime comes not only add to her grief but also to undermine the dignity of the people of Rwanda itself. If France wants to play the game libelous practiced excessively by the Kigali regime against its political enemies, or when one of the great marketing without feelings of the Rwandan genocide to the chagrin of the victims is his right but the wrong choice. If France is not morally offended by the cynical commercial exposure throughout Rwanda for the human bones of victims of humble social origin when relatives of dignitaries were buried in the respect that they deserve, if the France is not outraged by the sham annual national mourning, as is the case next month, is his right but the wrong choice to history.
The fact that this arrest occurs immediately after your visit to Rwanda is also far from reassuring regarding the benefits that the Rwandan people had every reason to expect the restoration of relations between your country and Rwanda. It shows both that Mrs Habyarimana may be a bargaining chip for the return of France in favor of General Paul Kagame and the fear remains, on the other hand, the resignation of France in defense of rights against the Kigali regime. This impression is reinforced by the fact that, paradoxically, your government is making no effort, nor to defend the honor of French soldiers who participated in Operation Turquoise, which are unfairly soiled by the Kigali regime, or to execute warrants of arrest of Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere against the Rwandan officers suspected of having shot down the plane of President Habyarimana.
Mr. Chairman, my statement above does not force your government to line up behind one or another component of the Rwandan population. It is intended to take France to encourage and support the people of Rwanda in its struggle for democracy and respect for human rights. It also aims to France to avoid the repetition of serious errors of appreciation that you yourself have complained in Kigali. Unfortunately, despite this laudable effort of recognition of past mistakes, your decision to resume diplomatic with Rwanda seems to be another miscalculation, since it comes at a time when popular support to the RPF regime is the lowest, as evidenced by events in Kigali in recent weeks.
So let me conclude by asking you again to make every effort to ensure that France does not commit the serious mistake to put Mrs Habyarimana in the hands of the Rwandan justice system, but rather between those of the ICTR in Arusha where there is enough evidence to get there. I would also ask you to reassure us that France wants to remain on the side of the values that made his reputation as a country of human rights and prevent the restoration of relations with Rwanda might result in loss of life . One of the best approaches for achieving this is to assure that your government believes in the judicial action of French magistrates who identified the perpetrators of the attack on April 6, 1994 that plunged our country into the disaster to allow the 'arrival in Rwanda just justice. Another important contribution of France would probably bring General Paul Kagame to sit down with all his political opposition, as is constantly claimed by the majority of Rwandans to make all the arrangements for political management and economic future of our country. The Rwandan people you could greatly appreciated and the French people would be highly magnified.
Paul Rusesabagina
President,
Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation
Copy:
- Mr Ban Ki-moon, Secretary General of UN
- Members of the Security Council of United Nations (all)
- Mr. Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Union
- Mr. Jean Ping, Chairperson of the African Union
Done in Chicago, 09 March 2010
Hotel Rwanda Foundation Rusesabagina Foundation
P. O. Box 11,001
Chicago, IL 60611-0001
To: His Excellency Nicolas Sarkozy
President of the French Republic
Subject: The arrest of Mrs. Agathe Habyarimana
Dear Mr. President,
On behalf of the organization Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation and on my own behalf, allow me to express my deep dismay following the arrest of Mrs. Agathe Habyarimana, the widow of former President Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda, the Prosecutor General in Paris Tuesday, March 2, 2010. Let me also clarify at the outset, it is as a humanitarian and a victim of the tragedy of 1994 that I inform you of my deep concerns that affect both the pattern and extent of this inquiry, and the period during which it occurs. One thing is certain: it is imperative that there be trial, the court record by Mrs Habyarimana should be decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and not by the Kigali regime unable to deliver justice fairly and impartially.
Mr. President, the public and I have learned that Ms. Agathe Habyarimana was interpelée based on an international arrest warrant issued by Rwanda and the ground that it participated in planning the 1994 genocide. This inquiry, which came a day after your visit to Kigali, where there is not very long regime grinding of black against France at the point of breaking off diplomatic relations with your country following the arrest warrants of incriminating French dignitaries RPF in the deadly attack against the plane of former Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana April 6, 1994, feels hints of retaliation. Indeed, a complaint filed by Mrs Habyarimana and other plaintiffs had been the source of the French investigation. This question is even more absurd that Mrs Habyarimana has not once been sought for prosecution by the ICTR, for 16 years that the court exists. The widow of the former head of the Rwandan Government was therefore suspect until last week, only to view the Rwandan regime and today she is also in the eyes of French justice. In other words, Paris and Kigali want to make the world believe that Mrs Habyarimana, who has never chaired or attended any council or government of the General Staff of the Rwandan army, would have had the authority to use military and governmental structures in place to plan and execute the removal of her own husband, President Juvénal Habyarimana, and his brother, Colonel Elijah Sagatwa, both died in the plane April 6, 1994 to carry out his plan of genocide.
Mr. President, this indictment in France for the former first lady of Rwanda is a serious focused both detrimental to the image of France and the victims of the Rwandan genocide. First, Mr. President, make sure that for 16 years, Rwandans know perfectly well, unfortunately unable to do anything, that is the source of their misfortune in 1994, before 1994, and of after 1994, and the suspect is not that the French judiciary has put on the dock. But curiously, the lawsuit last week seems to say aloud that France gleefully mocks the intelligence of the Rwandans, of our national tragedy which claimed over one million of our brothers and sisters, and pain of the relatives of those who perished in the plane, without forgetting that French citizens and Burundi. Then, until last week, it was unthinkable that France, a great member of the Security Council United Nations at the forefront of defending human rights, can abdicate its image in the battle, proudly, morally and historically, should be his own: that of justice and truth, the fight against the inhumanity of man to man. When you see in Kigali box right by General Paul Kagame and behind by the Chief of Staff of the Army and the national commissioner of police in Rwanda, two of which are responsible for the greatest number of deaths since the Second World War are also covered by the French arrest warrants, we measure the shaking of the authority of the French judiciary and the embarrassment of the French nation. Is it not shameful that France, sung daily by the current regime in Kigali as having actively participated in the Rwandan tragedy, do not even try to bleach before the world and history by requiring the placing on foot of a neutral international investigation on the tragedy of Rwanda, failing to enforce the provisions of the judicial inquiry report of the French justice?
It is unacceptable that we want today for political purposes and without forensic evidence, monster into a woman who has herself been overshadowed by those that triggered the genocide by shooting down the plane with her husband. To attack the dignity of Mrs Habyarimana based solely on allegations of frivolous Kigali regime comes not only add to her grief but also to undermine the dignity of the people of Rwanda itself. If France wants to play the game libelous practiced excessively by the Kigali regime against its political enemies, or when one of the great marketing without feelings of the Rwandan genocide to the chagrin of the victims is his right but the wrong choice. If France is not morally offended by the cynical commercial exposure throughout Rwanda for the human bones of victims of humble social origin when relatives of dignitaries were buried in the respect that they deserve, if the France is not outraged by the sham annual national mourning, as is the case next month, is his right but the wrong choice to history.
The fact that this arrest occurs immediately after your visit to Rwanda is also far from reassuring regarding the benefits that the Rwandan people had every reason to expect the restoration of relations between your country and Rwanda. It shows both that Mrs Habyarimana may be a bargaining chip for the return of France in favor of General Paul Kagame and the fear remains, on the other hand, the resignation of France in defense of rights against the Kigali regime. This impression is reinforced by the fact that, paradoxically, your government is making no effort, nor to defend the honor of French soldiers who participated in Operation Turquoise, which are unfairly soiled by the Kigali regime, or to execute warrants of arrest of Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere against the Rwandan officers suspected of having shot down the plane of President Habyarimana.
Mr. Chairman, my statement above does not force your government to line up behind one or another component of the Rwandan population. It is intended to take France to encourage and support the people of Rwanda in its struggle for democracy and respect for human rights. It also aims to France to avoid the repetition of serious errors of appreciation that you yourself have complained in Kigali. Unfortunately, despite this laudable effort of recognition of past mistakes, your decision to resume diplomatic with Rwanda seems to be another miscalculation, since it comes at a time when popular support to the RPF regime is the lowest, as evidenced by events in Kigali in recent weeks.
So let me conclude by asking you again to make every effort to ensure that France does not commit the serious mistake to put Mrs Habyarimana in the hands of the Rwandan justice system, but rather between those of the ICTR in Arusha where there is enough evidence to get there. I would also ask you to reassure us that France wants to remain on the side of the values that made his reputation as a country of human rights and prevent the restoration of relations with Rwanda might result in loss of life . One of the best approaches for achieving this is to assure that your government believes in the judicial action of French magistrates who identified the perpetrators of the attack on April 6, 1994 that plunged our country into the disaster to allow the 'arrival in Rwanda just justice. Another important contribution of France would probably bring General Paul Kagame to sit down with all his political opposition, as is constantly claimed by the majority of Rwandans to make all the arrangements for political management and economic future of our country. The Rwandan people you could greatly appreciated and the French people would be highly magnified.
Paul Rusesabagina
President,
Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation
Copy:
- Mr Ban Ki-moon, Secretary General of UN
- Members of the Security Council of United Nations (all)
- Mr. Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Union
- Mr. Jean Ping, Chairperson of the African Union
Rwanda Resorts to Linking Grenade Attacks to Critical Press.
Committee to Protect Journalists
10 March 2010
By Tom Rhodes
Journalists in Kigali are on tenterhooks after President Paul Kagame, left, made new accusations of their supposed involvement in a bomb attack in Rwanda. Just months before Rwanda’s presidential elections, Kigali was recently hit by two grenade attacks that killed two people and injured 30 others, according to news reports.
In a press conference last week, Kagame accused Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, a former Ambassador to India and Chief of Staff, and another senior ex-military officer, Patrick Karegyeya, of plotting the first grenade attack. The president went on to say that journalists had met with Karegyeya in South Africa prior to the attacks, leaving a not-so-subtle implication of impropriety. “There are those [journalists] who found Karegeya in South Africa and spoke to him. There are even those who went there, but have not returned,” he said.
No journalists were named, but Charles Kabonero and Jean Bosco Gasasira, founders of two private vernacular weeklies, knew that the president’s message was aimed at them. Both papers had conducted interviews with Karegyeya. For his part, Kabonero makes no apologies. "I believe that Kagame is educated enough to know that, as a journalist, if I had a chance to meet [Osama] bin Laden I would not hesitate to do it [in order to] to get news. It’s the job. So, yes, I met Karegyeya for journalism-related purposes,” he told CPJ.
Nyamwasa and Karegyeya have left Rwanda, but Nyamwasa has denied the president’s allegations in interviews with international news outlets. Over the weekend, the former president of the Rwanda Journalist Association, Deo Mushayidi, was arrested in connection with the recent grenade attacks. Prosecutor General Martin Ngoga announced at a press conference that Mushayidi was part of a network of people threatening Rwanda’s security.
This is not the first time the Rwandan government has accused independent journalists of involvement in a bomb attack. The pro-government bimonthly magazine, The Rwanda Focus, claimed in April 2006 that Kabonero conspired with a military officer to launch a wave of bombings in Kigali. Reporters Without Borders investigated the allegations and claimed the allegations were baseless.
Further, Rwanda is not the only African country that accuses journalists of conducting terrorist activities. In December 2008, freelance award-winning journalist Andrison Manyere was seized and imprisoned for nearly four months in Zimbabwe on false bombing charges. Another Zimbabwean freelancer, Frank Chikowore, was arrested on false charges in April 2009 for allegedly setting a bus on fire. Both arrests and accusations occurred around tense election periods.
Godwin Agaba, a Rwandan correspondent for the Ugandan online publication 256 News, went into hiding after he heard Kagame’s televised remarks. The reporter, who has written about Nyamwasa, was warned to stop writing about the general, a vocal critic to the president, according to CPJ sources.
In fact, any interviews with critics of the current regime seem to raise eyebrows with the president. During the same press conference last week, Kagame singled out the Nairobi-based regional weekly, The East African, which he described as “insulting” and “offensive,” for interviewing opposition candidate Victoire Ingabire, according to the Kenya-based Media Institute.
One thing is clear: Kagame’s televised warnings will help silence critics prior to the August presidential election. With pro-government media outlets outweighing the country’s beleaguered private press, the chances of balanced election coverage are now slimmer than ever.
10 March 2010
By Tom Rhodes
Journalists in Kigali are on tenterhooks after President Paul Kagame, left, made new accusations of their supposed involvement in a bomb attack in Rwanda. Just months before Rwanda’s presidential elections, Kigali was recently hit by two grenade attacks that killed two people and injured 30 others, according to news reports.
In a press conference last week, Kagame accused Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, a former Ambassador to India and Chief of Staff, and another senior ex-military officer, Patrick Karegyeya, of plotting the first grenade attack. The president went on to say that journalists had met with Karegyeya in South Africa prior to the attacks, leaving a not-so-subtle implication of impropriety. “There are those [journalists] who found Karegeya in South Africa and spoke to him. There are even those who went there, but have not returned,” he said.
No journalists were named, but Charles Kabonero and Jean Bosco Gasasira, founders of two private vernacular weeklies, knew that the president’s message was aimed at them. Both papers had conducted interviews with Karegyeya. For his part, Kabonero makes no apologies. "I believe that Kagame is educated enough to know that, as a journalist, if I had a chance to meet [Osama] bin Laden I would not hesitate to do it [in order to] to get news. It’s the job. So, yes, I met Karegyeya for journalism-related purposes,” he told CPJ.
Nyamwasa and Karegyeya have left Rwanda, but Nyamwasa has denied the president’s allegations in interviews with international news outlets. Over the weekend, the former president of the Rwanda Journalist Association, Deo Mushayidi, was arrested in connection with the recent grenade attacks. Prosecutor General Martin Ngoga announced at a press conference that Mushayidi was part of a network of people threatening Rwanda’s security.
This is not the first time the Rwandan government has accused independent journalists of involvement in a bomb attack. The pro-government bimonthly magazine, The Rwanda Focus, claimed in April 2006 that Kabonero conspired with a military officer to launch a wave of bombings in Kigali. Reporters Without Borders investigated the allegations and claimed the allegations were baseless.
Further, Rwanda is not the only African country that accuses journalists of conducting terrorist activities. In December 2008, freelance award-winning journalist Andrison Manyere was seized and imprisoned for nearly four months in Zimbabwe on false bombing charges. Another Zimbabwean freelancer, Frank Chikowore, was arrested on false charges in April 2009 for allegedly setting a bus on fire. Both arrests and accusations occurred around tense election periods.
Godwin Agaba, a Rwandan correspondent for the Ugandan online publication 256 News, went into hiding after he heard Kagame’s televised remarks. The reporter, who has written about Nyamwasa, was warned to stop writing about the general, a vocal critic to the president, according to CPJ sources.
In fact, any interviews with critics of the current regime seem to raise eyebrows with the president. During the same press conference last week, Kagame singled out the Nairobi-based regional weekly, The East African, which he described as “insulting” and “offensive,” for interviewing opposition candidate Victoire Ingabire, according to the Kenya-based Media Institute.
One thing is clear: Kagame’s televised warnings will help silence critics prior to the August presidential election. With pro-government media outlets outweighing the country’s beleaguered private press, the chances of balanced election coverage are now slimmer than ever.
11 March, 2010
Support Free and Fair Presidential Elections in Rwanda to Prevent Another Genocide.
African Faith and Justice Network
9 March 2010
Document submitted to the U.S Department of State through its Rwanda/Burundi Desk Officer on March 10, 2010 and to USAID Rwanda Desk Officer on March 11, 2010
Overview
Since the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda, open political space for democratic governance has eluded Rwanda. Although Rwanda is officially a multiparty system, only one political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), has ruled the country unchallenged. Currently, at least two political parties are seeking inclusion into the political sphere, so far in vain. Opposition leaders are being prevented from registering their parties, and consequently, prevented from partaking in political activities to prepare for the August 2010 presidential elections. They are facing numerous forms of intimidation, sabotage, and violent attacks both physical and in the media.
“The Rwandan government and the RPF have strongly resisted any political opposition or broader challenge of their policies by civil society. On several occasions, the government has used accusations of participation in the genocide, or 'genocide ideology,' as a way of targeting and discrediting its critics,” (Human Rights Watch Report: Rwanda: End Attacks on Opposition Parties of February 10, 2010).
It is extremely important to create, enforce, and sustain a credible, open, and transparent electoral process for the upcoming presidential elections. The respect of human rights is essential for a peaceful and prosperous Rwanda. On the long list of most violated human rights there is freedom of speech and assembly, right to fair trial, to live, to think freely and the right to security.
“Opposition party members are facing increasing threats, attacks, and harassment in advance of Rwanda's August 2010 presidential election,” asserts Human Right Watch. Senator Russ Feingold, equally concerned about what is going on in Rwanda said, on March 2nd,: “[T]he international community should not shy away from pushing for greater democratic space in Rwanda, which is critical for the country’s lasting stability. We fail to be true friends to the Rwandan people if we do not stand with them in the fight against renewed abuse of civil and political rights. In the next few months in the run-up to the elections, it is a key time for international donors to raise these issues with Kigali.”
Below are the facts:
Violent Attacks on members of opposition parties:
• On October 30th, 2009, The Democratic Green Party in Rwanda attempted to conduct their founding convention for the fourth time. An ex-soldier/former employee of the Military Intelligence in Rwanda, assisted by three individuals one of whom is a member of the Local Defense Forces carried out a planned sabotage of the meeting. They shouted and threw chairs and injured to Green Party members while police stood by and watched. Among the injured was a mother who ended up in intensive care.
• On February 3rd, 2010, Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, hopeful Presidential candidate and leader for opposition party United Democratic Forces UDF-Inkingi was called to a local government office by Jonas Shema, Executive Secretary of Kinyinya Sector to collect official documents. When Mrs. Umuhoza along with her colleague Joseph Ntawangundi arrived at the local government office, they were both attacked by a mob. Mrs. Umuhoza managed to flee unharmed, although her handbag containing her passport was stolen. Subsequently, her colleague was beaten by the mob and was hospitalized as a result. Police and other members of Local Defense Force at the scene did not stop the attacks. Mr. Shema made no efforts to call for assistance.
Arrests and Imprisonment:
• After the October 30th, 2009 sabotage against the Rwandan Green Party, instead of arresting the perpetrators, the police arrested members of the Green Party.
• On February 6th, 2010, three days after the attack against Mr. Joseph Ntawangundi of FDU-Inkingi; Mr. Ntawangundi was arrested and told that a community based genocide court; Gacaca had convicted him in absentia for genocide crimes committed during the 1994 genocide. He claimed to have been unaware of the accusations until a Rwandan pro government newspaper published the allegations on February 5, one day before his arrest. His lawyer had not had access to the Gacaca file to date.
• Former President Pasteur Bizimungu was imprisoned and tortured after forming an opposition party Ubuyanja. He was accused of "divisionism".
• Deogratias Mushayidi, a Tutsi genocide survivor as well as outspoken government opponent was arrested in Burundi and taken to Rwanda on March 5, 2010. He is still being held without charges.
Political Exiles, Assassination plots, and terror campaigns -
Elected and appointed officials who disagree with the government are forced to seek asylum outside of the country:
• Former Speaker of the Rwandan Parliament, Joseph Sebarenzi, a strong advocate of peace and reconciliation, was forced to flee to the United States after learning of a plot by President Kagame to have him assassinated.
• Two former prime ministers, Faustin Twagiramungu and Pierre Celestin Rwigema have been forced into exile. Rwigema fled to the United States after being accused of genocide. A U.S. immigration court cleared him. Twagiramungu fled to Belgium after resigning.
• The Rwandan Ambassador to the Netherlands resigned in March 2010 and is seeking exile in Ireland.
• Rwandan Ambassador to India and former Army Chief of Staff General Kayumba Nyamwasa fled to South Africa in March 2010 after a campaign of harassment, intimidation and assassination plots by the government. His family is being held against their will at the ambassador’s home and prevented from continuing their daily activities. General Nyamwasa claims that he had been advocating for reform for the last seven years and is exiled to ensure he receives free and fair justice.
• There have been five grenade attacks in public places in Kigali between February 26 and March 6, 2010. The government has given conflicting information about the perpetrators. Perpetrators blamed by the police and office of the prosecutor are unrelated opponents of the government.
Sabotage by officials
Social Party PS-Imberakuri, another opposition party as well as the Democratic Green party have been denied official authorization to hold meetings since 2009. The Green Party has been denied official registration on numerous attempts. Also, the attack against Mrs. Victoire Ingabire was designed to interfere with the registration efforts for her party FDU-Inkingi. Without registration, parties will not participate in elections. The Green Party as well as FDU-Inkingi has been denied authorization to hold the initial congress required to obtain signatures to register.
Intimidation, Harassment and Threats:
• Green Party members are being pressured to end their political activities. They receive anonymous phone request for information about Frank Habineza, the party president and his travel plans.
• Bernard Ntaganda, leader of PS-Imberakuri has been summoned to the Senate twice to answer to charges of "divisionism" and "genocide ideology" and has been threatened by the senate that he will be referred to the judicial bodies and his party registration suspended.
• Pro government newspapers published articles calling Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza IVU (meaning “ashes” in Kinyarwanda language), a demeaning and dehumanizing way, similar to what happens before a genocide is carried out. In his speech of February 8, 2010, president Kagame referring to Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza’s recent return to the country said that when the honeymoon is over, the laws will do its work. It was the day after that speech, Feb 10 that she was summoned to the police and again on February 16, 2010. She was accused of "divisionism" and "genocide ideology."
• A Newspaper report on March 1, 2010 reported a threat received by that Frank Habineza of the Green party that he will be killed in Sixty Days.
Suppressed Freedom of Press:
• In March 2009, Bonaventure Bizumuremyi, editor of and independent newspaper Umuco was force to flee the country after publishing remarks that were critical of President Paul Kagame. His home was raided by police shortly after and his media credentials were suspended in Rwanda.
• In April 2009, minister of Information and spokesperson for the Rwandan government at the time suspended BBC broadcasting in Kinyarwanda supposedly for “broadcasting unacceptable speech.”
• In May 2009, Minister of Information Louise Mushikiwabo dismissed without explanation three editors of private Kinyarwanda language newspapers including Jean Grober Burasa of Rushyashya, Jean Bosco Gasasira of Umuvugizi, and Kabonero of Umuseso during a World Press event in Kigali, an event themed “freedom of information.”
• In July 2009, after raising questions on a stalled investigation of the assassination of an opposition leader, top Umuseso editor Furaha Mugisha was deported on grounds that he is Tanzanian.
• In August 2009, Information Minister Louise Mushikiwabo accused Rwandans working for BBC and Voice of America of producing “programs that destroy Rwanda’s social fabric” and threatened to suspend them if they do not heed the Rwandan government's warnings.
• In August 2009, the government closed Umuseso newspaper for three months for reporting similarities between the current government and the one in power prior to the 1994 genocide.
• In February 2010, three reporters of Umuseso were sentenced to jail for running a story on an extramarital affaire involving two government officials. The government is threatening to close the newspaper for good.
• In March 2010, In connection with General Nyamwasa fleeing, President Kagame ordered the arrest of investigative journalist Godwin Agaba. A critic of the government, Mr. Agaba of 256 News has been missing ever since.
Recommendations:
• Pressure the Rwandan government to open political space to all views.
• Pressure the Rwandan government to hold free, fair, and transparent elections in August of 2010.
• Call for immediate registration of opposition political parties and allow them to equally have access to media and respect of their freedom of expression and assembly.
• Call for an immediate end to sabotage, intimidation and violence against opposition members
• Ensure transparent balloting process including tallying votes and independent election observers.
• Ensure security for opposition leaders and Rwandan citizens attending meetings.
• The Rwandan government must stop using the genocide guilt as a tactic to prevent and intimidate innocent members of the opposition from exercising their rights to free speech and assembly.
9 March 2010
Document submitted to the U.S Department of State through its Rwanda/Burundi Desk Officer on March 10, 2010 and to USAID Rwanda Desk Officer on March 11, 2010
Overview
Since the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda, open political space for democratic governance has eluded Rwanda. Although Rwanda is officially a multiparty system, only one political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), has ruled the country unchallenged. Currently, at least two political parties are seeking inclusion into the political sphere, so far in vain. Opposition leaders are being prevented from registering their parties, and consequently, prevented from partaking in political activities to prepare for the August 2010 presidential elections. They are facing numerous forms of intimidation, sabotage, and violent attacks both physical and in the media.
“The Rwandan government and the RPF have strongly resisted any political opposition or broader challenge of their policies by civil society. On several occasions, the government has used accusations of participation in the genocide, or 'genocide ideology,' as a way of targeting and discrediting its critics,” (Human Rights Watch Report: Rwanda: End Attacks on Opposition Parties of February 10, 2010).
It is extremely important to create, enforce, and sustain a credible, open, and transparent electoral process for the upcoming presidential elections. The respect of human rights is essential for a peaceful and prosperous Rwanda. On the long list of most violated human rights there is freedom of speech and assembly, right to fair trial, to live, to think freely and the right to security.
“Opposition party members are facing increasing threats, attacks, and harassment in advance of Rwanda's August 2010 presidential election,” asserts Human Right Watch. Senator Russ Feingold, equally concerned about what is going on in Rwanda said, on March 2nd,: “[T]he international community should not shy away from pushing for greater democratic space in Rwanda, which is critical for the country’s lasting stability. We fail to be true friends to the Rwandan people if we do not stand with them in the fight against renewed abuse of civil and political rights. In the next few months in the run-up to the elections, it is a key time for international donors to raise these issues with Kigali.”
Below are the facts:
Violent Attacks on members of opposition parties:
• On October 30th, 2009, The Democratic Green Party in Rwanda attempted to conduct their founding convention for the fourth time. An ex-soldier/former employee of the Military Intelligence in Rwanda, assisted by three individuals one of whom is a member of the Local Defense Forces carried out a planned sabotage of the meeting. They shouted and threw chairs and injured to Green Party members while police stood by and watched. Among the injured was a mother who ended up in intensive care.
• On February 3rd, 2010, Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, hopeful Presidential candidate and leader for opposition party United Democratic Forces UDF-Inkingi was called to a local government office by Jonas Shema, Executive Secretary of Kinyinya Sector to collect official documents. When Mrs. Umuhoza along with her colleague Joseph Ntawangundi arrived at the local government office, they were both attacked by a mob. Mrs. Umuhoza managed to flee unharmed, although her handbag containing her passport was stolen. Subsequently, her colleague was beaten by the mob and was hospitalized as a result. Police and other members of Local Defense Force at the scene did not stop the attacks. Mr. Shema made no efforts to call for assistance.
Arrests and Imprisonment:
• After the October 30th, 2009 sabotage against the Rwandan Green Party, instead of arresting the perpetrators, the police arrested members of the Green Party.
• On February 6th, 2010, three days after the attack against Mr. Joseph Ntawangundi of FDU-Inkingi; Mr. Ntawangundi was arrested and told that a community based genocide court; Gacaca had convicted him in absentia for genocide crimes committed during the 1994 genocide. He claimed to have been unaware of the accusations until a Rwandan pro government newspaper published the allegations on February 5, one day before his arrest. His lawyer had not had access to the Gacaca file to date.
• Former President Pasteur Bizimungu was imprisoned and tortured after forming an opposition party Ubuyanja. He was accused of "divisionism".
• Deogratias Mushayidi, a Tutsi genocide survivor as well as outspoken government opponent was arrested in Burundi and taken to Rwanda on March 5, 2010. He is still being held without charges.
Political Exiles, Assassination plots, and terror campaigns -
Elected and appointed officials who disagree with the government are forced to seek asylum outside of the country:
• Former Speaker of the Rwandan Parliament, Joseph Sebarenzi, a strong advocate of peace and reconciliation, was forced to flee to the United States after learning of a plot by President Kagame to have him assassinated.
• Two former prime ministers, Faustin Twagiramungu and Pierre Celestin Rwigema have been forced into exile. Rwigema fled to the United States after being accused of genocide. A U.S. immigration court cleared him. Twagiramungu fled to Belgium after resigning.
• The Rwandan Ambassador to the Netherlands resigned in March 2010 and is seeking exile in Ireland.
• Rwandan Ambassador to India and former Army Chief of Staff General Kayumba Nyamwasa fled to South Africa in March 2010 after a campaign of harassment, intimidation and assassination plots by the government. His family is being held against their will at the ambassador’s home and prevented from continuing their daily activities. General Nyamwasa claims that he had been advocating for reform for the last seven years and is exiled to ensure he receives free and fair justice.
• There have been five grenade attacks in public places in Kigali between February 26 and March 6, 2010. The government has given conflicting information about the perpetrators. Perpetrators blamed by the police and office of the prosecutor are unrelated opponents of the government.
Sabotage by officials
Social Party PS-Imberakuri, another opposition party as well as the Democratic Green party have been denied official authorization to hold meetings since 2009. The Green Party has been denied official registration on numerous attempts. Also, the attack against Mrs. Victoire Ingabire was designed to interfere with the registration efforts for her party FDU-Inkingi. Without registration, parties will not participate in elections. The Green Party as well as FDU-Inkingi has been denied authorization to hold the initial congress required to obtain signatures to register.
Intimidation, Harassment and Threats:
• Green Party members are being pressured to end their political activities. They receive anonymous phone request for information about Frank Habineza, the party president and his travel plans.
• Bernard Ntaganda, leader of PS-Imberakuri has been summoned to the Senate twice to answer to charges of "divisionism" and "genocide ideology" and has been threatened by the senate that he will be referred to the judicial bodies and his party registration suspended.
• Pro government newspapers published articles calling Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza IVU (meaning “ashes” in Kinyarwanda language), a demeaning and dehumanizing way, similar to what happens before a genocide is carried out. In his speech of February 8, 2010, president Kagame referring to Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza’s recent return to the country said that when the honeymoon is over, the laws will do its work. It was the day after that speech, Feb 10 that she was summoned to the police and again on February 16, 2010. She was accused of "divisionism" and "genocide ideology."
• A Newspaper report on March 1, 2010 reported a threat received by that Frank Habineza of the Green party that he will be killed in Sixty Days.
Suppressed Freedom of Press:
• In March 2009, Bonaventure Bizumuremyi, editor of and independent newspaper Umuco was force to flee the country after publishing remarks that were critical of President Paul Kagame. His home was raided by police shortly after and his media credentials were suspended in Rwanda.
• In April 2009, minister of Information and spokesperson for the Rwandan government at the time suspended BBC broadcasting in Kinyarwanda supposedly for “broadcasting unacceptable speech.”
• In May 2009, Minister of Information Louise Mushikiwabo dismissed without explanation three editors of private Kinyarwanda language newspapers including Jean Grober Burasa of Rushyashya, Jean Bosco Gasasira of Umuvugizi, and Kabonero of Umuseso during a World Press event in Kigali, an event themed “freedom of information.”
• In July 2009, after raising questions on a stalled investigation of the assassination of an opposition leader, top Umuseso editor Furaha Mugisha was deported on grounds that he is Tanzanian.
• In August 2009, Information Minister Louise Mushikiwabo accused Rwandans working for BBC and Voice of America of producing “programs that destroy Rwanda’s social fabric” and threatened to suspend them if they do not heed the Rwandan government's warnings.
• In August 2009, the government closed Umuseso newspaper for three months for reporting similarities between the current government and the one in power prior to the 1994 genocide.
• In February 2010, three reporters of Umuseso were sentenced to jail for running a story on an extramarital affaire involving two government officials. The government is threatening to close the newspaper for good.
• In March 2010, In connection with General Nyamwasa fleeing, President Kagame ordered the arrest of investigative journalist Godwin Agaba. A critic of the government, Mr. Agaba of 256 News has been missing ever since.
Recommendations:
• Pressure the Rwandan government to open political space to all views.
• Pressure the Rwandan government to hold free, fair, and transparent elections in August of 2010.
• Call for immediate registration of opposition political parties and allow them to equally have access to media and respect of their freedom of expression and assembly.
• Call for an immediate end to sabotage, intimidation and violence against opposition members
• Ensure transparent balloting process including tallying votes and independent election observers.
• Ensure security for opposition leaders and Rwandan citizens attending meetings.
• The Rwandan government must stop using the genocide guilt as a tactic to prevent and intimidate innocent members of the opposition from exercising their rights to free speech and assembly.
Amnesty International Issues Urgent Action Bulletin on Unlawful Detention of Deo Mushayidi.
Amnesty International
UA: 56/10
Index: AFR 47/001/2010
Issue Date: 10 March 2010
URGENT ACTION
POLITICIAN ARRESTED, RISK OF ILL-TREATMENT
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR47/001/2010/en/af363bc3-a2af-4693-90fd-82029dfec8c8/afr470012010en.pdf
Rwandan politician Deogratias Mushayidi has been detained since 5 March. He has been allowed no contact with his lawyer, and he is at risk of ill-treatment.
Deogratias (usually known as Deo) Mushayidi is the Chairman of a political party, the Pact for People's Defence (PDP). It was founded in Belgium, and is active with Rwandans living abroad, but not registered in Rwanda. He was head of the Rwandan Journalists' Association from 1996 to 2000. He is an outspoken critic of the Rwandan government.
He was detained in Burundi on 3 March by the Burundian security forces, who handed him over to Rwanda two days later. It is not clear whether he was formally extradited.
The Rwandan authorities have told national broadcaster Radio Rwanda that Deogratias Mushayidi is wanted in connection with recent grenade attacks in Kigali. He is accused of a number of serious offences, including terrorism, but it is not clear whether he has actually been charged. He has not yet been brought before a court.
The Rwandan Police confirmed to Amnesty International on 9 March that Deogratias Mushayidi is detained at Kicukiro Police Station. They said that his right to access a lawyer and other visitors would be respected. However, his lawyer has so far been refused access to him. An international human rights group and some of his friends did not receive authorization either to visit him.
PLEASE WRITE IMMEDIATELY in English, French or your own language:
Urging the authorities to release Deogratias Mushayidi, or else charge him with a recognizably criminal offence;
Urging them to ensure that any legal action takes place promptly and in accordance with international fair trial standards;
Urging them to ensure he has access to a lawyer of his choosing, and regular family visits;
Urging them to ensure that he is not subjected to torture or other ill-treatment.
PLEASE SEND APPEALS BEFORE 21 APRIL 2010 TO:
President
Paul Kagame
Office of the President
BP 15
Urugwiro Village
Kigali
Rwanda
Fax: +250 572431
Salutation: Dear President Kagame
Police commissioner
Emmanuel Gasana
Commissioner General
Rwandan National Police
Kigali
Rwanda
Fax: +250 58 66 02
Salutation: Dear Commissioner General
Prosecutor General
Martin Ngoga
National Public Prosecution Autnority
BP 1328
Kigali
Rwanda
Fax: +250 589 501
Salutation: Dear Prosecutor General
Also send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country. Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date.
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION
Deogratias Mushayidi fled Rwanda in 2000 and sought asylum in Belgium. From exile, he has been an outspoken critic of the Rwandan government. He formed the Pact for Peoples Defence in November 2008. In recent months, he is known to have travelled to Tanzania.
On 19 February, there were three simultaneous grenade attacks in Kigali. Less than two weeks later, on 4 March, there were two further near-simultaneous grenade attacks in Kigali. Rwandan police investigations into the attacks are underway, and it is in connection with these attacks that Deogratias Mushayidi has been arrested.
The attacks came amid rising tension as Rwanda prepares for presidential elections due to take place in August. Amnesty International has condemned recent intimidation of opposition groups and urged the authorities to respect the right of opposition parties to freedom of expression, freedom of association and peaceful assembly.
UA: 56/10
Index: AFR 47/001/2010
Issue Date: 10 March 2010
URGENT ACTION
POLITICIAN ARRESTED, RISK OF ILL-TREATMENT
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR47/001/2010/en/af363bc3-a2af-4693-90fd-82029dfec8c8/afr470012010en.pdf
Rwandan politician Deogratias Mushayidi has been detained since 5 March. He has been allowed no contact with his lawyer, and he is at risk of ill-treatment.
Deogratias (usually known as Deo) Mushayidi is the Chairman of a political party, the Pact for People's Defence (PDP). It was founded in Belgium, and is active with Rwandans living abroad, but not registered in Rwanda. He was head of the Rwandan Journalists' Association from 1996 to 2000. He is an outspoken critic of the Rwandan government.
He was detained in Burundi on 3 March by the Burundian security forces, who handed him over to Rwanda two days later. It is not clear whether he was formally extradited.
The Rwandan authorities have told national broadcaster Radio Rwanda that Deogratias Mushayidi is wanted in connection with recent grenade attacks in Kigali. He is accused of a number of serious offences, including terrorism, but it is not clear whether he has actually been charged. He has not yet been brought before a court.
The Rwandan Police confirmed to Amnesty International on 9 March that Deogratias Mushayidi is detained at Kicukiro Police Station. They said that his right to access a lawyer and other visitors would be respected. However, his lawyer has so far been refused access to him. An international human rights group and some of his friends did not receive authorization either to visit him.
PLEASE WRITE IMMEDIATELY in English, French or your own language:
Urging the authorities to release Deogratias Mushayidi, or else charge him with a recognizably criminal offence;
Urging them to ensure that any legal action takes place promptly and in accordance with international fair trial standards;
Urging them to ensure he has access to a lawyer of his choosing, and regular family visits;
Urging them to ensure that he is not subjected to torture or other ill-treatment.
PLEASE SEND APPEALS BEFORE 21 APRIL 2010 TO:
President
Paul Kagame
Office of the President
BP 15
Urugwiro Village
Kigali
Rwanda
Fax: +250 572431
Salutation: Dear President Kagame
Police commissioner
Emmanuel Gasana
Commissioner General
Rwandan National Police
Kigali
Rwanda
Fax: +250 58 66 02
Salutation: Dear Commissioner General
Prosecutor General
Martin Ngoga
National Public Prosecution Autnority
BP 1328
Kigali
Rwanda
Fax: +250 589 501
Salutation: Dear Prosecutor General
Also send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country. Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date.
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION
Deogratias Mushayidi fled Rwanda in 2000 and sought asylum in Belgium. From exile, he has been an outspoken critic of the Rwandan government. He formed the Pact for Peoples Defence in November 2008. In recent months, he is known to have travelled to Tanzania.
On 19 February, there were three simultaneous grenade attacks in Kigali. Less than two weeks later, on 4 March, there were two further near-simultaneous grenade attacks in Kigali. Rwandan police investigations into the attacks are underway, and it is in connection with these attacks that Deogratias Mushayidi has been arrested.
The attacks came amid rising tension as Rwanda prepares for presidential elections due to take place in August. Amnesty International has condemned recent intimidation of opposition groups and urged the authorities to respect the right of opposition parties to freedom of expression, freedom of association and peaceful assembly.
CNOOC, Total to Divvy Up Ugandan Oil Assets.
by James Herron
Dow Jones Newswires
3/10/2010
URL: http://www.rigzone.com/news/article.asp?a_id=89070
China's Cnooc Ltd. and French oil major Total SA are each expected to acquire a third of Tullow Oil PLC's oil assets in Uganda, Tullow said in a statement Wednesday.
Both companies have recently made presentations to the Ugandan authorities and Tullow said it expects these transactions and Tullow's purchase of Heritage Oil PLC's Uganda assets to be signed in the coming weeks. "This will result in a unified partnership with considerable experience and financial capability to enable Uganda to become a significant oil producing nation," it said.
Tullow will begin the first phase of development of hydrocarbons discovered in Uganda's Lake Albert basin this year, with oil and gas production for the local market due to begin in 2011, the statement said. Natural gas from the Nzizi field will be piped to a power plant to be constructed in Uganda's Hoima district and around 10,000 barrels a day of oil from the Kasamene field will be trucked to local markets.
Output from the whole basin could eventually exceed 200,000 barrels of oil a day, supplying a local refinery and exporting surplus crude to regional and international markets, said Tullow.
A farm-down deal with Cnooc and Total will help speed development of the whole basin, said Royal Bank of Scotland analyst Phil Corbett. "A strong partnership on equal footing in Uganda should accelerate the development of a major resource base and, following the net proceeds of the farm-down and the placing inflow, the company should be well funded to pursue the considerable upside potential in its portfolio," he said.
Following recent appraisal drilling, Tullow upgraded the mid-range reserves estimate at its Tweneboa discovery offshore Ghana to 400 million barrels of oil equivalent, from 250 million boe previously.
The Jubilee field offshore Ghana remains on track to produce its first oil by the end of this year, Tullow said. The first phase of Jubilee will produce around 120,000 barrels of oil a day.
Tullow Wednesday reported a full-year 2009 operating profit of GBP95 million, down 68% on the year due to lower oil and gas prices and lower output.
Oil and gas production for the year was down 12% to 58,300 barrels of oil equivalent a day.
Tullow's gearing -- the ratio of net debt to net assets -- rose 17 percentage points to 47% as the company invested heavily in Ghana and Uganda. Tullow will spend up to $1.5 billion buying the Heritage Oil assets, although a large part of this cost will be offset by the proceeds of the subsequent partnership deal with Total and Cnooc.
"Our 2009 reported results still reflect a period of financial transition," said Tullow's Chief Executive Aidan Heavey. "First oil in Ghana from the Jubilee field later this year will result in considerable production growth and increased cash flow."
Dow Jones Newswires
3/10/2010
URL: http://www.rigzone.com/news/article.asp?a_id=89070
China's Cnooc Ltd. and French oil major Total SA are each expected to acquire a third of Tullow Oil PLC's oil assets in Uganda, Tullow said in a statement Wednesday.
Both companies have recently made presentations to the Ugandan authorities and Tullow said it expects these transactions and Tullow's purchase of Heritage Oil PLC's Uganda assets to be signed in the coming weeks. "This will result in a unified partnership with considerable experience and financial capability to enable Uganda to become a significant oil producing nation," it said.
Tullow will begin the first phase of development of hydrocarbons discovered in Uganda's Lake Albert basin this year, with oil and gas production for the local market due to begin in 2011, the statement said. Natural gas from the Nzizi field will be piped to a power plant to be constructed in Uganda's Hoima district and around 10,000 barrels a day of oil from the Kasamene field will be trucked to local markets.
Output from the whole basin could eventually exceed 200,000 barrels of oil a day, supplying a local refinery and exporting surplus crude to regional and international markets, said Tullow.
A farm-down deal with Cnooc and Total will help speed development of the whole basin, said Royal Bank of Scotland analyst Phil Corbett. "A strong partnership on equal footing in Uganda should accelerate the development of a major resource base and, following the net proceeds of the farm-down and the placing inflow, the company should be well funded to pursue the considerable upside potential in its portfolio," he said.
Following recent appraisal drilling, Tullow upgraded the mid-range reserves estimate at its Tweneboa discovery offshore Ghana to 400 million barrels of oil equivalent, from 250 million boe previously.
The Jubilee field offshore Ghana remains on track to produce its first oil by the end of this year, Tullow said. The first phase of Jubilee will produce around 120,000 barrels of oil a day.
Tullow Wednesday reported a full-year 2009 operating profit of GBP95 million, down 68% on the year due to lower oil and gas prices and lower output.
Oil and gas production for the year was down 12% to 58,300 barrels of oil equivalent a day.
Tullow's gearing -- the ratio of net debt to net assets -- rose 17 percentage points to 47% as the company invested heavily in Ghana and Uganda. Tullow will spend up to $1.5 billion buying the Heritage Oil assets, although a large part of this cost will be offset by the proceeds of the subsequent partnership deal with Total and Cnooc.
"Our 2009 reported results still reflect a period of financial transition," said Tullow's Chief Executive Aidan Heavey. "First oil in Ghana from the Jubilee field later this year will result in considerable production growth and increased cash flow."
Ex-CNDP have taken over mineral trade extortion racket.
Global Witness
Press Release
11 March 2010
Former rebels from the Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) have established mafia-style extortion rackets covering some of the most lucrative tin and tantalum mining areas in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Global Witness reported today following four weeks of research in the region.
The ex-CNDP rebels, who joined the national army in a chaotic integration process during 2009, have taken advantage of UN-backed government offensives aimed at displacing the FDLR militia from profitable mine sites. They have gained far greater control of mining areas than they ever enjoyed as insurgents, and in many cases have retained their old command structures and political agenda.
Global Witness is calling on the Congolese government to immediately remove all army units from mine sites as part of a wholesale demilitarisation of the sector. The country's international donors have so far let the government off the hook on this issue and should do more to pressure Congolese authorities to take soldiers out of the mines and away from the mineral trade.
"Last year's high profile offensives against the FDLR paved the way for high-ranking elements of the ex-CNDP to gain and consolidate access to mineral wealth. Control of the mines has effectively been transferred from one group of armed thugs to another - the main difference being that the new ones are wearing the national army's uniform," said Global Witness campaigner Annie Dunnebacke, just back from a month in eastern DRC.
"For more than a decade now, the country's mineral wealth has provided an incentive and a cash base for the conflict to continue. Unless the government and international donors implement a comprehensive strategy which tackles once and for all the economic drivers of this conflict, the local population will continue to suffer and the country's future will continue to be blighted."
Global Witness found that ex-CNDP fighters now in charge of the 212th national army brigade are pocketing tens of thousands of dollars per month from illegal taxes imposed on civilians working in and around Bisie, eastern Congo's largest cassiterite (tin ore) mine. Most of these funds are channelled directly to ex-CNDP senior officers, including brigade commander Colonel Yussuf Mboneza, and to other high-ranking elements of the national army.
In some parts of North Kivu, former CNDP commanders are running a parallel administration - effectively a state within a state - through which they are illegally levying taxes on the mineral trade and other goods. The central government has virtually no authority in these areas.
"The capacity of the former rebels to siphon off revenue from the mines means they could afford to re-arm if they decide peace no longer suits them," said Global Witness campaigner Emilie Serralta, who travelled with Dunnebacke. "This is particularly dangerous considering the ex-commanders' history of reverting to rebellion when they don't get what they want."
Global Witness found that the brunt of the extortion and abuse is borne by the region's civilian population. At the Muhinga cassiterite mine in South Kivu, diggers told researchers that they are forced to pay $10 each to the military for permission to spend a night working in the mineshafts. Diggers, many of whom are children, also have to pay the army to use dynamite and are forced to hand over all their production on Thursdays.
"In Muhinga, workers told us they are whipped and robbed by soldiers if they fail to pay up. The army should be protecting civilians, instead they are crippling them with illegal taxes and abuse," said Serralta.
Companies still sourcing from armed groups, governments failing to act
Global Witness also uncovered evidence that companies in eastern DRC and Rwanda are still buying goods directly from militarised mines, in spite of growing international pressure to end the trade in conflict minerals.
Some in the industry have committed on paper to greater supply chain traceability and more responsible sourcing practices, but so far companies buying minerals from eastern Congo have failed to move beyond the rhetoric and put in place credible due diligence measures.
"It's not enough for companies to rely on promises made or paperwork filled out by their suppliers. If companies want to avoid being complicit in the conflict and human rights abuses, they have to carry out investigations to find out exactly which mines the goods come from, and who has benefited from the trade," said Dunnebacke.
"Information about who controls which mine site is common knowledge in the trading towns of eastern Congo. Companies buying minerals from militarised areas have no excuse for claiming ignorance."
Recent UN Security Council resolutions have called on governments to take measures against those sourcing minerals from armed groups in eastern Congo, but so far member states have shied away from placing any companies or individuals under UN sanctions, despite abundant evidence published by the UN Group of Experts and Global Witness.
Serralta said: "Western donor governments have been very vocal about commitments to bring peace and stability to eastern DRC. But the impressive rhetoric is at odds with their persistent failure to hold to account companies in their jurisdictions that buy conflict minerals. When helping Congo involves tackling a perceived national interest, however marginal, their willingness to act seems to dissolve into thin air."
MONUC drawdown should be contingent on demilitarisation of mines
Another test of international commitment to tackle the link between the mineral trade and abuses in Congo concerns the objectives and mandate given the UN peacekeeping mission, MONUC. Over the coming weeks, UN Security Council members will be deciding on benchmarks that MONUC needs to meet before it can withdraw from DRC without triggering a relapse into instability. In light of its recent findings, Global Witness believes it is critical that these targets include comprehensive demilitarisation of the mineral sector in the east of the country.
Security Council members should also strengthen MONUC's mandate to tackle the illicit mineral trade when this comes up for renewal in May. Peacekeepers should be given the authorisation and the means, not only to monitor and inspect mineral shipments, but also to actively support government law enforcement efforts to curtail illegal activities involving the military.
Contact: Annie Dunnebacke on +44 7912 517 127 or Emilie Serralta on +44 7982 838 038
Press Release
11 March 2010
Former rebels from the Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) have established mafia-style extortion rackets covering some of the most lucrative tin and tantalum mining areas in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Global Witness reported today following four weeks of research in the region.
The ex-CNDP rebels, who joined the national army in a chaotic integration process during 2009, have taken advantage of UN-backed government offensives aimed at displacing the FDLR militia from profitable mine sites. They have gained far greater control of mining areas than they ever enjoyed as insurgents, and in many cases have retained their old command structures and political agenda.
Global Witness is calling on the Congolese government to immediately remove all army units from mine sites as part of a wholesale demilitarisation of the sector. The country's international donors have so far let the government off the hook on this issue and should do more to pressure Congolese authorities to take soldiers out of the mines and away from the mineral trade.
"Last year's high profile offensives against the FDLR paved the way for high-ranking elements of the ex-CNDP to gain and consolidate access to mineral wealth. Control of the mines has effectively been transferred from one group of armed thugs to another - the main difference being that the new ones are wearing the national army's uniform," said Global Witness campaigner Annie Dunnebacke, just back from a month in eastern DRC.
"For more than a decade now, the country's mineral wealth has provided an incentive and a cash base for the conflict to continue. Unless the government and international donors implement a comprehensive strategy which tackles once and for all the economic drivers of this conflict, the local population will continue to suffer and the country's future will continue to be blighted."
Global Witness found that ex-CNDP fighters now in charge of the 212th national army brigade are pocketing tens of thousands of dollars per month from illegal taxes imposed on civilians working in and around Bisie, eastern Congo's largest cassiterite (tin ore) mine. Most of these funds are channelled directly to ex-CNDP senior officers, including brigade commander Colonel Yussuf Mboneza, and to other high-ranking elements of the national army.
In some parts of North Kivu, former CNDP commanders are running a parallel administration - effectively a state within a state - through which they are illegally levying taxes on the mineral trade and other goods. The central government has virtually no authority in these areas.
"The capacity of the former rebels to siphon off revenue from the mines means they could afford to re-arm if they decide peace no longer suits them," said Global Witness campaigner Emilie Serralta, who travelled with Dunnebacke. "This is particularly dangerous considering the ex-commanders' history of reverting to rebellion when they don't get what they want."
Global Witness found that the brunt of the extortion and abuse is borne by the region's civilian population. At the Muhinga cassiterite mine in South Kivu, diggers told researchers that they are forced to pay $10 each to the military for permission to spend a night working in the mineshafts. Diggers, many of whom are children, also have to pay the army to use dynamite and are forced to hand over all their production on Thursdays.
"In Muhinga, workers told us they are whipped and robbed by soldiers if they fail to pay up. The army should be protecting civilians, instead they are crippling them with illegal taxes and abuse," said Serralta.
Companies still sourcing from armed groups, governments failing to act
Global Witness also uncovered evidence that companies in eastern DRC and Rwanda are still buying goods directly from militarised mines, in spite of growing international pressure to end the trade in conflict minerals.
Some in the industry have committed on paper to greater supply chain traceability and more responsible sourcing practices, but so far companies buying minerals from eastern Congo have failed to move beyond the rhetoric and put in place credible due diligence measures.
"It's not enough for companies to rely on promises made or paperwork filled out by their suppliers. If companies want to avoid being complicit in the conflict and human rights abuses, they have to carry out investigations to find out exactly which mines the goods come from, and who has benefited from the trade," said Dunnebacke.
"Information about who controls which mine site is common knowledge in the trading towns of eastern Congo. Companies buying minerals from militarised areas have no excuse for claiming ignorance."
Recent UN Security Council resolutions have called on governments to take measures against those sourcing minerals from armed groups in eastern Congo, but so far member states have shied away from placing any companies or individuals under UN sanctions, despite abundant evidence published by the UN Group of Experts and Global Witness.
Serralta said: "Western donor governments have been very vocal about commitments to bring peace and stability to eastern DRC. But the impressive rhetoric is at odds with their persistent failure to hold to account companies in their jurisdictions that buy conflict minerals. When helping Congo involves tackling a perceived national interest, however marginal, their willingness to act seems to dissolve into thin air."
MONUC drawdown should be contingent on demilitarisation of mines
Another test of international commitment to tackle the link between the mineral trade and abuses in Congo concerns the objectives and mandate given the UN peacekeeping mission, MONUC. Over the coming weeks, UN Security Council members will be deciding on benchmarks that MONUC needs to meet before it can withdraw from DRC without triggering a relapse into instability. In light of its recent findings, Global Witness believes it is critical that these targets include comprehensive demilitarisation of the mineral sector in the east of the country.
Security Council members should also strengthen MONUC's mandate to tackle the illicit mineral trade when this comes up for renewal in May. Peacekeepers should be given the authorisation and the means, not only to monitor and inspect mineral shipments, but also to actively support government law enforcement efforts to curtail illegal activities involving the military.
Contact: Annie Dunnebacke on +44 7912 517 127 or Emilie Serralta on +44 7982 838 038
Ethiopian Press Restrictions Continue with Court Ruling.
Committee to Protect Journalists
11 March 2010
The Ethiopian Supreme Court reinstated fines on Monday against four newspaper publishing companies over their coverage of the disputed 2005 national election. The Committee to Protect Journalists calls on Ethiopian authorities to end their continuing pursuit of politically motivated charges related to the election.
Judge Dagne Melaku, presiding over a panel of three-judge panel, upheld fines initially imposed in July 2007 against the Fasil, Serkalem, Sisay, and Zekarias publishing houses for antistate crimes related to their newspapers' reporting on Ethiopia?s 2005 elections, according to local journalists.
Monday's ruling overturned a February 2009 High Court decision that had struck down the fines. The High Court said that a July 2007 presidential pardon, granted to numerous journalists and political dissidents who were facing anti-state charges related to the election, also applied to the four publishing houses.
The publishing houses and their newspapers were forced to close in 2005 and were later banned by the government. The principals in the companies were acquitted of individual charges of anti-state activity, although they spent 17 months in pretrial detention, according to CPJ research.
In its ruling on Monday, the Supreme Court ordered the principals in the publishing companies to pay the fines immediately or face the freezing of their assets, according to local journalists. Principals in the Serkalem publishing house, which owned Asqual, Menelik, and Satanaw newspapers, face a fine of 120,000 birrs (US$8,800); officials of Sisay Publishing and Advertising Enterprise, which produced Ethiop and Abay, face a fine of 100,000 birrs (US$7,400); principals in Zekarias, publisher of Netsanet, face a fine of 60,000 birrs (US$4,400), and officials of Fasil, publisher of Addis Zena, face a fine of 15,000 birrs (US$1,100). By Ethiopian economic standards, the fines are substantial.
The administration has used legal and administrative means to harass the owners of the four publishing companies ever since they were acquitted, according to CPJ research. In 2007, government prosecutors asked the Supreme Court to reinstate genocide charges against principals in the companies, but the government eventually dropped the effort. The government later blocked two of the publishers, award-winning journalist Serkalem Fasil and editor Sisay Agena, from launching new publications.
"The government continues to use the courts and administrative means to settle political scores against journalists who were acquitted after the 2005 election," said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Tom Rhodes. "We call on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to end his administration's unrelenting harassment of these journalists, which contradicts his public statements in 2007 that the government did not harbour a "sense of revenge" toward its critics in the press."
11 March 2010
The Ethiopian Supreme Court reinstated fines on Monday against four newspaper publishing companies over their coverage of the disputed 2005 national election. The Committee to Protect Journalists calls on Ethiopian authorities to end their continuing pursuit of politically motivated charges related to the election.
Judge Dagne Melaku, presiding over a panel of three-judge panel, upheld fines initially imposed in July 2007 against the Fasil, Serkalem, Sisay, and Zekarias publishing houses for antistate crimes related to their newspapers' reporting on Ethiopia?s 2005 elections, according to local journalists.
Monday's ruling overturned a February 2009 High Court decision that had struck down the fines. The High Court said that a July 2007 presidential pardon, granted to numerous journalists and political dissidents who were facing anti-state charges related to the election, also applied to the four publishing houses.
The publishing houses and their newspapers were forced to close in 2005 and were later banned by the government. The principals in the companies were acquitted of individual charges of anti-state activity, although they spent 17 months in pretrial detention, according to CPJ research.
In its ruling on Monday, the Supreme Court ordered the principals in the publishing companies to pay the fines immediately or face the freezing of their assets, according to local journalists. Principals in the Serkalem publishing house, which owned Asqual, Menelik, and Satanaw newspapers, face a fine of 120,000 birrs (US$8,800); officials of Sisay Publishing and Advertising Enterprise, which produced Ethiop and Abay, face a fine of 100,000 birrs (US$7,400); principals in Zekarias, publisher of Netsanet, face a fine of 60,000 birrs (US$4,400), and officials of Fasil, publisher of Addis Zena, face a fine of 15,000 birrs (US$1,100). By Ethiopian economic standards, the fines are substantial.
The administration has used legal and administrative means to harass the owners of the four publishing companies ever since they were acquitted, according to CPJ research. In 2007, government prosecutors asked the Supreme Court to reinstate genocide charges against principals in the companies, but the government eventually dropped the effort. The government later blocked two of the publishers, award-winning journalist Serkalem Fasil and editor Sisay Agena, from launching new publications.
"The government continues to use the courts and administrative means to settle political scores against journalists who were acquitted after the 2005 election," said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Tom Rhodes. "We call on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to end his administration's unrelenting harassment of these journalists, which contradicts his public statements in 2007 that the government did not harbour a "sense of revenge" toward its critics in the press."
Green Party gets backing from European Parliament.
Rwandan News Agency
10 March 2010
The Greens block in the European Parliament has petitioned the European Commission over the plight of the Green Party as the group struggles to put together a registration dossier, RNA reports.
The Greens/European Free Alliance wants the EU embassy in Kigali “to give much higher priority” to the yet-to-be registered Green Party of Mr. Frank Habineza. The European Greens have been informed that the EU's Kigali Envoy, Mr. Arrion Michel is following the situation closely but the Greens alliance want more action.
In the letter to EC President Mr. José Manuel Barroso and Foreign Affairs chief Baroness Catherine Ashton, the Greens relay how they are “becoming increasingly concerned about the obstructions” that are hindering the political activities of the opposition parties.
Two opposition groups that are not registered have joined forces with PS Imberakuri –which is already registered, in a loose coalition.
However, they say the government is deliberately blocking them from registering. The Green Party has petitioned the intervention of Local Government Minister Mr. James Musoni, and accuses the Police and Gasabo district of conniving to block its delegates’ conference in order to prevent their registration.
Back-and-forth bickering between the Police Commissioner General, Brig. Gen. Emmanuel Gasana and Gasabo district Mayor means the group is not able to get space to hold the conference. The group hopes to use the occasion to notify its hundreds
of nomination signatures for registration.
Green Party leader, Mr. Habineza has also written to Internal Security Minister Sheikh Musa Fazil Harelimana claiming his life is in danger. The Minister forwarded his concerns to the Police Commissioner General.
The European Greens say they have also raised these issues with the European
Parliament Development Committee and “were assured that the EU Mission in Rwanda was aware of the situation and would continue to monitor the situation”.
“However, and especially in view of the very recent threat to Mr Habineza's life, we would like to urge you to ask the Mission to give mush higher priority to these problems,” reads the letter co-signed by Rebecca Harms and Daniel Cohn Bendit from the EU Greens group.
In his first interview since taking office – which he had with RNA - the EU envoy Mr. Arrion called on opposition politician Ms. Ingabire Victoire to stop what he claimed were “inflammatory declarations”.
He said the government and opposition need to act with restrain with each other if there is to be any “meaningful debate”.
10 March 2010
The Greens block in the European Parliament has petitioned the European Commission over the plight of the Green Party as the group struggles to put together a registration dossier, RNA reports.
The Greens/European Free Alliance wants the EU embassy in Kigali “to give much higher priority” to the yet-to-be registered Green Party of Mr. Frank Habineza. The European Greens have been informed that the EU's Kigali Envoy, Mr. Arrion Michel is following the situation closely but the Greens alliance want more action.
In the letter to EC President Mr. José Manuel Barroso and Foreign Affairs chief Baroness Catherine Ashton, the Greens relay how they are “becoming increasingly concerned about the obstructions” that are hindering the political activities of the opposition parties.
Two opposition groups that are not registered have joined forces with PS Imberakuri –which is already registered, in a loose coalition.
However, they say the government is deliberately blocking them from registering. The Green Party has petitioned the intervention of Local Government Minister Mr. James Musoni, and accuses the Police and Gasabo district of conniving to block its delegates’ conference in order to prevent their registration.
Back-and-forth bickering between the Police Commissioner General, Brig. Gen. Emmanuel Gasana and Gasabo district Mayor means the group is not able to get space to hold the conference. The group hopes to use the occasion to notify its hundreds
of nomination signatures for registration.
Green Party leader, Mr. Habineza has also written to Internal Security Minister Sheikh Musa Fazil Harelimana claiming his life is in danger. The Minister forwarded his concerns to the Police Commissioner General.
The European Greens say they have also raised these issues with the European
Parliament Development Committee and “were assured that the EU Mission in Rwanda was aware of the situation and would continue to monitor the situation”.
“However, and especially in view of the very recent threat to Mr Habineza's life, we would like to urge you to ask the Mission to give mush higher priority to these problems,” reads the letter co-signed by Rebecca Harms and Daniel Cohn Bendit from the EU Greens group.
In his first interview since taking office – which he had with RNA - the EU envoy Mr. Arrion called on opposition politician Ms. Ingabire Victoire to stop what he claimed were “inflammatory declarations”.
He said the government and opposition need to act with restrain with each other if there is to be any “meaningful debate”.
Human Rights Watch Official Has Work Permit Taken Away by Rwandan Government.
The New Times
11 March 2010
By Edmund Kagire
The Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration, yesterday, cancelled the work permit of Carina Tertsakian, the Country Director of Human Rights Watch (HRW) (Editor's Note: Formerly of Global Witness) over alleged ‘gross anomalies’ in her documents, The New Times has learnt.
Tertsakian, a British national, is said to have reported into the country on January 25 for her new posting and right away applied for a work permit at the immigration department which she received two days later.
However, on her return to immigration department to apply for a foreigner’s identity card, which is usually required for all foreigners with a long-stay visa, her file was allegedly found to have mismatching signatures, prompting the immigration department to revoke the work permit.
In an interview with The New Times, Innocent Niyonsenga, the Communications Manager at the Immigration Directorate, confirmed the development and said that the case is currently being handled by the Criminal Investigations Department to ascertain whether there are any cases of fraud.
“We found anomalies in her file. There were differences in the signatures of one person in the visa application letter and her employment contract.”
“The signature of the Executive Director, Africa Division found on the visa application form is different from the signature of the same person in her employment contract,” Niyonsenga explained.
He further claimed that the Human Resource Manager on her employment contract also differed from the signature in the employment contract of the outgoing Country Director, yet the Human Resource Manager has not changed.
It is further claimed that her employment contract has an anomaly in the date of issue. It indicated that the contract was signed on October 29, 2010, seven months from now.
According to Niyonsenga, Tertsakian was called to the immigration department and said to have been shown the inconsistencies in her file which she acknowledged before her work permit was revoked.
“As procedure requires, we called the applicant to make a few clarifications and she admitted that there were anomalies. This is an administrative measure, we cancelled the work permit effective today (yesterday),” Niyonsenga said.
Tertsakian refused to comment on the issue when The New Times contacted her yesterday evening.
“I am sorry I cannot tell you anything. I am not prepared to talk about this with the media. I have nothing to tell, I don’t think it is an issue to discuss with the media,” she said.
Niyonsenga said that Tertsakian as a British National her visa allows her to stay for 3 months before she is required to leave the country.
11 March 2010
By Edmund Kagire
The Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration, yesterday, cancelled the work permit of Carina Tertsakian, the Country Director of Human Rights Watch (HRW) (Editor's Note: Formerly of Global Witness) over alleged ‘gross anomalies’ in her documents, The New Times has learnt.
Tertsakian, a British national, is said to have reported into the country on January 25 for her new posting and right away applied for a work permit at the immigration department which she received two days later.
However, on her return to immigration department to apply for a foreigner’s identity card, which is usually required for all foreigners with a long-stay visa, her file was allegedly found to have mismatching signatures, prompting the immigration department to revoke the work permit.
In an interview with The New Times, Innocent Niyonsenga, the Communications Manager at the Immigration Directorate, confirmed the development and said that the case is currently being handled by the Criminal Investigations Department to ascertain whether there are any cases of fraud.
“We found anomalies in her file. There were differences in the signatures of one person in the visa application letter and her employment contract.”
“The signature of the Executive Director, Africa Division found on the visa application form is different from the signature of the same person in her employment contract,” Niyonsenga explained.
He further claimed that the Human Resource Manager on her employment contract also differed from the signature in the employment contract of the outgoing Country Director, yet the Human Resource Manager has not changed.
It is further claimed that her employment contract has an anomaly in the date of issue. It indicated that the contract was signed on October 29, 2010, seven months from now.
According to Niyonsenga, Tertsakian was called to the immigration department and said to have been shown the inconsistencies in her file which she acknowledged before her work permit was revoked.
“As procedure requires, we called the applicant to make a few clarifications and she admitted that there were anomalies. This is an administrative measure, we cancelled the work permit effective today (yesterday),” Niyonsenga said.
Tertsakian refused to comment on the issue when The New Times contacted her yesterday evening.
“I am sorry I cannot tell you anything. I am not prepared to talk about this with the media. I have nothing to tell, I don’t think it is an issue to discuss with the media,” she said.
Niyonsenga said that Tertsakian as a British National her visa allows her to stay for 3 months before she is required to leave the country.
US General’s Kyrgyz Visit to Rival Russian influence.
Reuters
11 March 2010
US General David Petraeus met leaders in Kyrgyzstan on Wednesday, a day after the United States said it would build an anti-terrorism centre for the strategic Central Asian nation near Afghanistan.
The United States and Russia both operate military airbases in Kyrgyzstan. The visit by Petraeus, head of US Central Command, is likely to irritate Moscow, which sees the impoverished Muslim nation as part of its sphere of influence. Petraeus arrived in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek on Wednesday and met Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev. Both sides said little about the nature of the talks. “Petraeus ... thanked Kyrgyzstan for its support for Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan,” Bakiyev’s office said in a statement.
“Kurmanbek Bakiyev said that all threats and challenges to security in Central Asia emanate from Afghanistan ....With this in mind, it is in Kyrgyzstan’s interests to maintain security and stability in this country and it will continue to extend its support to help rebuild Afghanistan together with the international community.” On Tuesday, the US embassy said the $5.5 million anti-terrorist training centre would be built in Batken in south Kyrgyzstan — where Russian and Kyrgyz officials had earlier said Moscow might consider building a similar military facility.
The embassy has rejected speculation that Washington may open another military base in Kyrgyzstan, stressing that the new centre would belong to the Kyrgyz government. The United States embassy said Petraeus would spend two days in Kyrgyzstan and visit a women’s support centre on Thursday. Kyrgyzstan alarmed the United States last year when it said it would close the US Manas air force base after receiving a promise of $2 billion in aid from Russia. It reversed its decision after Washington paid $180 million to keep the base, vital for US forces in nearby Afghanistan.
11 March 2010
US General David Petraeus met leaders in Kyrgyzstan on Wednesday, a day after the United States said it would build an anti-terrorism centre for the strategic Central Asian nation near Afghanistan.
The United States and Russia both operate military airbases in Kyrgyzstan. The visit by Petraeus, head of US Central Command, is likely to irritate Moscow, which sees the impoverished Muslim nation as part of its sphere of influence. Petraeus arrived in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek on Wednesday and met Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev. Both sides said little about the nature of the talks. “Petraeus ... thanked Kyrgyzstan for its support for Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan,” Bakiyev’s office said in a statement.
“Kurmanbek Bakiyev said that all threats and challenges to security in Central Asia emanate from Afghanistan ....With this in mind, it is in Kyrgyzstan’s interests to maintain security and stability in this country and it will continue to extend its support to help rebuild Afghanistan together with the international community.” On Tuesday, the US embassy said the $5.5 million anti-terrorist training centre would be built in Batken in south Kyrgyzstan — where Russian and Kyrgyz officials had earlier said Moscow might consider building a similar military facility.
The embassy has rejected speculation that Washington may open another military base in Kyrgyzstan, stressing that the new centre would belong to the Kyrgyz government. The United States embassy said Petraeus would spend two days in Kyrgyzstan and visit a women’s support centre on Thursday. Kyrgyzstan alarmed the United States last year when it said it would close the US Manas air force base after receiving a promise of $2 billion in aid from Russia. It reversed its decision after Washington paid $180 million to keep the base, vital for US forces in nearby Afghanistan.
10 March, 2010
CLIIR Press Release on Mushayidi Arrest.
*CENTRE DE LUTTE CONTRE L’IMPUNITE*
*ET L’INJUSTICE AU RWANDA (CLIIR)*
*Boulevard Léopold II, n°227*
Bruxelles, Belgium
le 8 mars 2010
*1080 BRUXELLES*
Tél/Fax : 32.81.60.11.13**
GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
*Mail** : cliir2004@yahoo.fr*
*COMMUNIQUE n° 121/2010*
*Rwanda: Déo Mushayidi est un « Mandela » et non un « criminel ».*
*Introduction*: Le Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)* dénonce et condamne le kidnapping par la police burundaise et la déportation forcée vers le Rwanda de Monsieur Déogratias MUSHAYIDI. Ce crime contre l’humanité, qui est imprescriptible et imputable aux forces de sécurité de la République du Burundi, a eu lieu vendredi le 5 mars 2010. Déo Mushayidi est président du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP) depuis novembre 2008. *C’est un des rares rescapés tutsis qui a osé rompre avec le FPR dont il a dénoncé les crimes, la corruption et les dérives antidémocratiques.* Le régime du FPR l’insulte en le traitant de terroriste qui serait impliqué dans les attaques aux grenades survenues au Rwanda depuis quelques semaines.
M. Mushayidi est un opposant politique crédible et reconnu comme tel par la majorité des rwandais qui le connaissent bien. Tous les prétextes sont bons pour le régime dictatorial du général Paul KAGAME, président du Rwanda, pour se débarrasser de ses opposants politiques réels ou supposés. *Le CLIIR recommande une enquête urgente et indépendante sur ces attaques à la grenade qui, selon certains observateurs rwandais et étrangers, *seraient l’œuvre de l’omniprésente et omnipuissante DMI[1].
*(Directorate of Military Intelligence): Le général Jack Nziza, le colonel Emmanuel Ndahiro et le général James Kabarebe sont soupçonnés de superviser ces attaques visant à terroriser la population civile et à se débarrasser des opposants politiques qui ont formé un Conseil de concertation politique très efficace face à Paul Kagame.
Ce communiqué n°121 est un vibrant hommage à M. Déo Mushayidi, un homme politique qui a toujours su rassembler autour de lui tous les rwandais sans *aucune distinction politique, ethnique et régionale*. Avant de parler de son kidnapping et de son héritage politique, voici quelques uns des nombreux commentaires qui sont parvenus au CLIIR depuis sa déportation vers le Rwanda : « *Déo Mushayidi n’a jamais été et ne sera jamais un terroriste. C’est notre « Mandela » pour nous les rescapés des crimes de génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité et des crimes de guerre commis au Rwanda et au Congo depuis 1990 jusqu’à ce jour de 2010. Mushayidi réclame la justice et la vérité dans ses paroles et ses écrits pour tous les victimes et les rescapés sans aucune distinction politique, ethnique ou régionale* ».
*Un nouveau « Mandela » serait né au Rwanda?*
M. Nelson Mandela, ancien président de la République Sud Africaine (RSA) était un avocat de formation et de profession qui a passé 27 ans de prison sous le régime de l’apartheid. M. Déo Mushayidi, le « *Mandela *» du Rwanda était un enseignant de profession et un religieux de vocation. En effet, Mushayidi est un ancien frère Joséphiste qui a quitté sa soutane et ses études de théologie pour devenir le représentant officiel du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), la rébellion armée tutsie, en Suisse jusqu’à son retour au Rwanda en 1994. Il avait été séduit par les textes du programme politique du FPR qui rencontrait son idéal politique en tant que démocrate né. Nous ignorons combien d’années, et dans quel état de santé physique et mental, il va passer en prison sous le régime de l’Apartheid imposé par le FPR au Rwanda. Connaissant les méthodes criminelles du régime FPR, nous craignons qu’il soit tué ou que son cerveau soit endommagé par la torture ou le poison. Comme ce fut le cas de M. Innocent Byabagamba, un ancien militaire tutsi arrêté dans un pays voisin et déporté au Rwanda et dont le cerveau a été très endommagé dans l’intention d’en faire un handicapé mental in fine.
Ceux qui traitent Mushayidi de « Mandela » du Rwanda, ce sont ceux
qui connaissent son histoire tragique. La tragédie familiale de Mushayidi peut se résumer comme suit : « *Son père a été tué par des hutus trois mois avant sa naissance en 1961. Il est donc né dans les décombres de la maison familiale détruite pendant les violences ethniques de la révolution de 1959.
Sa vieille mère et ses deux sœurs aînées ont été massacrées avec leurs enfants pendant le génocide de 1994 à l’époque où il représentait le FPR en Suisse* ». Malgré la mort violente de ses proches parents, Mushayidi a toujours collaboré avec ses compatriotes Hutu et Twa dans les différents mouvements politiques qu’il a cofondés ou qu’il a rejoint depuis le 22 février 2001. Il a toujours milité en faveur du Dialogue inter-rwandais et de la Commission Vérité, Justice et Réconciliation. Ce sont les principaux instruments politiques qu’il a toujours privilégiés. Sa philosophie politique ne lui permettrait pas de sombrer dans un quelconque terrorisme. C’est un homme qui assume et revendique toujours ces actes. Au cas où il serait amené à poser un acte violent, il aurait le courage politique d’assumer et de revendiquer son acte. Comme le sud-africain Nelson MANDELA a vaincu l’apartheid, *le « Mandela » rwandais rêve de vaincre les démons ethniques et créer un pays viable pour toutes les ethnies du Rwanda et de la région.* C’est pour éviter à tout rwandais une tragédie semblable à la sienne que Déo Mushayidi a évolué dans plusieurs formations politiques susceptibles de libérer le Rwanda de l’Apartheid ethnique qui le mine.
*Chronologie de son kidnapping du jeudi 04 au 05/03/2010:*
- Jeudi le 4 mars 2010, monsieur Déo Mushayidi a été arrêté par des policiers tanzaniens dans la Ville de BUKOBA en Tanzanie. Il a été conduit à la frontière du Burundi. La Police burundaise des Airs, des Frontières et des Etrangers (PAFE) l’a transféré dans la capitale burundaise, Bujumbura, jeudi soir.
- Vendredi le 5 mars 2010 vers 10h, M. Mushayidi a réussi à téléphoner à ses collègues du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP) résidant en Europe. Il leur a expliqué sa situation. Ses collègues ont réussi à joindre quelques responsables policiers burundais à qui ils ont expliqué la qualité d’opposant politique de Mushayidi. Selon lui, les responsables burundais lui avaient assuré de lui apporter l’aide nécessaire en sa qualité d’opposant politique. Donc ils savaient qu’il était un opposant exilé. Ils pouvaient donc évaluer les risques de perdre non seulement sa vie mais aussi sa liberté ou d’être torturé au Rwanda.
- Vendredi 5 mars 2010 vers 15h, ses collègues du PDP en Europe ont perdu tout contact téléphonique avec lui. Ils se sont inquiétés et ont commencé à téléphone aux responsables du PAFE. Mais personne n’a voulu décrocher le téléphone et répondre à leurs nombreux appels. A partir de cet instant plus aucun policier ou agent de l’immigration n’était joignable jusqu’au moment où un article du News Times de Kigali a mentionné la capture de Déo Mushayidi et sa déportation à Kigali. Dès lors, on ne peut pas parler d’extradition car il n’a jamais été sous le coup d’une quelconque procédure judiciaire ou d’un mandat d’arrêt international. *Il s’agit d’un véritable kidnapping opéré par les agents d’un Etat au profit d’un autre Etat *en violation de tous les instruments du droit international dont le droit d’asile pour un réfugié politique reconnu en Belgique.
- Le Burundi n’a jamais cessé de violer la convention de Genève sur le droit d’asile. Rappelons que depuis Mai 2005, plusieurs milliers de réfugiés Hutus, qui ont fui les persécutions et les emprisonnements arbitraires liés aux procès des tribunaux Gacaca, ont été expulsés par la force et dans la brutalité vers le Rwanda où certains hommes seraient portés disparus après leur rapatriement forcé. Les organisations internationales des droits humains telles que Human Rights Watch (HRW) et Amnesty International (AI) n’ont jamais cessé de dénoncer et condamner le Burundi pour son refus de respecter les conventions internationales qu’il a signées.
Les raisons de son exil en Belgique:
- Mushayidi s’est fait connaître en 1994 lorsqu’il démissionna de son poste d’Assistant du Secrétaire général du FPR, le Major Théogène Rudasingwa, en juin 1995. Il avait découvert que le FPR a aussi massacré des innocents et n’a respecté aucun de ses objectifs. Il s’est senti trahi dans son idéal et s’est tracé un nouveau chemin.
- En 1995, il a trouvé du travail dans un projet de développement financé par la Coopération Suisse au Rwanda. Il a démissionné pour mieux combattre l’injustice.
- En 1996, convaincu qu’il pourrait pousser le régime FPR à redresser ses dérives, Mushayidi s’est lancé comme journaliste dans plusieurs journaux. Un des plus connus est l’Ere de Liberté où il a travaillé avec un journaliste Twa, M. Elie Mpayimana, qui était son ami. Les deux journalistes dénoncèrent la corruption généralisée et s’attirent l’hostilité de plusieurs dirigeants du régime FPR. Mushayidi a aussi publié dans le journal IMBONI jusqu’à son départ en exil en avril 2000. Dans ses articles, il s’est mis à dénoncer les violations des droits humains et la corruption généralisée qui gangrène toujours le Rwanda. Toujours dans l’espoir de forcer le régime à construire petit à petit un état de droit.
- En 1996, fort de son expérience et de sa combativité dans les médias de l’époque, Mushayidi fut élu président de l’Association des Journalistes du Rwanda (AJIR). Il devient également le secrétaire exécutif du Centre pour la promotion de la liberté d’expression et de la tolérance dans la région des Grands Lacs
- En 1999, il devient directeur de la Maison de la Presse avant d’en devenir un employé jusqu’au moment de sa fuite du pays en avril 2000.
- Début 2000, les articles qui ont précipité sa fuite du Rwanda visaient à dénoncer les arrestations, les déportations vers le Rwanda et les emprisonnements de Messieurs Benjamin Rutabana, Innocent Byabagamba, Bertin Murera, Rukeba et Janvier. Ces derniers avaient été arrêtés au Burundi puis déportés vers le Rwanda.
- Ils dénoncèrent également l’assassinat de l’ancien préfet tutsi de la préfecture Kibuye, M. Assiel KABERA, tué devant sa porte dans la soirée du dimanche 05/03/2000.
- Mushayidi et deux autres amis journalistes furent persécutés et diffamés par les médias gouvernementaux tels que la Radio et la Télévision Rwandaises.
- En avril 2000, les trois journalistes se sont exilés en Belgique où ils furent reconnus réfugiés. Mushayidi ne tarda pas à collaborer avec d’autres démocrates de la diaspora.
*Les activités politiques de Mushayidi en exil en Belgique:
- *Le 22/02/2001, Mushayidi et ses collègues du comité de coordination présente le manifeste national* d’un mouvement monarchiste qu’ils venaient de créer à Bruxelles appelé* : « Nation – Imbaga y’Inyabutatu Nyarwanda » *qui prônait la restauration de l’Unité de la Nation rwandaise via l’instauration d’une monarchie constitutionnelle. L’ambassadeur du Rwanda, Jacques Bihozagara réagit le jour même dans un communiqué du 22/02/2001 dans lequel il énuméra les 8 partis politiques reconnus dans le protocole d’Accord du 24/11/1994 sur la mise en place des Institutions de la Transition. Il dénonça la création de ce parti dans ces termes: « *L’Etat Rwandais considère illégale toute initiative irrespectueuse des principes énoncés dans sa constitution minutieusementélaborée après de durs moments de négociations et défie toute manœuvre de distraction de l’opinion rwandaise et internationale* ». Le régime du FPR s’arrogeait ainsi le droit de réglementer toute opposition politique dans la diaspora rwandaise.
- *Le 27/03/2002, l’Alliance pour la démocratie et la réconciliation
nationale (ADRN) IGIHANGO *a été créée à Bad Honnef en Allemagne et fut lancée le 5/04/2002 à Bruxelles. Mushayidi fut élu au comité exécutif au poste de Secrétaire de l’Information et Porte-Parole de l’Alliance Igihango. Cette alliance qui réunissaitt les Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR, majoritairement hutu et basé au Congo-Kinshasa) et l'Alliance Rwandaise pour la Renaissance du Rwanda (majoritairement tutsi, basé en Amérique du Nord) et Nation Imbaga y’Inyabutatu Nyarwanda.
- Le Pacte Démocratique National (PDN) fut fondé après l’éclatement
de l’Alliance Igihango. Le PDN, la CNA-Ubumwe et les FDLR-CMC se sont regroupés dans une plate forme politique appelé « *Partenariat INTWARI* ». Mushayidi fut élu au poste de secrétaire général et de porte-parole en 2005.
- *Le 15/11/2008, *Déo Mushayidi a publié la déclaration de foi du*Pacte de défense du peuple (PDP) *signé à Kinihira et qui « *rassemble les Hutu, les Twa et les Tutsi tant de l’intérieur que de la diaspora, qui se reconnaissent tous comme Rwandais à part entière et fiers de leur appartenance ethnique ou de leur groupe social et qui aspirent à une cohabitation pacifique et harmonieuse dans un pays libéré de tout sentiment de haine et de tout esprit de vengeance et évoluant en dehors de toute suprématie numérique ou militaire *»*.*
*Les livres et les documents publiés par Mushayidi seul ou cosignés avec
d’autres** :*
- « *Les secrets du génocide rwandais : les mystères d’un président* »
est un livre écrit et publié par un journaliste d’investigation, M. Charles ONANA, avec la collaboration de Mushayidi. Ce fut le premier livre qui osa avancer l’hypothèse selon laquelle le président Paul Kagame serait le commanditaire de l’attentat du 6 avril 1994 qui a tué deux présidents Hutus en exercice. Celui du Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira et celui du Rwanda, Juvénal Habyarimana.
- « *La charte rwandaise des Droits et des Libertés* » est un document consacrant les droits et les libertés publiques en faveur des Rwandais. Elle fut publiée le 24/07/2007 par le Partenariat Intwari dont les dirigeants se sont engagés à respecter dans ces termes : « *Et que, dès cet instant, nous nous engageons à unir toutes nos potentialités et à lutter main dans la main, avec courage et abnégation, jusqu’à la tenue d’un Dialogue national démocratique et sans exclusive et à la victoire totale et irréversible de la démocratie, de l’État de droit, de l’unité dans la diversité, de la justice, de l’égalité, de la sécurité équitable des citoyens, de la paix et du développement durable* ».
- « *Pourquoi, j’ai commémoré le 6 avril* » est une déclaration très forte et émouvante qu’il a publié le 8/04/2006 en réaction d’une agression verbale qu’il a subi le 7/04/2006, lors de la marche aux flambeaux organisée par IBUKA Belgique. En effet, un homme proche de l’Ambassade du Rwanda en Belgique lui a reproché violemment d’avoir commémoré le 6/04/2006 au Mémorial du génocide rwandais érigé à Bruxelles (à Woluwe St Pierre) en compagnie des rescapés « non Tutsis » de ce génocide.
- « *Mémo adressé au Conseil de Sécurité de l'ONU* par la Cellule de la documentation et de la sécurité du Partenariat Intwari en février 2008. Ce document fut un véritable « *Plaidoyer pour une enquête globale, objective et impartiale sur le génocide rwandais et ses conséquences* ». Ce Mémo exceptionnel révèle que : L’exécution du génocide rwandais a été réalisée par les deux blocs d'extrémistes : certains militaires et les milices Hutues ainsi que les militaires et cadres politiques tutsis du FPR. Le document souligne que « * depuis 1989* à partir de l'Ouganda, dans *la planification du génocide rwandais* par un noyau de militaires TUTSIS du Rwanda et de l'Ouganda, il était question de *programmer l'assassinat du président Hutu, Juvénal Habyarimana, et l'extermination des populations Hutues qualifiées "**d'ennemis régionaux**" **(Voir page 20 du Mémo).*
*Brève biographie de Mushayidi:
- Mr. Déogratias Mushayidi est né au Rwanda en 1961 à Sake à Kibungo au sud Est du Rwanda.
- D’ethnie Tutsi, Il est marié et père de deux enfants. Son père a été tué en 1961 par des Hutu pendant les violences politiques liées à la révolution de 1959. Sa mère et ses deux sœurs aînées ont été tuées pendant le génocide de 1994. A part sa femme et ses deux enfants, il n’a plus de proches parents en vie. Cette tragédie familiale l’a tellement marqué qu’il est toujours occupé à favoriser l’instauration d’un Etat de droit et le respect des droits humains au Rwanda. En Belgique, il n’a pas cherché un travail rémunéré et n’a pas voulu approfondir ses études comme d’autres exilés.
- Formé chez les Frères Joséphistes où il aura passé 12 ans, il enseignera en tant que frère Joséphite au Rwanda(1984- 1986), en République Démocratique du Congo(1986-1988) et au Burundi(1988- 1989) avant d’être envoyé en Suisse pour y poursuivre sa formation en Théologie et en Philosophie à l’Université de Fribourg.
- Rattrapé par la guerre de 1990, il s’engage au FPR qu’il va représenter dans ce pays pendant toute la durée du conflit.
- Alors qu’il vient de perdre toute sa famille dans la tragédie de 1994, il rentre au Rwanda pour contribuer à la reconstruction nationale. A ce titre, il travaillera comme bénévole au Secrétariat général du FPR depuis août 1994 mais, dès mars 1995, des divergences avec le leadership du FPR l’amènent à rompre définitivement avec ce mouvement et à embrasser une nouvelle carrière comme journaliste.
- Ses publications engagées et très critiques pour le FPR finiront par agacer le nouveau régime qui l’accusera publiquement de subversion politique.
- En mars 2000 il prend le chemin de l’exil et atterrit en Belgique qui lui accorde l’asile politique.
- Il retourne alors à la politique et décide d’animer l’opposition
en exil. Porte-parole reconnu de celle-ci depuis 2002 notamment au sein de l’alliance
« Igihango » et de la Concertation permanente de l’opposition démocratique rwandaise (CPODR), il se distinguera particulièrement au Partenariat-Intwari en cosignant avec ses collègues un Mémorandum historique (janvier 2008) sur le génocide rwandais destiné au Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies.
- En novembre 2008, avec ses amis, il quitte l’Europe pour poursuivre la lutte sur le terrain en Afrique des Grands Lacs.
- M. Déo Mushayidi préside aujourd’huit le Pacte de Défense du Peuple *(PDP-IMANZI)*, une émanation du Partenariat- Intwari, mais dont les fondateurs tablent sur un plus large rassemblement en faveur du Changement au Rwanda.
*Recommandations** : Le Centre recommande instamment :*
* *
- Que le président Paul Kagame et son gouvernement autorisent la libération immédiate et sans condition de M. Déo Mushayidi qui ne fait qu’exercer ses droits naturels que sont :* la liberté, la propriété, la sûreté et le droit de résister à l’oppression.*
- Que le gouvernement rwandais respecte tous les droits et libertés de M. Mushayidi.
- Que M. Mushayidi soit autorisé à rencontrer ses avocats chargés de
le faire libérer ou de le défendre dans un éventuel procès s’il y a eu des délits à juger.
- Que le président rwandais Paul Kagame abandonne tous ses graves
défauts qui lui sont attribués par ses anciens proches collaborateurs. En
effet, dans son interview à la Vox of America (VOA du 04/03/10), le général
Kayumba Nyamwasa accuse le président Paul KAGAME d’être caractérisé par « *le népotisme, la cupidité, le divisionnisme, les intrigues et l’autoglorification* ». Il parle de maltraitance contre la famille du général Fred Rwigema, l’ancien président du FPR assassiné le 02/10/1990, de la mise à l'écart de plusieurs membres fondateurs du FPR. Il parle également des citoyens rwandais " *humiliés par le président rwandais, qui se courbent, s'agenouillent, roulent par terre devant lui, qui se font tabasser avec des coups de pieds*". Nous constatons que c’est ce genre de traitements inhumains et dégradants qu’il applique contre ses opposants politiques dont M. Déo Mushayidi fait partie.
- Que tous les pays qui aident le Rwanda, toutes les organisations
des droits humains et tous les hommes de bonne volonté réclament sa libération.
- Nous encourageons Monsieur Mushayidi, s’il est encore vivant ou en
état physique et mental normal, à résister aux persécutions dont il fait l’objet en prison ou dont il fera l’objet en liberté s’il est relâché. Nous craignons qu’il soit soumis à la torture physique et/ou mentale puisque ses avocats n’arrivent pas à le rencontrer.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 8 mars 2010,
*Pour le Centre,
MATATA Joseph, Coordinateur.*
*ET L’INJUSTICE AU RWANDA (CLIIR)*
*Boulevard Léopold II, n°227*
Bruxelles, Belgium
le 8 mars 2010
*1080 BRUXELLES*
Tél/Fax : 32.81.60.11.13**
GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
*Mail** : cliir2004@yahoo.fr*
*COMMUNIQUE n° 121/2010*
*Rwanda: Déo Mushayidi est un « Mandela » et non un « criminel ».*
*Introduction*: Le Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)* dénonce et condamne le kidnapping par la police burundaise et la déportation forcée vers le Rwanda de Monsieur Déogratias MUSHAYIDI. Ce crime contre l’humanité, qui est imprescriptible et imputable aux forces de sécurité de la République du Burundi, a eu lieu vendredi le 5 mars 2010. Déo Mushayidi est président du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP) depuis novembre 2008. *C’est un des rares rescapés tutsis qui a osé rompre avec le FPR dont il a dénoncé les crimes, la corruption et les dérives antidémocratiques.* Le régime du FPR l’insulte en le traitant de terroriste qui serait impliqué dans les attaques aux grenades survenues au Rwanda depuis quelques semaines.
M. Mushayidi est un opposant politique crédible et reconnu comme tel par la majorité des rwandais qui le connaissent bien. Tous les prétextes sont bons pour le régime dictatorial du général Paul KAGAME, président du Rwanda, pour se débarrasser de ses opposants politiques réels ou supposés. *Le CLIIR recommande une enquête urgente et indépendante sur ces attaques à la grenade qui, selon certains observateurs rwandais et étrangers, *seraient l’œuvre de l’omniprésente et omnipuissante DMI[1]
*(Directorate of Military Intelligence): Le général Jack Nziza, le colonel Emmanuel Ndahiro et le général James Kabarebe sont soupçonnés de superviser ces attaques visant à terroriser la population civile et à se débarrasser des opposants politiques qui ont formé un Conseil de concertation politique très efficace face à Paul Kagame.
Ce communiqué n°121 est un vibrant hommage à M. Déo Mushayidi, un homme politique qui a toujours su rassembler autour de lui tous les rwandais sans *aucune distinction politique, ethnique et régionale*. Avant de parler de son kidnapping et de son héritage politique, voici quelques uns des nombreux commentaires qui sont parvenus au CLIIR depuis sa déportation vers le Rwanda : « *Déo Mushayidi n’a jamais été et ne sera jamais un terroriste. C’est notre « Mandela » pour nous les rescapés des crimes de génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité et des crimes de guerre commis au Rwanda et au Congo depuis 1990 jusqu’à ce jour de 2010. Mushayidi réclame la justice et la vérité dans ses paroles et ses écrits pour tous les victimes et les rescapés sans aucune distinction politique, ethnique ou régionale* ».
*Un nouveau « Mandela » serait né au Rwanda?*
M. Nelson Mandela, ancien président de la République Sud Africaine (RSA) était un avocat de formation et de profession qui a passé 27 ans de prison sous le régime de l’apartheid. M. Déo Mushayidi, le « *Mandela *» du Rwanda était un enseignant de profession et un religieux de vocation. En effet, Mushayidi est un ancien frère Joséphiste qui a quitté sa soutane et ses études de théologie pour devenir le représentant officiel du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), la rébellion armée tutsie, en Suisse jusqu’à son retour au Rwanda en 1994. Il avait été séduit par les textes du programme politique du FPR qui rencontrait son idéal politique en tant que démocrate né. Nous ignorons combien d’années, et dans quel état de santé physique et mental, il va passer en prison sous le régime de l’Apartheid imposé par le FPR au Rwanda. Connaissant les méthodes criminelles du régime FPR, nous craignons qu’il soit tué ou que son cerveau soit endommagé par la torture ou le poison. Comme ce fut le cas de M. Innocent Byabagamba, un ancien militaire tutsi arrêté dans un pays voisin et déporté au Rwanda et dont le cerveau a été très endommagé dans l’intention d’en faire un handicapé mental in fine.
Ceux qui traitent Mushayidi de « Mandela » du Rwanda, ce sont ceux
qui connaissent son histoire tragique. La tragédie familiale de Mushayidi peut se résumer comme suit : « *Son père a été tué par des hutus trois mois avant sa naissance en 1961. Il est donc né dans les décombres de la maison familiale détruite pendant les violences ethniques de la révolution de 1959.
Sa vieille mère et ses deux sœurs aînées ont été massacrées avec leurs enfants pendant le génocide de 1994 à l’époque où il représentait le FPR en Suisse* ». Malgré la mort violente de ses proches parents, Mushayidi a toujours collaboré avec ses compatriotes Hutu et Twa dans les différents mouvements politiques qu’il a cofondés ou qu’il a rejoint depuis le 22 février 2001. Il a toujours milité en faveur du Dialogue inter-rwandais et de la Commission Vérité, Justice et Réconciliation. Ce sont les principaux instruments politiques qu’il a toujours privilégiés. Sa philosophie politique ne lui permettrait pas de sombrer dans un quelconque terrorisme. C’est un homme qui assume et revendique toujours ces actes. Au cas où il serait amené à poser un acte violent, il aurait le courage politique d’assumer et de revendiquer son acte. Comme le sud-africain Nelson MANDELA a vaincu l’apartheid, *le « Mandela » rwandais rêve de vaincre les démons ethniques et créer un pays viable pour toutes les ethnies du Rwanda et de la région.* C’est pour éviter à tout rwandais une tragédie semblable à la sienne que Déo Mushayidi a évolué dans plusieurs formations politiques susceptibles de libérer le Rwanda de l’Apartheid ethnique qui le mine.
*Chronologie de son kidnapping du jeudi 04 au 05/03/2010:*
- Jeudi le 4 mars 2010, monsieur Déo Mushayidi a été arrêté par des policiers tanzaniens dans la Ville de BUKOBA en Tanzanie. Il a été conduit à la frontière du Burundi. La Police burundaise des Airs, des Frontières et des Etrangers (PAFE) l’a transféré dans la capitale burundaise, Bujumbura, jeudi soir.
- Vendredi le 5 mars 2010 vers 10h, M. Mushayidi a réussi à téléphoner à ses collègues du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP) résidant en Europe. Il leur a expliqué sa situation. Ses collègues ont réussi à joindre quelques responsables policiers burundais à qui ils ont expliqué la qualité d’opposant politique de Mushayidi. Selon lui, les responsables burundais lui avaient assuré de lui apporter l’aide nécessaire en sa qualité d’opposant politique. Donc ils savaient qu’il était un opposant exilé. Ils pouvaient donc évaluer les risques de perdre non seulement sa vie mais aussi sa liberté ou d’être torturé au Rwanda.
- Vendredi 5 mars 2010 vers 15h, ses collègues du PDP en Europe ont perdu tout contact téléphonique avec lui. Ils se sont inquiétés et ont commencé à téléphone aux responsables du PAFE. Mais personne n’a voulu décrocher le téléphone et répondre à leurs nombreux appels. A partir de cet instant plus aucun policier ou agent de l’immigration n’était joignable jusqu’au moment où un article du News Times de Kigali a mentionné la capture de Déo Mushayidi et sa déportation à Kigali. Dès lors, on ne peut pas parler d’extradition car il n’a jamais été sous le coup d’une quelconque procédure judiciaire ou d’un mandat d’arrêt international. *Il s’agit d’un véritable kidnapping opéré par les agents d’un Etat au profit d’un autre Etat *en violation de tous les instruments du droit international dont le droit d’asile pour un réfugié politique reconnu en Belgique.
- Le Burundi n’a jamais cessé de violer la convention de Genève sur le droit d’asile. Rappelons que depuis Mai 2005, plusieurs milliers de réfugiés Hutus, qui ont fui les persécutions et les emprisonnements arbitraires liés aux procès des tribunaux Gacaca, ont été expulsés par la force et dans la brutalité vers le Rwanda où certains hommes seraient portés disparus après leur rapatriement forcé. Les organisations internationales des droits humains telles que Human Rights Watch (HRW) et Amnesty International (AI) n’ont jamais cessé de dénoncer et condamner le Burundi pour son refus de respecter les conventions internationales qu’il a signées.
Les raisons de son exil en Belgique:
- Mushayidi s’est fait connaître en 1994 lorsqu’il démissionna de son poste d’Assistant du Secrétaire général du FPR, le Major Théogène Rudasingwa, en juin 1995. Il avait découvert que le FPR a aussi massacré des innocents et n’a respecté aucun de ses objectifs. Il s’est senti trahi dans son idéal et s’est tracé un nouveau chemin.
- En 1995, il a trouvé du travail dans un projet de développement financé par la Coopération Suisse au Rwanda. Il a démissionné pour mieux combattre l’injustice.
- En 1996, convaincu qu’il pourrait pousser le régime FPR à redresser ses dérives, Mushayidi s’est lancé comme journaliste dans plusieurs journaux. Un des plus connus est l’Ere de Liberté où il a travaillé avec un journaliste Twa, M. Elie Mpayimana, qui était son ami. Les deux journalistes dénoncèrent la corruption généralisée et s’attirent l’hostilité de plusieurs dirigeants du régime FPR. Mushayidi a aussi publié dans le journal IMBONI jusqu’à son départ en exil en avril 2000. Dans ses articles, il s’est mis à dénoncer les violations des droits humains et la corruption généralisée qui gangrène toujours le Rwanda. Toujours dans l’espoir de forcer le régime à construire petit à petit un état de droit.
- En 1996, fort de son expérience et de sa combativité dans les médias de l’époque, Mushayidi fut élu président de l’Association des Journalistes du Rwanda (AJIR). Il devient également le secrétaire exécutif du Centre pour la promotion de la liberté d’expression et de la tolérance dans la région des Grands Lacs
- En 1999, il devient directeur de la Maison de la Presse avant d’en devenir un employé jusqu’au moment de sa fuite du pays en avril 2000.
- Début 2000, les articles qui ont précipité sa fuite du Rwanda visaient à dénoncer les arrestations, les déportations vers le Rwanda et les emprisonnements de Messieurs Benjamin Rutabana, Innocent Byabagamba, Bertin Murera, Rukeba et Janvier. Ces derniers avaient été arrêtés au Burundi puis déportés vers le Rwanda.
- Ils dénoncèrent également l’assassinat de l’ancien préfet tutsi de la préfecture Kibuye, M. Assiel KABERA, tué devant sa porte dans la soirée du dimanche 05/03/2000.
- Mushayidi et deux autres amis journalistes furent persécutés et diffamés par les médias gouvernementaux tels que la Radio et la Télévision Rwandaises.
- En avril 2000, les trois journalistes se sont exilés en Belgique où ils furent reconnus réfugiés. Mushayidi ne tarda pas à collaborer avec d’autres démocrates de la diaspora.
*Les activités politiques de Mushayidi en exil en Belgique:
- *Le 22/02/2001, Mushayidi et ses collègues du comité de coordination présente le manifeste national* d’un mouvement monarchiste qu’ils venaient de créer à Bruxelles appelé* : « Nation – Imbaga y’Inyabutatu Nyarwanda » *qui prônait la restauration de l’Unité de la Nation rwandaise via l’instauration d’une monarchie constitutionnelle. L’ambassadeur du Rwanda, Jacques Bihozagara réagit le jour même dans un communiqué du 22/02/2001 dans lequel il énuméra les 8 partis politiques reconnus dans le protocole d’Accord du 24/11/1994 sur la mise en place des Institutions de la Transition. Il dénonça la création de ce parti dans ces termes: « *L’Etat Rwandais considère illégale toute initiative irrespectueuse des principes énoncés dans sa constitution minutieusementélaborée après de durs moments de négociations et défie toute manœuvre de distraction de l’opinion rwandaise et internationale* ». Le régime du FPR s’arrogeait ainsi le droit de réglementer toute opposition politique dans la diaspora rwandaise.
- *Le 27/03/2002, l’Alliance pour la démocratie et la réconciliation
nationale (ADRN) IGIHANGO *a été créée à Bad Honnef en Allemagne et fut lancée le 5/04/2002 à Bruxelles. Mushayidi fut élu au comité exécutif au poste de Secrétaire de l’Information et Porte-Parole de l’Alliance Igihango. Cette alliance qui réunissaitt les Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR, majoritairement hutu et basé au Congo-Kinshasa) et l'Alliance Rwandaise pour la Renaissance du Rwanda (majoritairement tutsi, basé en Amérique du Nord) et Nation Imbaga y’Inyabutatu Nyarwanda.
- Le Pacte Démocratique National (PDN) fut fondé après l’éclatement
de l’Alliance Igihango. Le PDN, la CNA-Ubumwe et les FDLR-CMC se sont regroupés dans une plate forme politique appelé « *Partenariat INTWARI* ». Mushayidi fut élu au poste de secrétaire général et de porte-parole en 2005.
- *Le 15/11/2008, *Déo Mushayidi a publié la déclaration de foi du*Pacte de défense du peuple (PDP) *signé à Kinihira et qui « *rassemble les Hutu, les Twa et les Tutsi tant de l’intérieur que de la diaspora, qui se reconnaissent tous comme Rwandais à part entière et fiers de leur appartenance ethnique ou de leur groupe social et qui aspirent à une cohabitation pacifique et harmonieuse dans un pays libéré de tout sentiment de haine et de tout esprit de vengeance et évoluant en dehors de toute suprématie numérique ou militaire *»*.*
*Les livres et les documents publiés par Mushayidi seul ou cosignés avec
d’autres** :*
- « *Les secrets du génocide rwandais : les mystères d’un président* »
est un livre écrit et publié par un journaliste d’investigation, M. Charles ONANA, avec la collaboration de Mushayidi. Ce fut le premier livre qui osa avancer l’hypothèse selon laquelle le président Paul Kagame serait le commanditaire de l’attentat du 6 avril 1994 qui a tué deux présidents Hutus en exercice. Celui du Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira et celui du Rwanda, Juvénal Habyarimana.
- « *La charte rwandaise des Droits et des Libertés* » est un document consacrant les droits et les libertés publiques en faveur des Rwandais. Elle fut publiée le 24/07/2007 par le Partenariat Intwari dont les dirigeants se sont engagés à respecter dans ces termes : « *Et que, dès cet instant, nous nous engageons à unir toutes nos potentialités et à lutter main dans la main, avec courage et abnégation, jusqu’à la tenue d’un Dialogue national démocratique et sans exclusive et à la victoire totale et irréversible de la démocratie, de l’État de droit, de l’unité dans la diversité, de la justice, de l’égalité, de la sécurité équitable des citoyens, de la paix et du développement durable* ».
- « *Pourquoi, j’ai commémoré le 6 avril* » est une déclaration très forte et émouvante qu’il a publié le 8/04/2006 en réaction d’une agression verbale qu’il a subi le 7/04/2006, lors de la marche aux flambeaux organisée par IBUKA Belgique. En effet, un homme proche de l’Ambassade du Rwanda en Belgique lui a reproché violemment d’avoir commémoré le 6/04/2006 au Mémorial du génocide rwandais érigé à Bruxelles (à Woluwe St Pierre) en compagnie des rescapés « non Tutsis » de ce génocide.
- « *Mémo adressé au Conseil de Sécurité de l'ONU* par la Cellule de la documentation et de la sécurité du Partenariat Intwari en février 2008. Ce document fut un véritable « *Plaidoyer pour une enquête globale, objective et impartiale sur le génocide rwandais et ses conséquences* ». Ce Mémo exceptionnel révèle que : L’exécution du génocide rwandais a été réalisée par les deux blocs d'extrémistes : certains militaires et les milices Hutues ainsi que les militaires et cadres politiques tutsis du FPR. Le document souligne que « * depuis 1989* à partir de l'Ouganda, dans *la planification du génocide rwandais* par un noyau de militaires TUTSIS du Rwanda et de l'Ouganda, il était question de *programmer l'assassinat du président Hutu, Juvénal Habyarimana, et l'extermination des populations Hutues qualifiées "**d'ennemis régionaux**" **(Voir page 20 du Mémo).*
*Brève biographie de Mushayidi:
- Mr. Déogratias Mushayidi est né au Rwanda en 1961 à Sake à Kibungo au sud Est du Rwanda.
- D’ethnie Tutsi, Il est marié et père de deux enfants. Son père a été tué en 1961 par des Hutu pendant les violences politiques liées à la révolution de 1959. Sa mère et ses deux sœurs aînées ont été tuées pendant le génocide de 1994. A part sa femme et ses deux enfants, il n’a plus de proches parents en vie. Cette tragédie familiale l’a tellement marqué qu’il est toujours occupé à favoriser l’instauration d’un Etat de droit et le respect des droits humains au Rwanda. En Belgique, il n’a pas cherché un travail rémunéré et n’a pas voulu approfondir ses études comme d’autres exilés.
- Formé chez les Frères Joséphistes où il aura passé 12 ans, il enseignera en tant que frère Joséphite au Rwanda(1984- 1986), en République Démocratique du Congo(1986-1988) et au Burundi(1988- 1989) avant d’être envoyé en Suisse pour y poursuivre sa formation en Théologie et en Philosophie à l’Université de Fribourg.
- Rattrapé par la guerre de 1990, il s’engage au FPR qu’il va représenter dans ce pays pendant toute la durée du conflit.
- Alors qu’il vient de perdre toute sa famille dans la tragédie de 1994, il rentre au Rwanda pour contribuer à la reconstruction nationale. A ce titre, il travaillera comme bénévole au Secrétariat général du FPR depuis août 1994 mais, dès mars 1995, des divergences avec le leadership du FPR l’amènent à rompre définitivement avec ce mouvement et à embrasser une nouvelle carrière comme journaliste.
- Ses publications engagées et très critiques pour le FPR finiront par agacer le nouveau régime qui l’accusera publiquement de subversion politique.
- En mars 2000 il prend le chemin de l’exil et atterrit en Belgique qui lui accorde l’asile politique.
- Il retourne alors à la politique et décide d’animer l’opposition
en exil. Porte-parole reconnu de celle-ci depuis 2002 notamment au sein de l’alliance
« Igihango » et de la Concertation permanente de l’opposition démocratique rwandaise (CPODR), il se distinguera particulièrement au Partenariat-Intwari en cosignant avec ses collègues un Mémorandum historique (janvier 2008) sur le génocide rwandais destiné au Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies.
- En novembre 2008, avec ses amis, il quitte l’Europe pour poursuivre la lutte sur le terrain en Afrique des Grands Lacs.
- M. Déo Mushayidi préside aujourd’huit le Pacte de Défense du Peuple *(PDP-IMANZI)*, une émanation du Partenariat- Intwari, mais dont les fondateurs tablent sur un plus large rassemblement en faveur du Changement au Rwanda.
*Recommandations** : Le Centre recommande instamment :*
* *
- Que le président Paul Kagame et son gouvernement autorisent la libération immédiate et sans condition de M. Déo Mushayidi qui ne fait qu’exercer ses droits naturels que sont :* la liberté, la propriété, la sûreté et le droit de résister à l’oppression.*
- Que le gouvernement rwandais respecte tous les droits et libertés de M. Mushayidi.
- Que M. Mushayidi soit autorisé à rencontrer ses avocats chargés de
le faire libérer ou de le défendre dans un éventuel procès s’il y a eu des délits à juger.
- Que le président rwandais Paul Kagame abandonne tous ses graves
défauts qui lui sont attribués par ses anciens proches collaborateurs. En
effet, dans son interview à la Vox of America (VOA du 04/03/10), le général
Kayumba Nyamwasa accuse le président Paul KAGAME d’être caractérisé par « *le népotisme, la cupidité, le divisionnisme, les intrigues et l’autoglorification* ». Il parle de maltraitance contre la famille du général Fred Rwigema, l’ancien président du FPR assassiné le 02/10/1990, de la mise à l'écart de plusieurs membres fondateurs du FPR. Il parle également des citoyens rwandais " *humiliés par le président rwandais, qui se courbent, s'agenouillent, roulent par terre devant lui, qui se font tabasser avec des coups de pieds*". Nous constatons que c’est ce genre de traitements inhumains et dégradants qu’il applique contre ses opposants politiques dont M. Déo Mushayidi fait partie.
- Que tous les pays qui aident le Rwanda, toutes les organisations
des droits humains et tous les hommes de bonne volonté réclament sa libération.
- Nous encourageons Monsieur Mushayidi, s’il est encore vivant ou en
état physique et mental normal, à résister aux persécutions dont il fait l’objet en prison ou dont il fera l’objet en liberté s’il est relâché. Nous craignons qu’il soit soumis à la torture physique et/ou mentale puisque ses avocats n’arrivent pas à le rencontrer.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 8 mars 2010,
*Pour le Centre,
MATATA Joseph, Coordinateur.*
Pres. Bongo Meets with Sec. Clinton.
Modern Ghana
8 March 2010
By Azim Datardina
President Ali Bongo Ondimba met today with Hillary Rodham Clinton, US Secretary of State. They discussed bilateral issues, including their desire to conclude a Bilateral Investment Treaty, and multilateral issues, in particular the threat posed by Iran's nuclear programme.
Gabon has been elected as a member of the UN Security Council and holds the rotating presidency during the month of March.
Addressing a press conference afterwards, Secretary Clinton said, 'We stand ready to support Gabon as it further strengthens its democratic institutions and processes. President Obama and I are committed to broadening and strengthening our partnership and our friendship with Gabon.' Turning to President Ali Bongo Ondimba, she said, 'we have much to learn from one another, and I look forward to your leadership in the years ahead.'
On the subject of Iran, Secretary Clinton said; 'I expressed our serious questions about Iran's continued refusal to live up to its international obligations.'
Concerning Iran, President Ali Bongo Ondimba said: 'We will work with all Security Council members. It is not for us to reassure Iran, it is for them to reassure us.' He is expected to shed more light on his objectives for Gabon's term as president of the Security Council in a speech to the International Peace Institute tomorrow.
The President thanked the United States administration for its support during a year of political transition in Gabon. 'We've come a long way, we've gone through a democratic process, and now we are moving forward. As Madam Clinton said, our message is very clear. We want to take Gabon further. We want Gabon to become an emerging country, and we will take all the necessary steps to do that. Good governance, fighting against corruption, diversifying our economy and our partners. This is what we're doing.'
8 March 2010
By Azim Datardina
President Ali Bongo Ondimba met today with Hillary Rodham Clinton, US Secretary of State. They discussed bilateral issues, including their desire to conclude a Bilateral Investment Treaty, and multilateral issues, in particular the threat posed by Iran's nuclear programme.
Gabon has been elected as a member of the UN Security Council and holds the rotating presidency during the month of March.
Addressing a press conference afterwards, Secretary Clinton said, 'We stand ready to support Gabon as it further strengthens its democratic institutions and processes. President Obama and I are committed to broadening and strengthening our partnership and our friendship with Gabon.' Turning to President Ali Bongo Ondimba, she said, 'we have much to learn from one another, and I look forward to your leadership in the years ahead.'
On the subject of Iran, Secretary Clinton said; 'I expressed our serious questions about Iran's continued refusal to live up to its international obligations.'
Concerning Iran, President Ali Bongo Ondimba said: 'We will work with all Security Council members. It is not for us to reassure Iran, it is for them to reassure us.' He is expected to shed more light on his objectives for Gabon's term as president of the Security Council in a speech to the International Peace Institute tomorrow.
The President thanked the United States administration for its support during a year of political transition in Gabon. 'We've come a long way, we've gone through a democratic process, and now we are moving forward. As Madam Clinton said, our message is very clear. We want to take Gabon further. We want Gabon to become an emerging country, and we will take all the necessary steps to do that. Good governance, fighting against corruption, diversifying our economy and our partners. This is what we're doing.'
Rwandan President Kagame Vs Journalists.
Modern Ghana
9 March 2010
By Norman S. Miwambo
Rwanda President Maj. Gen Paul Kagame, instead of enjoying his country's formal welcome ceremony to the Commonwealth Club of Nations, he was treated to a carnival of questions testing his democratic performance by journalists.
Inside the conference, were journalists, whilst out-side were the pro-Kagame and against protesters groups opposite each other, staging the demonstrations. The protesters were tolerated and allocated an area to express and send their voices to the president and to the Media.
Although, the Marlborough House ceremony, was the day for hoisting the Rwandan Flag, marking the country's official first Commonwealth Day, it turn-out to be one of the overwhelming ceremonies for the Rwandan leader Kagame.
Rwandan leader remained focused on the day's events, disregarding the country's recent web of internal strife which has seen scores of his former army commanders, associates and several journalists fleeing the country to seek refuge in exile in the past six months. President Kagame might have had a rehearsal for the anticipated questions from the journalists but the protesters who camped out-side were unpredictable and made their point to the media.
Mr Kagame, alongside Patrick Manning, the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago who is the current chair-in-office of the Commonwealth and Mr. Kamalesh Sharma, the Commonwealth Secretary General, stood side by side whilst watching the hoisting ceremony of the Rwandan Flag.
Rwanda became the second country to Mozambique to be granted space to the 54 nations' Commonwealth Club in November 2009, previously with no historical links to Britain during the two-yearly Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) summit in Trinidad and Tobago. The former francophone colony, since the fifteenth century turned an Anglophone.
Contrary to UN's Article 19 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, right to freedom of opinion, expression, impart information and idea through any media, President Kagame still considers such as luxury.
Human Rights Watch has documented enormous reports of persecuting Rwandan independent minded journalists.
Casualties of Rwanda's press repression include:
Dominique Makeli, a Radio Rwanda journalist been in prison without trial since 1994;
Edouard Mutsinzi, editor of Le Messager / Intumwa is paralyzed after an RPF failed assassination;
Appolo Hakizimana, editor Umuravumba, was shot dead in Nyamirambo in April 1997;
Amiel Nkuliza, editor of Intego, was arrested on May 13, 1997;
Manasse Mugabo, a journalist working for the Kinyarwanda Service of Radio UNAMIR disappeared in August 1995;
Sylvestre Kalisa, a Radio Rwanda technician disappeared in early 1998 upon his return from exile in Nairobi;
Munyemanzi, a Rwandan Television journalist was found dead after he fell out of favor with the RPF;
Helene Nyirabikali, a journalist working for the state-run newspaper Imvaho was arrested and charged with false accusations of genocide and later died in prison due to lack of medical care;
Deo Mushayidi, a journalist working for Le Barometre de l'Economie, a private newspaper fled to Belgium, recently arrested in Burundi and turned over to Rwandan authorities;
Jason Muhawenimana, a journalist working for Imboni, a private newspaper fled to Belgium;
Jean-Claude Nkubito, a journalist working for the Rwandan News Agency and President of the Association of Rwandan journalist fled to Belgium;
Philbert Muzima fled to Canada;
Kwitegetse, a journalist working for Kinyamateka, a Catholic Church newspaper fled to Uganda;
Jean-Pierre Mugabe; editor of Le Tribun du Peuple and an RPF military officer fled to the United States.
Julius Mwesigye (Ugandan born Tutsi); former editor of New Times was badly beaten and expelled from Rwanda.
Based on this information, the journalists came prepared in search for answers regarding the fate of their colleagues.
The first was;
James Robbins (BBC Diplomatic Editor): Specific question for President Kagame, if I may. Sir, you said that you embraced Commonwealth values, and I wondered if you could set out for us specifically what you intend to do in order to meet criticisms of failings in the guarantees of human rights and media freedoms in Rwanda.
President Kagame: Thank you. There were varying failings in the freedoms and rights in our countries 16 years ago, and underlying that were causes that, in fact, came from outside of Rwanda. And even the 1994 genocide that took place, which was actually indicative of this failure indeed – of the freedoms and rights of the people – the actual world that talks of freedoms and rights failed to deal with this situation. So for the last 16 years, Rwanda has been rebuilding itself, and in fact, putting the pieces back together that were left after that tragic history, which the outside world – outside Rwanda – has much to share in, in terms of blame. So in rebuilding our country in the last 16 years, we have also sought to join hands with many other countries that have a lot to contribute, if only they could contribute. As we also contribute to the wellbeing for the freedoms and rights that are talked about. I think the Commonwealth is a family where there are many failings, and failings don't come from only one part of that family. Each family has its own failings, but when they come together, then they share good practices to overcome those failings, and that is why Rwanda sees it as very important to be part of the Commonwealth. There is a lot we are going to gain from it. There is also a lot we are going to contribute to the wellbeing of the members of the Commonwealth.
Henry Gombya (Ugandan-born veteran Journalist): Mr President, we understand that you arrested General Nkunda who is wanted by the ICC in The Hague. I wonder whether you can tell us whether you are planning to hand him over or not. Secondly, as my colleague James has said, there are so many journalists who have fled from Rwanda. Most of them have gone to neighbouring countries like Uganda and Kenya and Tanzania. Furthermore, before you left Rwanda we read that you had criticised some of the media in your country for trying to interview those who are in opposition. I wonder what you see wrong in the media trying to interview those who are opposed to you and whether that is the way to go forward for a new member of the Commonwealth.
President Kagame: First of all, I need to start by correcting you. In actual fact, to my knowledge, Nkunda is not wanted by the ICC. Other people in his group were wanted by the ICC and they are not in our hands; they are in the hands of the ICC, so I wish to correct you on that.
The ICC has not made any contact with us to ask for Nkunda or to say they are interested in Nkunda, so I think you need to be corrected on that. Secondly, again on the issue of Nkunda, we are dealing with the DRC government and we are in the process of dealing with that situation as we have dealt with other situations that have been affecting the DRC as well as Rwanda. The two countries are working very well to overcome that problem, so as far as I am concerned and to my knowledge, there is very good progress.
On the question of the media and the press in our region, again, it is a question of how you want to look at it.
You talk about journalists running away from Rwanda and going to neighbouring countries. As an honest observer, the region itself has many problems which every country in the region has been trying to overcome or countries in the region are working together to overcome. There have been media houses closed in those neighbouring countries you talk about; journalists have been arrested every other day, in and out of prison in those neighbouring countries. You know that. It is not like the impression you want to give, where Rwanda is forcing people to flee to better places in the neighbouring countries. I think it is a general problem where there is not one side who is right and the other side is wrong and it is permanently like that; I think it is a question of engagement and dialogue and discussion to see where the right and the wrong is. We have had journalists in Rwanda who have killed people in the genocide. It has not spared them that crime because they are journalists, so when they do that they are brought to justice like any other human beings or citizens to be held accountable. We have had journalists who have been involved in other crimes. The justice systems play their part in the country of Rwanda, the neighbouring countries or other countries beyond in dealing with that situation as they deal with other citizens. However, freedom of expression through the media, the press and so forth is something that goes on, that grows from one situation and develops for the better in the whole region as is the case with Rwanda.
Katherine Haddon (AFP): President Kagame, I wanted to ask you about the recent arrest of the widow of the former president in France and moves to have her extradited to Rwanda. Firstly, how confident are you that a French court will approve that move and secondly, can you guarantee that she will receive a fair trial in Rwanda if she is extradited?
President Kagame: This is part of an interesting conversation. You talk about justice, and there are countries that claim they have more developed systems to deal with justice, namely the developed countries. We are talking about a case that is now in France. Certainly, this woman, the wife of the former president, has been accused of being involved in the genocide in Rwanda, yet this person who has committed these crimes has been sitting in France, which is supposed to have a developed justice system which one might have expected would have seen her tried. It has not happened for the last 16 years. Therefore, if she has been arrested in France, well and good, maybe it is never too late in this case. Rwanda has been trying different cases of the involvement in genocide of many people successfully. Fairly and speedily in many cases and Rwanda has tried to apply other measures to deal with the huge number of cases that were there through traditional means to great success, which has contributed to the stability of the country itself. We have seen international tribunals established; they have been there for the last 14 years. We have tried on or about 50 cases, spent billions of dollars, and we see people all around who should be tried yet are not. So I don't know what the French justice system wants to do with this case. Hopefully they may want to try the case to its conclusion. However, we are already working with the authorities in France, making them aware of the necessary information that we have. France could either try the case or give it to Rwanda to try. Whatever happens, we expect justice to be done. That is the aim of our country. Whether we try such cases or whether they are tried elsewhere, so be it – as long as justice is seen to be done.
Peter Musembi (BBC World Service, Swahili Language Section): President Kagame, you will probably agree that all is not well in the country, considering events in the past few days, the bombs in Kigali. If you consider that there were such occurrences in the run up to the 1994 genocide, do you agree that all is not well in the country? You previously said that security is quite okay and maintained; it does not seem so. The other question is that there are those who think that you are using the matter of dealing with genocide issues to silence the opposition in your country.
President Kagame: The whole world experiences problems of security. There have been security issues from one corner of the world to the other and there are different reasons and causes. Maybe all is not well in that context, even in Rwanda. There have been incidents recently in Rwanda and their causes are not just recent; they are to be seen as part of the things that have happened over the past 16 years. We have had insecurity originating from eastern Congo into Rwanda, and there have been cases of insecurity in the region. The region and the East African community have been working together to deal with this situation, and Rwanda has been fully participating in making sure there is peace and stability not only in Rwanda but in the rest of the region. That is to be seen, I believe, in that context, not anything beyond that. We are certainly getting on top of things and Rwanda has been increasingly stable and secure for the last number of years, and it will continue to be so even with such incidents that take place. Fortunately, a number of arrests of people who have been behind that have been made; good information has been developed. The origins of the recent problems are getting to be well known, so we hope that will be simply uprooted in a very short time. Second, I want to inform you that the people of Rwanda are part of this process of sure that there is peace and stability in their country, and I am really happy with the work they are doing themselves. There tends to be more noise made from outside, as if the Rwandan people inside the country did not matter. But I think they matter; they are doing a lot for their own development and stability. If that was put in the real context, the situation in Rwanda should be well appreciated. It is appreciated by Rwandans themselves.
9 March 2010
By Norman S. Miwambo
Rwanda President Maj. Gen Paul Kagame, instead of enjoying his country's formal welcome ceremony to the Commonwealth Club of Nations, he was treated to a carnival of questions testing his democratic performance by journalists.
Inside the conference, were journalists, whilst out-side were the pro-Kagame and against protesters groups opposite each other, staging the demonstrations. The protesters were tolerated and allocated an area to express and send their voices to the president and to the Media.
Although, the Marlborough House ceremony, was the day for hoisting the Rwandan Flag, marking the country's official first Commonwealth Day, it turn-out to be one of the overwhelming ceremonies for the Rwandan leader Kagame.
Rwandan leader remained focused on the day's events, disregarding the country's recent web of internal strife which has seen scores of his former army commanders, associates and several journalists fleeing the country to seek refuge in exile in the past six months. President Kagame might have had a rehearsal for the anticipated questions from the journalists but the protesters who camped out-side were unpredictable and made their point to the media.
Mr Kagame, alongside Patrick Manning, the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago who is the current chair-in-office of the Commonwealth and Mr. Kamalesh Sharma, the Commonwealth Secretary General, stood side by side whilst watching the hoisting ceremony of the Rwandan Flag.
Rwanda became the second country to Mozambique to be granted space to the 54 nations' Commonwealth Club in November 2009, previously with no historical links to Britain during the two-yearly Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) summit in Trinidad and Tobago. The former francophone colony, since the fifteenth century turned an Anglophone.
Contrary to UN's Article 19 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, right to freedom of opinion, expression, impart information and idea through any media, President Kagame still considers such as luxury.
Human Rights Watch has documented enormous reports of persecuting Rwandan independent minded journalists.
Casualties of Rwanda's press repression include:
Dominique Makeli, a Radio Rwanda journalist been in prison without trial since 1994;
Edouard Mutsinzi, editor of Le Messager / Intumwa is paralyzed after an RPF failed assassination;
Appolo Hakizimana, editor Umuravumba, was shot dead in Nyamirambo in April 1997;
Amiel Nkuliza, editor of Intego, was arrested on May 13, 1997;
Manasse Mugabo, a journalist working for the Kinyarwanda Service of Radio UNAMIR disappeared in August 1995;
Sylvestre Kalisa, a Radio Rwanda technician disappeared in early 1998 upon his return from exile in Nairobi;
Munyemanzi, a Rwandan Television journalist was found dead after he fell out of favor with the RPF;
Helene Nyirabikali, a journalist working for the state-run newspaper Imvaho was arrested and charged with false accusations of genocide and later died in prison due to lack of medical care;
Deo Mushayidi, a journalist working for Le Barometre de l'Economie, a private newspaper fled to Belgium, recently arrested in Burundi and turned over to Rwandan authorities;
Jason Muhawenimana, a journalist working for Imboni, a private newspaper fled to Belgium;
Jean-Claude Nkubito, a journalist working for the Rwandan News Agency and President of the Association of Rwandan journalist fled to Belgium;
Philbert Muzima fled to Canada;
Kwitegetse, a journalist working for Kinyamateka, a Catholic Church newspaper fled to Uganda;
Jean-Pierre Mugabe; editor of Le Tribun du Peuple and an RPF military officer fled to the United States.
Julius Mwesigye (Ugandan born Tutsi); former editor of New Times was badly beaten and expelled from Rwanda.
Based on this information, the journalists came prepared in search for answers regarding the fate of their colleagues.
The first was;
James Robbins (BBC Diplomatic Editor): Specific question for President Kagame, if I may. Sir, you said that you embraced Commonwealth values, and I wondered if you could set out for us specifically what you intend to do in order to meet criticisms of failings in the guarantees of human rights and media freedoms in Rwanda.
President Kagame: Thank you. There were varying failings in the freedoms and rights in our countries 16 years ago, and underlying that were causes that, in fact, came from outside of Rwanda. And even the 1994 genocide that took place, which was actually indicative of this failure indeed – of the freedoms and rights of the people – the actual world that talks of freedoms and rights failed to deal with this situation. So for the last 16 years, Rwanda has been rebuilding itself, and in fact, putting the pieces back together that were left after that tragic history, which the outside world – outside Rwanda – has much to share in, in terms of blame. So in rebuilding our country in the last 16 years, we have also sought to join hands with many other countries that have a lot to contribute, if only they could contribute. As we also contribute to the wellbeing for the freedoms and rights that are talked about. I think the Commonwealth is a family where there are many failings, and failings don't come from only one part of that family. Each family has its own failings, but when they come together, then they share good practices to overcome those failings, and that is why Rwanda sees it as very important to be part of the Commonwealth. There is a lot we are going to gain from it. There is also a lot we are going to contribute to the wellbeing of the members of the Commonwealth.
Henry Gombya (Ugandan-born veteran Journalist): Mr President, we understand that you arrested General Nkunda who is wanted by the ICC in The Hague. I wonder whether you can tell us whether you are planning to hand him over or not. Secondly, as my colleague James has said, there are so many journalists who have fled from Rwanda. Most of them have gone to neighbouring countries like Uganda and Kenya and Tanzania. Furthermore, before you left Rwanda we read that you had criticised some of the media in your country for trying to interview those who are in opposition. I wonder what you see wrong in the media trying to interview those who are opposed to you and whether that is the way to go forward for a new member of the Commonwealth.
President Kagame: First of all, I need to start by correcting you. In actual fact, to my knowledge, Nkunda is not wanted by the ICC. Other people in his group were wanted by the ICC and they are not in our hands; they are in the hands of the ICC, so I wish to correct you on that.
The ICC has not made any contact with us to ask for Nkunda or to say they are interested in Nkunda, so I think you need to be corrected on that. Secondly, again on the issue of Nkunda, we are dealing with the DRC government and we are in the process of dealing with that situation as we have dealt with other situations that have been affecting the DRC as well as Rwanda. The two countries are working very well to overcome that problem, so as far as I am concerned and to my knowledge, there is very good progress.
On the question of the media and the press in our region, again, it is a question of how you want to look at it.
You talk about journalists running away from Rwanda and going to neighbouring countries. As an honest observer, the region itself has many problems which every country in the region has been trying to overcome or countries in the region are working together to overcome. There have been media houses closed in those neighbouring countries you talk about; journalists have been arrested every other day, in and out of prison in those neighbouring countries. You know that. It is not like the impression you want to give, where Rwanda is forcing people to flee to better places in the neighbouring countries. I think it is a general problem where there is not one side who is right and the other side is wrong and it is permanently like that; I think it is a question of engagement and dialogue and discussion to see where the right and the wrong is. We have had journalists in Rwanda who have killed people in the genocide. It has not spared them that crime because they are journalists, so when they do that they are brought to justice like any other human beings or citizens to be held accountable. We have had journalists who have been involved in other crimes. The justice systems play their part in the country of Rwanda, the neighbouring countries or other countries beyond in dealing with that situation as they deal with other citizens. However, freedom of expression through the media, the press and so forth is something that goes on, that grows from one situation and develops for the better in the whole region as is the case with Rwanda.
Katherine Haddon (AFP): President Kagame, I wanted to ask you about the recent arrest of the widow of the former president in France and moves to have her extradited to Rwanda. Firstly, how confident are you that a French court will approve that move and secondly, can you guarantee that she will receive a fair trial in Rwanda if she is extradited?
President Kagame: This is part of an interesting conversation. You talk about justice, and there are countries that claim they have more developed systems to deal with justice, namely the developed countries. We are talking about a case that is now in France. Certainly, this woman, the wife of the former president, has been accused of being involved in the genocide in Rwanda, yet this person who has committed these crimes has been sitting in France, which is supposed to have a developed justice system which one might have expected would have seen her tried. It has not happened for the last 16 years. Therefore, if she has been arrested in France, well and good, maybe it is never too late in this case. Rwanda has been trying different cases of the involvement in genocide of many people successfully. Fairly and speedily in many cases and Rwanda has tried to apply other measures to deal with the huge number of cases that were there through traditional means to great success, which has contributed to the stability of the country itself. We have seen international tribunals established; they have been there for the last 14 years. We have tried on or about 50 cases, spent billions of dollars, and we see people all around who should be tried yet are not. So I don't know what the French justice system wants to do with this case. Hopefully they may want to try the case to its conclusion. However, we are already working with the authorities in France, making them aware of the necessary information that we have. France could either try the case or give it to Rwanda to try. Whatever happens, we expect justice to be done. That is the aim of our country. Whether we try such cases or whether they are tried elsewhere, so be it – as long as justice is seen to be done.
Peter Musembi (BBC World Service, Swahili Language Section): President Kagame, you will probably agree that all is not well in the country, considering events in the past few days, the bombs in Kigali. If you consider that there were such occurrences in the run up to the 1994 genocide, do you agree that all is not well in the country? You previously said that security is quite okay and maintained; it does not seem so. The other question is that there are those who think that you are using the matter of dealing with genocide issues to silence the opposition in your country.
President Kagame: The whole world experiences problems of security. There have been security issues from one corner of the world to the other and there are different reasons and causes. Maybe all is not well in that context, even in Rwanda. There have been incidents recently in Rwanda and their causes are not just recent; they are to be seen as part of the things that have happened over the past 16 years. We have had insecurity originating from eastern Congo into Rwanda, and there have been cases of insecurity in the region. The region and the East African community have been working together to deal with this situation, and Rwanda has been fully participating in making sure there is peace and stability not only in Rwanda but in the rest of the region. That is to be seen, I believe, in that context, not anything beyond that. We are certainly getting on top of things and Rwanda has been increasingly stable and secure for the last number of years, and it will continue to be so even with such incidents that take place. Fortunately, a number of arrests of people who have been behind that have been made; good information has been developed. The origins of the recent problems are getting to be well known, so we hope that will be simply uprooted in a very short time. Second, I want to inform you that the people of Rwanda are part of this process of sure that there is peace and stability in their country, and I am really happy with the work they are doing themselves. There tends to be more noise made from outside, as if the Rwandan people inside the country did not matter. But I think they matter; they are doing a lot for their own development and stability. If that was put in the real context, the situation in Rwanda should be well appreciated. It is appreciated by Rwandans themselves.
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