SAPA/AFP
3 April 2010
Soldiers close to Guinea's former junta chief Moussa Dadis Camara have been arrested following a mutiny in their army barracks, a military source said Saturday.
Dadis Camara's nephew Lieutenant Marcel Guilavogui, former deputy commander in the presidential guard, was among those arrested Thursday along with three other officers and an unknown number of sub-officers.
"They were placed under arrest for inciting rebellion in the barracks of student soldiers in Kaleya near Forecariah," 110 kilometres south of the capital Conakry, the source said on condition of anonymity.
03 April, 2010
Nkunda case finally set for Rwanda military court hearing.
Reuters/WNJ
3 April 2010
By Kezio-Musoke David
KIGALI (Reuters) - Rwanda's Supreme Court has ruled that only the country's military court can hear a plea seeking the release of Congolese warlord Laurent Nkunda, his lawyer said on Saturday.
Aime Bokanga, counsel for the former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), told Reuters he was relieved that his client had finally secured a court hearing but disappointed the court had not ruled his detention illegal.
Mr. Nkunda has been under house arrest since January 22, 2009 after entering Rwanda from neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo, where his CNDP rebel force had repeatedly routed the Congolese forces with the help of the Rwandan army.
Mr. Nkunda has not been charged in Rwandan courts, nor has the central African nation yielded to Congolese calls to transfer him to his native Congo, which accuses him of war crimes.
Bokanga said the court argued that General James Kabarebe, Rwanda's Chief of Defence Staff, was responsible for Mr. Nkunda's detention and therefore only a military court would determine his fate.
"The most important thing for us now is to prove to court that Laurent Nkunda is illegally being detained," he said.
"Now the Supreme Court has made a decision for the military court to hear this case. We have been told that the file will be transferred to the military court next week. At least there is some satisfaction that finally the case will be heard."
Despite the ruling, Bokanga expressed disappointment that the Supreme Court did not rule on the legality of Mr. Nkunda's detention.
"It is also quite disappointing because the case is dragging. Rwandan law gives the Supreme Court judge the ability to make a ruling without referring this case to another court. The supreme court could have taken cognisance of this case."
Bokanga said he would advise his client to seek legal redress in an international court if they run out of options.
Rwandan Minister of Justice Tharcisse Karugarama claimed the case has taken such a long time because international law and the laws of two countries had to be taken into account.
"The supreme court has now identified a court that is competent," he told Reuters.
"He is a general accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. You don't just take that person and hand over to authorities on the Congo border ... let's give the judiciary a chance to finish it."
3 April 2010
By Kezio-Musoke David
KIGALI (Reuters) - Rwanda's Supreme Court has ruled that only the country's military court can hear a plea seeking the release of Congolese warlord Laurent Nkunda, his lawyer said on Saturday.
Aime Bokanga, counsel for the former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), told Reuters he was relieved that his client had finally secured a court hearing but disappointed the court had not ruled his detention illegal.
Mr. Nkunda has been under house arrest since January 22, 2009 after entering Rwanda from neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo, where his CNDP rebel force had repeatedly routed the Congolese forces with the help of the Rwandan army.
Mr. Nkunda has not been charged in Rwandan courts, nor has the central African nation yielded to Congolese calls to transfer him to his native Congo, which accuses him of war crimes.
Bokanga said the court argued that General James Kabarebe, Rwanda's Chief of Defence Staff, was responsible for Mr. Nkunda's detention and therefore only a military court would determine his fate.
"The most important thing for us now is to prove to court that Laurent Nkunda is illegally being detained," he said.
"Now the Supreme Court has made a decision for the military court to hear this case. We have been told that the file will be transferred to the military court next week. At least there is some satisfaction that finally the case will be heard."
Despite the ruling, Bokanga expressed disappointment that the Supreme Court did not rule on the legality of Mr. Nkunda's detention.
"It is also quite disappointing because the case is dragging. Rwandan law gives the Supreme Court judge the ability to make a ruling without referring this case to another court. The supreme court could have taken cognisance of this case."
Bokanga said he would advise his client to seek legal redress in an international court if they run out of options.
Rwandan Minister of Justice Tharcisse Karugarama claimed the case has taken such a long time because international law and the laws of two countries had to be taken into account.
"The supreme court has now identified a court that is competent," he told Reuters.
"He is a general accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. You don't just take that person and hand over to authorities on the Congo border ... let's give the judiciary a chance to finish it."
Sudan Presidential Vote to be 'free and as fair as possible' Says US Special Envoy Gration.
SAPA/AFP/WNJ
3 April 2010
US Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration said Saturday he was confident the country's first general elections since 1986 would be as "free and fair as possible" and would start on time as scheduled on April 11.
Mr. Gration was speaking to reporters in Khartoum after meeting with various members of the electoral commission, which earlier Saturday dismissed calls by opposition candidates for a delay in the April 11-13 general elections. Mr. Gration's announcement came as some opposition parties are planning to boycott the elections amidst allegations of corruption and intimidation by the ruling party. Two candidates have already withdrawn from the race.
However, Mr. Gration seemed to directly contradict these claims. He stated, "They (the electoral commission members) have given me confidence that the elections will start on time and they would be as free and as fair as possible."
3 April 2010
US Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration said Saturday he was confident the country's first general elections since 1986 would be as "free and fair as possible" and would start on time as scheduled on April 11.
Mr. Gration was speaking to reporters in Khartoum after meeting with various members of the electoral commission, which earlier Saturday dismissed calls by opposition candidates for a delay in the April 11-13 general elections. Mr. Gration's announcement came as some opposition parties are planning to boycott the elections amidst allegations of corruption and intimidation by the ruling party. Two candidates have already withdrawn from the race.
However, Mr. Gration seemed to directly contradict these claims. He stated, "They (the electoral commission members) have given me confidence that the elections will start on time and they would be as free and as fair as possible."
02 April, 2010
Des archives contre Kagamé.
L'Express
1 April 2010
par Vincent Hugeux
L'universitaire André Guichaoua s'apprête à dévoiler sur son site Internet des documents accablants sur la responsabilité de l'actuel chef de l'Etat du Rwanda dans le génocide.
Auteur d'un ouvrage de référence - Rwanda. De la guerre au génocide (La Découverte) - l'universitaire André Guichaoua s'apprête à dévoiler sur son site (http://www.Rwandadelaguerreaugenocide.fr) des documents accablants pour l'actuel chef de l'Etat, Paul Kagamé, et son entourage. Y sont évoqués l'assassinat, le 6 avril 1994, du président Juvénal Habyarimana, ainsi que les liquidations ultérieures d'officiers de l'Armée patriotique rwandaise, l'ex-rébellion tutsie, coupables d'en "savoir trop". Ces éléments ont été transmis à Marc Trévidic, juge d'instruction au pôle antiterroriste du tribunal de grande instance de Paris, chargé de l'enquête sur l'attentat fatal à Habyarimana et à l'équipage français de son Falcon 50. Connu pour sa pugnacité, le magistrat est soumis à d'intenses pressions inspirées par l'Elysée, où l'on tient à préserver la normalisation amorcée avec Kigali. Confidence d'un initié : "Jean-Claude Marin, procureur de Paris, guette le premier faux pas de Marc Trévidic pour enterrer le dossier."
1 April 2010
par Vincent Hugeux
L'universitaire André Guichaoua s'apprête à dévoiler sur son site Internet des documents accablants sur la responsabilité de l'actuel chef de l'Etat du Rwanda dans le génocide.
Auteur d'un ouvrage de référence - Rwanda. De la guerre au génocide (La Découverte) - l'universitaire André Guichaoua s'apprête à dévoiler sur son site (http://www.Rwandadelaguerreaugenocide.fr) des documents accablants pour l'actuel chef de l'Etat, Paul Kagamé, et son entourage. Y sont évoqués l'assassinat, le 6 avril 1994, du président Juvénal Habyarimana, ainsi que les liquidations ultérieures d'officiers de l'Armée patriotique rwandaise, l'ex-rébellion tutsie, coupables d'en "savoir trop". Ces éléments ont été transmis à Marc Trévidic, juge d'instruction au pôle antiterroriste du tribunal de grande instance de Paris, chargé de l'enquête sur l'attentat fatal à Habyarimana et à l'équipage français de son Falcon 50. Connu pour sa pugnacité, le magistrat est soumis à d'intenses pressions inspirées par l'Elysée, où l'on tient à préserver la normalisation amorcée avec Kigali. Confidence d'un initié : "Jean-Claude Marin, procureur de Paris, guette le premier faux pas de Marc Trévidic pour enterrer le dossier."
Puntland president meets with Ethiopian FM.
Garowe Online
2 April 2010
The president of Somalia's Puntland State government Dr. Abdirahman Mohammed Farole has held meeting with Ethiopian Foreign Affairs Minister Seyoum Mesfin in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.
The meeting which was held in Hotel Sharaton, where Puntland delegation is staying, was focused on relation between the two governments and the general security situation in Somalia.
According to press release from the Puntland Presidency, The meeting ended in good note with both parties reaffirming support.
In their in Addis Ababa, Puntland delegation led by President ‘Farole’ held consultative meetings with various senior Ethiopian officials and a brief discussion with Somali government officials, who are currently in Ethiopia.
Meanwhile, Somalia’s transition federal President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed also met with Ethiopian FM Seyoum Mesfin.
“I have discussed with Ethiopian leaders on how they can help Somalia retain law and order,” he briefly told reporters.
On his part, Ethiopian Foreign Affairs minister Seyoum Mesfin said Addis Ababa is ready to help in anyway the fragile UN-backed government defeat the opposition groups.
“We are ready to assist the TFG in its war against the armed opposition,” he said.
Ethiopia, which in 2006 deployed its troops into Somalia to crush Islamic Courts Union that then headed by Sharif, is now a strong supporter of fragile government in Mogadishu.
2 April 2010
The president of Somalia's Puntland State government Dr. Abdirahman Mohammed Farole has held meeting with Ethiopian Foreign Affairs Minister Seyoum Mesfin in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.
The meeting which was held in Hotel Sharaton, where Puntland delegation is staying, was focused on relation between the two governments and the general security situation in Somalia.
According to press release from the Puntland Presidency, The meeting ended in good note with both parties reaffirming support.
In their in Addis Ababa, Puntland delegation led by President ‘Farole’ held consultative meetings with various senior Ethiopian officials and a brief discussion with Somali government officials, who are currently in Ethiopia.
Meanwhile, Somalia’s transition federal President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed also met with Ethiopian FM Seyoum Mesfin.
“I have discussed with Ethiopian leaders on how they can help Somalia retain law and order,” he briefly told reporters.
On his part, Ethiopian Foreign Affairs minister Seyoum Mesfin said Addis Ababa is ready to help in anyway the fragile UN-backed government defeat the opposition groups.
“We are ready to assist the TFG in its war against the armed opposition,” he said.
Ethiopia, which in 2006 deployed its troops into Somalia to crush Islamic Courts Union that then headed by Sharif, is now a strong supporter of fragile government in Mogadishu.
RPF totalitarian regime revealed.
On January 16, 2010, Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, a political opposition leader and Chairperson of UDF-Inkingi, returned to Rwanda after 16 years of exile in order to register her political party and participate in forthcoming presidential elections scheduled for August 2010.
The decision to return home, it should be recalled, was made after thorough analysis of the political context, challenges, and issues at stake, as well as different scenarios of political action and the risks associated with each action. It appeared for the UDF-Inkingi that accepting the challenge of utilizing a peaceful struggle for democracy was the best way to support UDF policies and build a hospitable country for all Rwandans.
This perspective was not only addressed to the people of Rwanda but also to its current leaders. We expected they would show good will, open up political space; allow open debate on different political programmes so that the Rwandan people can make an informed democratic choice during the elections. Unfortunately, that was not the case. Instead, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) regime gradually erected impassable obstacles, thus demonstrating, within less than two months, its totalitarian nature. Several examples clearly support this:
1. Refusal to grant passports to exiled members of UDF-Inkingi
Upon announcing their intention to return to Rwanda, a dozen prospective party members designated to lead the political struggle inside the country applied for passports. Their requests remaine unanswered until now except for two passports, including one for the UDF-Inkingi’s chairperson. This is incomprehensible since the Government of Rwanda allows operations by the UNHCR and other African countries that are hosting Rwandan refugees to repatriate them by force to Rwanda.
2. Remote reports aimed at falsely accusing the politicalopposition
On November 23, 2009, a UN report was published on the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR), a rebel group operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Without providing any evidence, i.e. the content of conversations, the report accused some leaders of the UDF-Inkingi of collaboration with this armed opposition group. The Chairperson of UDF-Inkingi was accused of meeting some leaders of the FDLR in Spain in 2006. The report fails to mention that government officials and several survivors of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda also attended the same meeting, which was devoted to promoting peace in Rwanda and was facilitated by the Foundation Solivar.
The timing of the publication and of the said report with the announcement coinciding of the decision of UDF-Inkingi to participate in the Rwandan presidential elections of August 2010 is very suspect because of: the lightness of evidence against the political organization, the immediate use of this report by the Rwandan government to prevent the Chairperson of UDF-Inkingi to exercise her political rights, quickly made people suspect the interference of the RPF regime in the creation of this report. It should also be recalled that allegations in the UN report were categorically rejected by all the countries of the African Great Lakes region, including Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania.
3. Media lynching by the public and private media under the yoke of the regime in power
On January 16, 2010, the day of her return to Rwanda, the Chairperson of FDU-Inkingi visited the genocide memorial in Gisozi. Answering a question from a journalist, she reminded the Rwandan people that unity and reconciliation will only be fully achieved when all those who are guilty of taking part in the genocide against the Tutsis and those who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity against the Hutus are brought to justice. The day after her statement, the pro-government daily newspaper "The New Times" launched a campaign of hatred and dehumanization against Mrs. Ingabire, who was falsely accused of genocide denial. This campaign of media lynching was echoed by other newspapers and state media, including state radio and national television. The highest authorities of the state, including ministers and heads of political parties allied with the RPF, took part in this lynching and called for punishment against the Chairperson of UDF-Inkingi. This intimidation campaign reached its climax when the President of the Republic himself ordered the judicial system to prosecute Ms. Ingabire.
4. Physical assaults, another form of intimidation
When Mrs. Ingabire and her assistant went to the Administrative Office of Kinyinya sector following a phone call by the Executive Secretary of the sector asking her to collect administrative documents, they were brutally attacked inside the office of public administration by a juvenile mob likely prepared for the attack. The assailant mob snatched Mrs. Ingabire’s handbag which contained her identity papers and personal belongings. No investigation has been conducted to find and punish the culprits.
5. Police and judicial investigations, another strategy to criminalize opposition
Following orders given by the President of the Republic, the Criminal Investigation Department of the Rwandan police almost instantly summoned UDF-Inkingi’s Chairperson to inform her about the charges against her. They include a security breach of state, divisionism, genocide ideology, minimalization of the genocide of the Tutsi, collaboration with the FDLR, and the icing on the cake, the disturbance of public security by grenade attacks and collaboration in a plan to overthrow the RPF government. It must be recalled that another opposition politician, Mr. Deogratias Mushayidi as well as senior Rwandan military officers, dissidents with the regime, are also accused of the same offenses.
These accusations were followed by police summons and interviews which have become repetitive in order to break the morale of Mrs. Ingabire. Some of these interviews have lasted up to 10 hours straight.
6. Prohibition to hold the constituent congress of the party
By virtue of the fact that Mrs. Victory Ingabire Umuhoza has not been convicted by any court, she is automatically entitled to a presumption of innocence. But it was a big surprise when the Mayor of Nyarugenge, after using all kinds of tricks in previous requests, refused to grant her permission to hold a public meeting on the pretext that Mrs. Ingabire was under police investigation. This prohibition is also justified, according to the Mayor, by the fact that the administration did not know the message the UDF-Inkingi’s chairperson might deliver to the public, thereby confirming that only those who speak the same language as the RPF have the right to political space in Rwanda. This position was repeated and confirmed by the Minister in charge of the political parties and local government, all of which is in blatant violation of all applicable laws.
7. Action of formenting coups and divisions within the opposition parties
The three opposition parties, namely the PS-Imberakuri (the only opposition party approved to date), the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda and UDF-Inkingi, two organizations that are still trying to register, have created a Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda to mutually reinforce each other by sharing some political and diplomatic actions. The Council therefore become a headache for the regime and they decided to step up a notch to block its path. While non-legal barriers were erected before the political opposition in order to prevent them from holding their meeting, it is disconcerting to see how docile dissidents obtained easily the necessary permits to hold their extraordinary congress to oust the legal and legitimate Chairperson of PS-Imberakuri, Mr. Bernard Ntaganda. Mr. Bernard Ntaganda has also been prevented on several occasions to install the statutory offices of his party in the provinces.
8. Obstacles to the freedom to travel within Rwanda and abroad
After more than 16 years of exile, Mrs. Ingabire sought to explore her country. But all her movements were monitored with a magnifying glass to prevent contact with the population, which was beginning to show some enthusiasm to her encouragement to let go of living in fear and she lavished on them the idea of a peaceful change of government. On March 23, 2010, while Mrs. Ingabire was not subject to judicial review forcing her to remain in Rwanda, she was prevented from boarding a plane at Kanombe International Airport. She was travelling to visit her family in Europe.
Conclusion
The obstacles that the regime mounts against its political opponents, obstacles that the UDF-Inkingi’s entry on the Rwandan political scene has openly exposed, reveal the nature of a power that seeks to interpret the law and procedures at will, which has enormous difficulties tolerating open debate, is experiencing serious difficulties in accepting political opposition and is considering the use of force as the only argument that counts in the management of power. All of these actions are the hallmarks of a totalitarian power that must be seriously monitored as they may derail the political process under way for presidential elections in August 2010.
This exposure of the RPF's totalitarian nature occured surprisingly quickly and shows once again that it is high time the regime understand that democracy is inevitable and it will come about sooner or later. With much more noticeable people’s determination nothing will stop it.
Done in Kigali, March 31, 2010,
The United Democratic Forces-Inkingi
The decision to return home, it should be recalled, was made after thorough analysis of the political context, challenges, and issues at stake, as well as different scenarios of political action and the risks associated with each action. It appeared for the UDF-Inkingi that accepting the challenge of utilizing a peaceful struggle for democracy was the best way to support UDF policies and build a hospitable country for all Rwandans.
This perspective was not only addressed to the people of Rwanda but also to its current leaders. We expected they would show good will, open up political space; allow open debate on different political programmes so that the Rwandan people can make an informed democratic choice during the elections. Unfortunately, that was not the case. Instead, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) regime gradually erected impassable obstacles, thus demonstrating, within less than two months, its totalitarian nature. Several examples clearly support this:
1. Refusal to grant passports to exiled members of UDF-Inkingi
Upon announcing their intention to return to Rwanda, a dozen prospective party members designated to lead the political struggle inside the country applied for passports. Their requests remaine unanswered until now except for two passports, including one for the UDF-Inkingi’s chairperson. This is incomprehensible since the Government of Rwanda allows operations by the UNHCR and other African countries that are hosting Rwandan refugees to repatriate them by force to Rwanda.
2. Remote reports aimed at falsely accusing the politicalopposition
On November 23, 2009, a UN report was published on the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR), a rebel group operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Without providing any evidence, i.e. the content of conversations, the report accused some leaders of the UDF-Inkingi of collaboration with this armed opposition group. The Chairperson of UDF-Inkingi was accused of meeting some leaders of the FDLR in Spain in 2006. The report fails to mention that government officials and several survivors of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda also attended the same meeting, which was devoted to promoting peace in Rwanda and was facilitated by the Foundation Solivar.
The timing of the publication and of the said report with the announcement coinciding of the decision of UDF-Inkingi to participate in the Rwandan presidential elections of August 2010 is very suspect because of: the lightness of evidence against the political organization, the immediate use of this report by the Rwandan government to prevent the Chairperson of UDF-Inkingi to exercise her political rights, quickly made people suspect the interference of the RPF regime in the creation of this report. It should also be recalled that allegations in the UN report were categorically rejected by all the countries of the African Great Lakes region, including Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania.
3. Media lynching by the public and private media under the yoke of the regime in power
On January 16, 2010, the day of her return to Rwanda, the Chairperson of FDU-Inkingi visited the genocide memorial in Gisozi. Answering a question from a journalist, she reminded the Rwandan people that unity and reconciliation will only be fully achieved when all those who are guilty of taking part in the genocide against the Tutsis and those who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity against the Hutus are brought to justice. The day after her statement, the pro-government daily newspaper "The New Times" launched a campaign of hatred and dehumanization against Mrs. Ingabire, who was falsely accused of genocide denial. This campaign of media lynching was echoed by other newspapers and state media, including state radio and national television. The highest authorities of the state, including ministers and heads of political parties allied with the RPF, took part in this lynching and called for punishment against the Chairperson of UDF-Inkingi. This intimidation campaign reached its climax when the President of the Republic himself ordered the judicial system to prosecute Ms. Ingabire.
4. Physical assaults, another form of intimidation
When Mrs. Ingabire and her assistant went to the Administrative Office of Kinyinya sector following a phone call by the Executive Secretary of the sector asking her to collect administrative documents, they were brutally attacked inside the office of public administration by a juvenile mob likely prepared for the attack. The assailant mob snatched Mrs. Ingabire’s handbag which contained her identity papers and personal belongings. No investigation has been conducted to find and punish the culprits.
5. Police and judicial investigations, another strategy to criminalize opposition
Following orders given by the President of the Republic, the Criminal Investigation Department of the Rwandan police almost instantly summoned UDF-Inkingi’s Chairperson to inform her about the charges against her. They include a security breach of state, divisionism, genocide ideology, minimalization of the genocide of the Tutsi, collaboration with the FDLR, and the icing on the cake, the disturbance of public security by grenade attacks and collaboration in a plan to overthrow the RPF government. It must be recalled that another opposition politician, Mr. Deogratias Mushayidi as well as senior Rwandan military officers, dissidents with the regime, are also accused of the same offenses.
These accusations were followed by police summons and interviews which have become repetitive in order to break the morale of Mrs. Ingabire. Some of these interviews have lasted up to 10 hours straight.
6. Prohibition to hold the constituent congress of the party
By virtue of the fact that Mrs. Victory Ingabire Umuhoza has not been convicted by any court, she is automatically entitled to a presumption of innocence. But it was a big surprise when the Mayor of Nyarugenge, after using all kinds of tricks in previous requests, refused to grant her permission to hold a public meeting on the pretext that Mrs. Ingabire was under police investigation. This prohibition is also justified, according to the Mayor, by the fact that the administration did not know the message the UDF-Inkingi’s chairperson might deliver to the public, thereby confirming that only those who speak the same language as the RPF have the right to political space in Rwanda. This position was repeated and confirmed by the Minister in charge of the political parties and local government, all of which is in blatant violation of all applicable laws.
7. Action of formenting coups and divisions within the opposition parties
The three opposition parties, namely the PS-Imberakuri (the only opposition party approved to date), the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda and UDF-Inkingi, two organizations that are still trying to register, have created a Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda to mutually reinforce each other by sharing some political and diplomatic actions. The Council therefore become a headache for the regime and they decided to step up a notch to block its path. While non-legal barriers were erected before the political opposition in order to prevent them from holding their meeting, it is disconcerting to see how docile dissidents obtained easily the necessary permits to hold their extraordinary congress to oust the legal and legitimate Chairperson of PS-Imberakuri, Mr. Bernard Ntaganda. Mr. Bernard Ntaganda has also been prevented on several occasions to install the statutory offices of his party in the provinces.
8. Obstacles to the freedom to travel within Rwanda and abroad
After more than 16 years of exile, Mrs. Ingabire sought to explore her country. But all her movements were monitored with a magnifying glass to prevent contact with the population, which was beginning to show some enthusiasm to her encouragement to let go of living in fear and she lavished on them the idea of a peaceful change of government. On March 23, 2010, while Mrs. Ingabire was not subject to judicial review forcing her to remain in Rwanda, she was prevented from boarding a plane at Kanombe International Airport. She was travelling to visit her family in Europe.
Conclusion
The obstacles that the regime mounts against its political opponents, obstacles that the UDF-Inkingi’s entry on the Rwandan political scene has openly exposed, reveal the nature of a power that seeks to interpret the law and procedures at will, which has enormous difficulties tolerating open debate, is experiencing serious difficulties in accepting political opposition and is considering the use of force as the only argument that counts in the management of power. All of these actions are the hallmarks of a totalitarian power that must be seriously monitored as they may derail the political process under way for presidential elections in August 2010.
This exposure of the RPF's totalitarian nature occured surprisingly quickly and shows once again that it is high time the regime understand that democracy is inevitable and it will come about sooner or later. With much more noticeable people’s determination nothing will stop it.
Done in Kigali, March 31, 2010,
The United Democratic Forces-Inkingi
IFJ Condemns Ethiopian Jamming of Voice of America.
IFJ
Press Release
2 April 2010
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) today called on Ethiopia to lift all restrictions on Voice of America (VOA) broadcasts after the government summarily jammed the network’s broadcasts in Amharic, amid accusations of peddling “destabilising propaganda”.
“We condemn jamming of broadcasts,” said Aidan White, IFJ General Secretary. “It is unprofessional, intolerant and flies in the face of promises that the Ethiopian Government is committed to press freedom.”
According to news reports the interference with VOA broadcasts was ordered by Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on 18 March. He said VOA’s Amharic programmes were not objective and hostile to his government. He is reported to have controversially compared the service to Rwanda's former Radio Mille Collines (RTLM).
The IFJ says if the Government has complaints it must respect basic standards of professionalism by detailing its objections and giving VOA an opportunity to respond before taking any action.
The IFJ says the decision is the latest in a series of hostile measures taken by Ethiopian authorities in the lead up to general elections May. Last month, the National Electoral Board adopted controversial guidelines for journalists during the election period. Media observers say these rules are repressive, unconstitutional and anathema to press freedom.
The IFJ condemnation adds to concerns that the Prime Minister is back-tracking on pledges made to leaders of the IFJ and the Federation of African Journalists during a mission to Addis Ababa earlier this year when Meles Zenawi undertook to fight censorship and interference and to work for change in media.
“The government’s legitimate concerns can receive fair hearing through dialogue,” added White. “But when a government brazenly imposes censorship it undermines profoundly efforts to build respect for ethical and professional standards in journalism in the country at large.”
Press Release
2 April 2010
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) today called on Ethiopia to lift all restrictions on Voice of America (VOA) broadcasts after the government summarily jammed the network’s broadcasts in Amharic, amid accusations of peddling “destabilising propaganda”.
“We condemn jamming of broadcasts,” said Aidan White, IFJ General Secretary. “It is unprofessional, intolerant and flies in the face of promises that the Ethiopian Government is committed to press freedom.”
According to news reports the interference with VOA broadcasts was ordered by Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on 18 March. He said VOA’s Amharic programmes were not objective and hostile to his government. He is reported to have controversially compared the service to Rwanda's former Radio Mille Collines (RTLM).
The IFJ says if the Government has complaints it must respect basic standards of professionalism by detailing its objections and giving VOA an opportunity to respond before taking any action.
The IFJ says the decision is the latest in a series of hostile measures taken by Ethiopian authorities in the lead up to general elections May. Last month, the National Electoral Board adopted controversial guidelines for journalists during the election period. Media observers say these rules are repressive, unconstitutional and anathema to press freedom.
The IFJ condemnation adds to concerns that the Prime Minister is back-tracking on pledges made to leaders of the IFJ and the Federation of African Journalists during a mission to Addis Ababa earlier this year when Meles Zenawi undertook to fight censorship and interference and to work for change in media.
“The government’s legitimate concerns can receive fair hearing through dialogue,” added White. “But when a government brazenly imposes censorship it undermines profoundly efforts to build respect for ethical and professional standards in journalism in the country at large.”
Rwandans Demonstrate Against Pres. Kagame.
256 News/Radio Netherlands
2 April 2010
Angry Rwandans have held a demonstration against President Paul Kagame, demanding an end to his dictatorial tendencies. A few dozen protested yesterday afternoon on the plaza in front of the Parliament in the Netherlands. Reports say they they cried out for "liberty" and "democracy".
"As it is raining ... most of them are gone," said Rwandan, Lin Muyizere, one of the protesters. He said there were easily seventy people or perhaps even eighty. “Now we are only a small forty…”
"The purpose of our demonstration is to demand that the Rwandan government stops prosecuting the democratic opposition in Rwanda. Let the President of the UDF Victoire Ingabire, who is confronted daily by the Rwandan police, be free. Give Victoire the opportunity and freedom to work," said Muyizere.
But since the Netherlands has good relations with the government of President Paul Kagame, the Dutch government does not seem to move on the issue. The Ingabire case does not seem a not a real concern to the Dutch.
"I do not think the Netherlands should become involved in politics within Rwanda," said Dutch MP Ewout Irrgang (Socialist Party) who visited Rwanda in early January. Irrang had other administrative priorities on Wednesday that prevented him from attending the demonstrations. "Yet the Dutch government could approach the government of Kagame and tell him he should hold proper elections."
Muyizere said authorities in the Netherlands stated they cannot take any direct action against the Rwandan government.
“That on a diplomatic level, they try to follow closely the case in Rwanda. We cannot continue alone. We want to work with the other countries of the European Union,” Muyizere said.
In Rwanda, Ingabire is accused of having offended the post-genocide constitution which prohibits actions that could incite a conflict. She has been accosted on the street, interrogated several times without charge, and is prohibited from leaving Rwanda. She seeks to challenge President Kagame for office in elections later this year. According to several human rights organizations, the law has been used to suppress the opposition.
After a long period in exile in the Netherlands, Victoire Ingabire returned home in January with the goal to participate in the presidential elections in August.
2 April 2010
Angry Rwandans have held a demonstration against President Paul Kagame, demanding an end to his dictatorial tendencies. A few dozen protested yesterday afternoon on the plaza in front of the Parliament in the Netherlands. Reports say they they cried out for "liberty" and "democracy".
"As it is raining ... most of them are gone," said Rwandan, Lin Muyizere, one of the protesters. He said there were easily seventy people or perhaps even eighty. “Now we are only a small forty…”
"The purpose of our demonstration is to demand that the Rwandan government stops prosecuting the democratic opposition in Rwanda. Let the President of the UDF Victoire Ingabire, who is confronted daily by the Rwandan police, be free. Give Victoire the opportunity and freedom to work," said Muyizere.
But since the Netherlands has good relations with the government of President Paul Kagame, the Dutch government does not seem to move on the issue. The Ingabire case does not seem a not a real concern to the Dutch.
"I do not think the Netherlands should become involved in politics within Rwanda," said Dutch MP Ewout Irrgang (Socialist Party) who visited Rwanda in early January. Irrang had other administrative priorities on Wednesday that prevented him from attending the demonstrations. "Yet the Dutch government could approach the government of Kagame and tell him he should hold proper elections."
Muyizere said authorities in the Netherlands stated they cannot take any direct action against the Rwandan government.
“That on a diplomatic level, they try to follow closely the case in Rwanda. We cannot continue alone. We want to work with the other countries of the European Union,” Muyizere said.
In Rwanda, Ingabire is accused of having offended the post-genocide constitution which prohibits actions that could incite a conflict. She has been accosted on the street, interrogated several times without charge, and is prohibited from leaving Rwanda. She seeks to challenge President Kagame for office in elections later this year. According to several human rights organizations, the law has been used to suppress the opposition.
After a long period in exile in the Netherlands, Victoire Ingabire returned home in January with the goal to participate in the presidential elections in August.
Mulitple Countries to Train Somali Army.
Daily Monitor
2 April 2010
By David Mafabi
The French government, in a bid to restore calm in Somalia will set up a military mission to train security forces in Uganda.
According to Rear Admiral Christopher Prazuck, the French defence forces spokesperson, Uganda will train about 2,000 Somali soldiers as one of the long-term solutions to stabilise Somalia and bring an end to piracy in the India Ocean.
While addressing visiting journalists on March 28 at his office, Mr Prazuck revealed that Uganda’s military mission will be conducted in partnership with African Union, United Nations, USA and Uganda which is a major troop contributor to African Union Mission Peace Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
“EU will contribute to the training of 2,000 Somali soldiers on human rights, international humanitarian law,” he said.
He revealed that the next intake of Somali soldiers will begin this month and last for six months.
Mr Prazuck revealed that EU is determined to help stablise Somalia by providing support to vital and priority areas such as security development, assistance to the population and capacity building support “because this is the only way to end piracy and insecurity”.
The army spokesman Lt. Col. Felix Kulaigye said: “EU will open up its military mission here to train about 2,000 Somali security forces to help build
institutional capacity of Somalia and to strengthen the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia to take over the proper management of their country,” said Lt Col Kulaigye.
He said Uganda under AMISON has already trained about 1,200 Somali soldiers to help pacify the area and set it on the journey to stability.
2 April 2010
By David Mafabi
The French government, in a bid to restore calm in Somalia will set up a military mission to train security forces in Uganda.
According to Rear Admiral Christopher Prazuck, the French defence forces spokesperson, Uganda will train about 2,000 Somali soldiers as one of the long-term solutions to stabilise Somalia and bring an end to piracy in the India Ocean.
While addressing visiting journalists on March 28 at his office, Mr Prazuck revealed that Uganda’s military mission will be conducted in partnership with African Union, United Nations, USA and Uganda which is a major troop contributor to African Union Mission Peace Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
“EU will contribute to the training of 2,000 Somali soldiers on human rights, international humanitarian law,” he said.
He revealed that the next intake of Somali soldiers will begin this month and last for six months.
Mr Prazuck revealed that EU is determined to help stablise Somalia by providing support to vital and priority areas such as security development, assistance to the population and capacity building support “because this is the only way to end piracy and insecurity”.
The army spokesman Lt. Col. Felix Kulaigye said: “EU will open up its military mission here to train about 2,000 Somali security forces to help build
institutional capacity of Somalia and to strengthen the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia to take over the proper management of their country,” said Lt Col Kulaigye.
He said Uganda under AMISON has already trained about 1,200 Somali soldiers to help pacify the area and set it on the journey to stability.
01 April, 2010
Bissau soldiers briefly hold PM, free coup suspect.
Reuters
1 April 2010
By Alberto Dabo
Soldiers briefly detained Guinea Bissau Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior, freed a suspected coup leader and said they had ousted the army chief of staff on Thursday in what one diplomat said appeared to be a coup attempt against Gomes.
Former navy chief Bubo Na Tchuto, suspected of leading a 2008 coup attempt in the tiny West African state, had returned from exile in December and immediately sought shelter on U.N. premises in the capital Bissau.
Na Tchuto still holds sway with parts of the armed forces and his return increased tension in a fragile state that is a hub of drugs trafficking to Europe. The United Nations agreed in January to hand over him over to Gomes's government but the transfer did not take place.
"(Gomes) was detained this morning. Bubo Na Tchuto has voluntarily left the U.N. compound. The events are related," a Western diplomat in Bissau told Reuters by telephone.
"It looks like a coup d'etat against the prime minister and the chief of staff."
Soldiers apparently loyal to Na Tchuto said they had replaced the chief of staff, Admiral Jose Zamora Induta, with his deputy, General Antonio Njai.
Gomes's press attache Mamadou Diao subsequently confirmed Gomes had been released and a Reuters witness saw his vehicle heading towards the office of President Malam Bacai Sanha.
The Reuters witness said Na Tchuto had driven off with soldiers to an undisclosed location. The capital Bissau was calm, with some banks and shops shutting and little traffic in the streets.
Na Tchuto took refuge in the U.N. offices in December after returning from exile in nearby Gambia in a canoe, disguised as a fisherman.
He was wanted in connection with a failed 2008 coup attempt against then-president Joao Bernardo Vieira. Vieira was killed by renegade soldiers in March 2009 and replaced by an elected government.
(Reporting by Alberto Dabo and David Lewis; writing by Mark John; Editing by Kevin Liffey)
1 April 2010
By Alberto Dabo
Soldiers briefly detained Guinea Bissau Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior, freed a suspected coup leader and said they had ousted the army chief of staff on Thursday in what one diplomat said appeared to be a coup attempt against Gomes.
Former navy chief Bubo Na Tchuto, suspected of leading a 2008 coup attempt in the tiny West African state, had returned from exile in December and immediately sought shelter on U.N. premises in the capital Bissau.
Na Tchuto still holds sway with parts of the armed forces and his return increased tension in a fragile state that is a hub of drugs trafficking to Europe. The United Nations agreed in January to hand over him over to Gomes's government but the transfer did not take place.
"(Gomes) was detained this morning. Bubo Na Tchuto has voluntarily left the U.N. compound. The events are related," a Western diplomat in Bissau told Reuters by telephone.
"It looks like a coup d'etat against the prime minister and the chief of staff."
Soldiers apparently loyal to Na Tchuto said they had replaced the chief of staff, Admiral Jose Zamora Induta, with his deputy, General Antonio Njai.
Gomes's press attache Mamadou Diao subsequently confirmed Gomes had been released and a Reuters witness saw his vehicle heading towards the office of President Malam Bacai Sanha.
The Reuters witness said Na Tchuto had driven off with soldiers to an undisclosed location. The capital Bissau was calm, with some banks and shops shutting and little traffic in the streets.
Na Tchuto took refuge in the U.N. offices in December after returning from exile in nearby Gambia in a canoe, disguised as a fisherman.
He was wanted in connection with a failed 2008 coup attempt against then-president Joao Bernardo Vieira. Vieira was killed by renegade soldiers in March 2009 and replaced by an elected government.
(Reporting by Alberto Dabo and David Lewis; writing by Mark John; Editing by Kevin Liffey)
Rwanda Opposition Leader Says Government Silencing Dissent.
VOA
31 March 2010
The leader of Rwanda’s opposition United Democratic Forces (UDF) says President Paul Kagame’s government is determined to prevent her from participating in the scheduled August general elections.
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza said the government is using the country’s 1994 genocide to “blackmail” and silence any dissenting views.
“They refused that I go outside the country. I went three times to the police office and there (was) nothing new regarding the questions they asked me. It is the same question that I collaborated with the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) and (that) there were some testimonies from some members of the FDLR that said that I was in Kinshasa with them in March. But I was not in Kinshasa in March I was there in February,” she said.
Ingabire Umuhoza was recently prevented from travelling abroad after police said she was under investigation because of comments she made about the 1994 genocide.
Shortly after returning to Rwanda, Ingabire Umuhoza called for the prosecution of those responsible for the death of Hutus during the genocide.
But a group of genocide survivors called on the government to prosecute the opposition leader, saying her pronouncement belittled the genocide in which hundreds of thousands of Rwandans were killed.
Ingabire Umuhoza said despite the lack of evidence, officials are preventing her from organizing her first official meeting which will pave the way for her party to be registered and fully recognized by the government.
“When my lawyer asked them that because (their) testimonies were not right and that now Ingabire was free to go where she wants and free to organize meeting of her political party. They said no not yet. We are looking for other evidence against her. But that was the day after the minister of justice said there (was) no evidence against me,” Ingabire Umuhoza said.
But supporters of the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) dismissed the accusations as without merit. They said President Kagame’s party can confidently run on its record of ensuring adequate security and rebuilding the economy against an opposition that they said has nothing to offer Rwandans.
But Ingabire Umuhoza said the government is sharply opposed to dissenting views.
“The government of Paul Kagame does not accept or tolerate any other opinion. If you are not aligned with the policy of Paul Kagame… you will end up in jail. And I think it is about time that we stop this regime of Paul Kagame,” Ingabire Umuhoza said.
31 March 2010
The leader of Rwanda’s opposition United Democratic Forces (UDF) says President Paul Kagame’s government is determined to prevent her from participating in the scheduled August general elections.
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza said the government is using the country’s 1994 genocide to “blackmail” and silence any dissenting views.
“They refused that I go outside the country. I went three times to the police office and there (was) nothing new regarding the questions they asked me. It is the same question that I collaborated with the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) and (that) there were some testimonies from some members of the FDLR that said that I was in Kinshasa with them in March. But I was not in Kinshasa in March I was there in February,” she said.
Ingabire Umuhoza was recently prevented from travelling abroad after police said she was under investigation because of comments she made about the 1994 genocide.
Shortly after returning to Rwanda, Ingabire Umuhoza called for the prosecution of those responsible for the death of Hutus during the genocide.
But a group of genocide survivors called on the government to prosecute the opposition leader, saying her pronouncement belittled the genocide in which hundreds of thousands of Rwandans were killed.
Ingabire Umuhoza said despite the lack of evidence, officials are preventing her from organizing her first official meeting which will pave the way for her party to be registered and fully recognized by the government.
“When my lawyer asked them that because (their) testimonies were not right and that now Ingabire was free to go where she wants and free to organize meeting of her political party. They said no not yet. We are looking for other evidence against her. But that was the day after the minister of justice said there (was) no evidence against me,” Ingabire Umuhoza said.
But supporters of the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) dismissed the accusations as without merit. They said President Kagame’s party can confidently run on its record of ensuring adequate security and rebuilding the economy against an opposition that they said has nothing to offer Rwandans.
But Ingabire Umuhoza said the government is sharply opposed to dissenting views.
“The government of Paul Kagame does not accept or tolerate any other opinion. If you are not aligned with the policy of Paul Kagame… you will end up in jail. And I think it is about time that we stop this regime of Paul Kagame,” Ingabire Umuhoza said.
EU to train Somali troops.
Reuters
1 April 2010
European Union governments said on Wednesday they had given a go-ahead for a military mission to start on April 7 to train Somali forces battling an Islamist insurgency.
The mission will be led by Spain and involve around 100 troops plus several dozens of additional staff.
Germany said it would contribute 20 soldiers for the mission, which will take place mainly in Uganda, where some Somali forces are already being trained. France has also committed troops and Britain is expected to participate.
The goal of the mission is to strengthen the Western-backed transitional government in Somalia.
But some EU member states have expressed concern that training its troops and providing them with guns could cause more problems than it solves without long-term commitments in place to pay them and give them institutional support.
Somalia has had no central government since 1991. Foreign governments have stepped up efforts to stabilise the country in the past three or four years, since it became a major source of piracy, with dozens of ships and crew taken hostage for ransom.
Better-trained soldiers
An African Union force is on the ground protecting the government's key institutions, but Somalia needs a larger contingent of its own capable, reliable troops.
The EU mission is expected to train around 2 000 Somali troops and complement other missions, bringing the total of better-trained Somali soldiers to around 6 000.
The EU said in a statement its mission would be conducted in co-ordination with Somalia's transitional government, the African Union, the United Nations and the United States.
1 April 2010
European Union governments said on Wednesday they had given a go-ahead for a military mission to start on April 7 to train Somali forces battling an Islamist insurgency.
The mission will be led by Spain and involve around 100 troops plus several dozens of additional staff.
Germany said it would contribute 20 soldiers for the mission, which will take place mainly in Uganda, where some Somali forces are already being trained. France has also committed troops and Britain is expected to participate.
The goal of the mission is to strengthen the Western-backed transitional government in Somalia.
But some EU member states have expressed concern that training its troops and providing them with guns could cause more problems than it solves without long-term commitments in place to pay them and give them institutional support.
Somalia has had no central government since 1991. Foreign governments have stepped up efforts to stabilise the country in the past three or four years, since it became a major source of piracy, with dozens of ships and crew taken hostage for ransom.
Better-trained soldiers
An African Union force is on the ground protecting the government's key institutions, but Somalia needs a larger contingent of its own capable, reliable troops.
The EU mission is expected to train around 2 000 Somali troops and complement other missions, bringing the total of better-trained Somali soldiers to around 6 000.
The EU said in a statement its mission would be conducted in co-ordination with Somalia's transitional government, the African Union, the United Nations and the United States.
Another Coup May be Unfolding in Guinea-Bissau.
BBC News
1 April 2010
A group of army officers in Guinea-Bissau is reported to have detained the chief of staff and the prime minister.
After several hours, Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior was freed after hundreds of people gathered in front of his office, calling for his release.
The whereabouts of President Malam Bacai Sanha are unknown but a BBC correspondent says his office is quiet.
The situation is extremely unclear and telephone lines are not working. The country has had several previous coups.
Guinea-Bissau has also become a major centre for trafficking cocaine from Latin America to Europe.
National radio interrupted its programmes to play military music, which correspondent say is code for a coup.
Heavily armed troops attempted to gain access to the UN headquarters, where a former head of the navy had fled.
Former President Nino Viera was killed in March 2009 by a group of soldiers just hours after the army chief of staff was blown up by a bomb.
President Sanha won elections held three months later.
1 April 2010
A group of army officers in Guinea-Bissau is reported to have detained the chief of staff and the prime minister.
After several hours, Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior was freed after hundreds of people gathered in front of his office, calling for his release.
The whereabouts of President Malam Bacai Sanha are unknown but a BBC correspondent says his office is quiet.
The situation is extremely unclear and telephone lines are not working. The country has had several previous coups.
Guinea-Bissau has also become a major centre for trafficking cocaine from Latin America to Europe.
National radio interrupted its programmes to play military music, which correspondent say is code for a coup.
Heavily armed troops attempted to gain access to the UN headquarters, where a former head of the navy had fled.
Former President Nino Viera was killed in March 2009 by a group of soldiers just hours after the army chief of staff was blown up by a bomb.
President Sanha won elections held three months later.
Ingabire accuses Gov’t of using her aide to spy on her.
256 News
1 April 2010
Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, the President of the United Democratic
Forces opposition party in Rwanda, accuses the ruling RPF party of President Paul Kagame of planting spies with her.
Ingabire has told 256 News that her former deputy, Joseph Ntawangundi, who was
sentenced this month to 17 years in jail by a Gacaca court, is being used to learn all the secrets of the UDF party and what people the party leader is collaborating with in Rwanda and abroad.
Ntawangundi was found guilty for his role in the killing of eight Tutsis at the Agro-Veterinary school of Gitwe (of which he was the principal in 1994), located in Rwanda's Eastern province.
At the opening of his re-trial on March 17, the defendant claimed that he had never been the school's principal and that he was in Sweden during the Rwandan genocide of the Tutsi.
However, he finally admitted that he had been running the school for three months when the genocide of the Tutsi started.
Ntawangundi explained that there was nothing he could do to protect the victims as he was new to the school and Gitwe, hardly knowing anybody.
In a twist of events, Ingabire has disclosed to 256 News, that well-placed sources close to the Gacaca Executive Secretariat have informed her that Ntawangundi was
told to plead guilty and, in the future, the government would help him
get out of prison. In return, he would assist the government to reveal all the secrets of UDF party.
According to Ingabire, before the ruling, Ntawagundi had a whole day’s meeting with some government officials, among them Gacaca Executive Secretary Dometilla Mukatanganzwa.
The meeting reportedly took place at Gitwe Prison in the office of the head of prison.
256 News has also recieved reports on how the Kigali government has instructed former FDLR rebels who surrendered last year to falsely pin Ingabire and say she is collaborating with the FDLR forces based in the DR Congo jungles.
Ingabire and Ntawangundi both returned from exile in January to register their political party created in exile.
Earlier this week, one of her aides told 256 News they intercepted information that state security agencies are fabricating evidence against Ingabire, who is currently forbidden to leave Rwanda.
1 April 2010
Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, the President of the United Democratic
Forces opposition party in Rwanda, accuses the ruling RPF party of President Paul Kagame of planting spies with her.
Ingabire has told 256 News that her former deputy, Joseph Ntawangundi, who was
sentenced this month to 17 years in jail by a Gacaca court, is being used to learn all the secrets of the UDF party and what people the party leader is collaborating with in Rwanda and abroad.
Ntawangundi was found guilty for his role in the killing of eight Tutsis at the Agro-Veterinary school of Gitwe (of which he was the principal in 1994), located in Rwanda's Eastern province.
At the opening of his re-trial on March 17, the defendant claimed that he had never been the school's principal and that he was in Sweden during the Rwandan genocide of the Tutsi.
However, he finally admitted that he had been running the school for three months when the genocide of the Tutsi started.
Ntawangundi explained that there was nothing he could do to protect the victims as he was new to the school and Gitwe, hardly knowing anybody.
In a twist of events, Ingabire has disclosed to 256 News, that well-placed sources close to the Gacaca Executive Secretariat have informed her that Ntawangundi was
told to plead guilty and, in the future, the government would help him
get out of prison. In return, he would assist the government to reveal all the secrets of UDF party.
According to Ingabire, before the ruling, Ntawagundi had a whole day’s meeting with some government officials, among them Gacaca Executive Secretary Dometilla Mukatanganzwa.
The meeting reportedly took place at Gitwe Prison in the office of the head of prison.
256 News has also recieved reports on how the Kigali government has instructed former FDLR rebels who surrendered last year to falsely pin Ingabire and say she is collaborating with the FDLR forces based in the DR Congo jungles.
Ingabire and Ntawangundi both returned from exile in January to register their political party created in exile.
Earlier this week, one of her aides told 256 News they intercepted information that state security agencies are fabricating evidence against Ingabire, who is currently forbidden to leave Rwanda.
NRM Buganda plan revealed.
The Observer
31 March 2010
By EDRIS KIGGUNDU & HUSSEIN BOGERE
The ruling party is mulling over winning back the hearts, minds and possibly votes of Baganda ahead of the 2011 elections, following a fallout that threatens a hitherto major vote base.
Ofwono Opondo, the NRM deputy spokesperson, told The Observer that NRM plans to take the battle to Mengo by ignoring the “unprincipled leaders” there and concentrating on the people that matter; the elected leaders and the peasants who vote.
Ofwono’s reference to unprincipled leaders is understood to mean the Mengo leadership led by the Katikkiro, Eng. J.B. Walusimbi, and his ministers.
“Museveni said he was tired of talking to unprincipled people; so, he opted for the elected people of Buganda like MPs, Local Council chairpersons. By touring Buganda, he is [telling] the voters that the misinformation is between NRM and some unprincipled leaders in Mengo,” Ofwono said.
Indeed Museveni has been touring the Buganda countryside in recent weeks, to draw attention to government programmes and how they can help fight household poverty. During his tours, the President has taken off time to explain why he closed CBS radio and the conditions under which it can be reopened.
Ofwono said that Mengo’s demands are isolating it from the rest of the country and NRM plans to exploit that to the fullest as well.
“Its [Mengo’s] actions since September [2009] show how extremist Mengo can be. It gives us our second strategy; to show people that this has been the character of Mengo. They think they [Mengo] are smarter; but, they are always outsmarted. Unless their character changes, we shall see politics of conflict,” he cautioned.
Ofwono added that some of Buganda’s demands are “excessive, untenable and unsustainable.”
Buganda has over the years demanded a federal system of government and a return of all its ancestral properties. Mengo and the Central Government have recently clashed over the Land Amendment Act, the Regional Tier Bill and the closure of CBS, among others.
DEMANDS
Agreeing with Ofwono on going directly to the people of Buganda, David Mafabi, a presidential assistant and an NRM strategist, told The Observer that the ruling party will stick to the tested methods.
“We are going to engage the ordinary people like we have been doing, we are going to rely on our good track record of delivering services, and I can tell you that we shall win decisively in Buganda,” Mafabi said.
Mafabi further said that Buganda is not going to hold the NRM at ransom with its demands and that government is not going to yield simply because of votes. If CBS is to be reopened, he said, it will not be because of a looming election.
Yet other NRM members and officials from Buganda remain concerned that the party could lose heavily in the sub-region in 2011, unless something is done to improve the relations. Hajj Abdul Nadduli, a bush war veteran and former LC-V chairman of Luwero, told The Observer this week that the opposition had exploited the poor relations between the government and Mengo to make headway in Buganda.
“Today, you hear even someone like [Olara] Otunnu (UPC President) saying he loves Buganda. Tomorrow it is [Norbert] Mao (DP President General),” Nadduli said. Peter Mutuluza, an NRM MP who represents Mawokota South in Mpigi District, said government needs to move quickly to save its political image in Buganda
“The way things are moving, NRM will lose votes in Buganda. It must sit down with Buganda and listen to their demands,” said Mutuluza, who last year voted against the government-backed Land Amendment Bill, a law opposed by Mengo.
These passionate pleas from some NRM members come in the aftermath of the Kasubi Tombs fire, which further damaged an already precarious relationship. President Museveni was heckled and some people tried to block him when he went to tour the gutted tombs. His presidential guard had earlier shot at the protesters before his arrival, killing three people.
While the party is fumbling over a strategy on how to bring Buganda on board ahead of the 2011 elections, some members told us that recent incidents seem to illustrate that government has softened its stance towards Mengo.
Just last week, the Cabinet decided that it would pay Buganda its outstanding property rent arrears, an estimated Shs 20 billion, if Mengo can put its request in writing and both parties verify the figures.
It is also telling that government yielded to Mengo’s protest against state security by not deploying Police or the military during special prayers to mark the end of the five-day mourning period at Kasubi last week.
The security was provided by Kabaka’s royal guards and Nkoba Zambogo, an organisation that unites Buganda youth in education institutions. These gestures, however small, appear to portray a government in an awkward position; trying hard to gain lost ground in the sub-region.
Hajj Nadduli, who once claimed that Museveni and Buganda agreed on federo in the bush, says part of the reason why the NRM has no clear strategy on Buganda is because Museveni is getting conflicting messages from NRM politicians in the sub-region.
“Some tell him not to give Buganda audience. Others tell him things that he wants to hear,” Nadduli says. This was hinted on by the President’s Press Secretary, Tamale Mirundi, who told the press recently that ministers are leaving the President to be bashed instead of coming to his rescue on issues such as CBS.
The NRM is certainly aware of the political implications of losing a significant chunk of the Buganda vote to the opposition.
Already, Museveni’s vote margin in the sub-region has been reducing steadily over the last two presidential elections. Between 2001 and 2006, Museveni’s margin dropped by 355,124 votes.
Having lost heavily in Acholi, Teso and Lango sub-regions, and with the opposition gnawing away at Bugisu and Busoga, losing Buganda could spell disaster for the NRM.
The options
The most obvious way the NRM can significantly mend its relationship with Buganda, in the short term, some party officials say, is by re-opening the Buganda establishment radio, CBS. The kingdom-owned radio was closed in September 2009 during riots in Buganda.
Wherever President Museveni has toured in Buganda, the rallying call from the masses has been for him to reopen the radio. Government accuses CBS of inciting Ugandans to riot and hate the NRM. Discussions between the government and CBS owners have stalled, with Buganda refusing to accept government conditions, including an apology.
Kaddunabbi Lubega, the MP for Butambala, says the critical thing at this moment is for the two sides to talk. “It is important that each party looks at the other’s demands and they find ways of working together in a sober way,” the legislator said.
According to the Katikkiro, J.B. Walusimbi, Buganda is also aggrieved at the creation of tiny kingdoms within Buganda, the blocking of the Kabaka from touring his kingdom as was the case with Buruuli and Bugerere, government’s failure to pay ground rent amounting to billions, government’s refusal to fulfill its promises, and government’s regard of Mengo as rivals every time Mengo openly expresses its opinion.
“All these make the Baganda believe that government is deliberately squeezing Buganda,” Walusimbi told us this week. The Katikkiro added that although Mengo has done all it can to resolve the sticking issues through dialogue, government, on the other hand, appears to be adamant.
He cited the meeting between the Kabaka and President Museveni in the aftermath of the September riots which to date has not borne any fruits. Nadduli says returning Buganda’s properties is a simple matter, which the NRM can do in the same way it returned the properties of the Asians in the 1980s.
31 March 2010
By EDRIS KIGGUNDU & HUSSEIN BOGERE
The ruling party is mulling over winning back the hearts, minds and possibly votes of Baganda ahead of the 2011 elections, following a fallout that threatens a hitherto major vote base.
Ofwono Opondo, the NRM deputy spokesperson, told The Observer that NRM plans to take the battle to Mengo by ignoring the “unprincipled leaders” there and concentrating on the people that matter; the elected leaders and the peasants who vote.
Ofwono’s reference to unprincipled leaders is understood to mean the Mengo leadership led by the Katikkiro, Eng. J.B. Walusimbi, and his ministers.
“Museveni said he was tired of talking to unprincipled people; so, he opted for the elected people of Buganda like MPs, Local Council chairpersons. By touring Buganda, he is [telling] the voters that the misinformation is between NRM and some unprincipled leaders in Mengo,” Ofwono said.
Indeed Museveni has been touring the Buganda countryside in recent weeks, to draw attention to government programmes and how they can help fight household poverty. During his tours, the President has taken off time to explain why he closed CBS radio and the conditions under which it can be reopened.
Ofwono said that Mengo’s demands are isolating it from the rest of the country and NRM plans to exploit that to the fullest as well.
“Its [Mengo’s] actions since September [2009] show how extremist Mengo can be. It gives us our second strategy; to show people that this has been the character of Mengo. They think they [Mengo] are smarter; but, they are always outsmarted. Unless their character changes, we shall see politics of conflict,” he cautioned.
Ofwono added that some of Buganda’s demands are “excessive, untenable and unsustainable.”
Buganda has over the years demanded a federal system of government and a return of all its ancestral properties. Mengo and the Central Government have recently clashed over the Land Amendment Act, the Regional Tier Bill and the closure of CBS, among others.
DEMANDS
Agreeing with Ofwono on going directly to the people of Buganda, David Mafabi, a presidential assistant and an NRM strategist, told The Observer that the ruling party will stick to the tested methods.
“We are going to engage the ordinary people like we have been doing, we are going to rely on our good track record of delivering services, and I can tell you that we shall win decisively in Buganda,” Mafabi said.
Mafabi further said that Buganda is not going to hold the NRM at ransom with its demands and that government is not going to yield simply because of votes. If CBS is to be reopened, he said, it will not be because of a looming election.
Yet other NRM members and officials from Buganda remain concerned that the party could lose heavily in the sub-region in 2011, unless something is done to improve the relations. Hajj Abdul Nadduli, a bush war veteran and former LC-V chairman of Luwero, told The Observer this week that the opposition had exploited the poor relations between the government and Mengo to make headway in Buganda.
“Today, you hear even someone like [Olara] Otunnu (UPC President) saying he loves Buganda. Tomorrow it is [Norbert] Mao (DP President General),” Nadduli said. Peter Mutuluza, an NRM MP who represents Mawokota South in Mpigi District, said government needs to move quickly to save its political image in Buganda
“The way things are moving, NRM will lose votes in Buganda. It must sit down with Buganda and listen to their demands,” said Mutuluza, who last year voted against the government-backed Land Amendment Bill, a law opposed by Mengo.
These passionate pleas from some NRM members come in the aftermath of the Kasubi Tombs fire, which further damaged an already precarious relationship. President Museveni was heckled and some people tried to block him when he went to tour the gutted tombs. His presidential guard had earlier shot at the protesters before his arrival, killing three people.
While the party is fumbling over a strategy on how to bring Buganda on board ahead of the 2011 elections, some members told us that recent incidents seem to illustrate that government has softened its stance towards Mengo.
Just last week, the Cabinet decided that it would pay Buganda its outstanding property rent arrears, an estimated Shs 20 billion, if Mengo can put its request in writing and both parties verify the figures.
It is also telling that government yielded to Mengo’s protest against state security by not deploying Police or the military during special prayers to mark the end of the five-day mourning period at Kasubi last week.
The security was provided by Kabaka’s royal guards and Nkoba Zambogo, an organisation that unites Buganda youth in education institutions. These gestures, however small, appear to portray a government in an awkward position; trying hard to gain lost ground in the sub-region.
Hajj Nadduli, who once claimed that Museveni and Buganda agreed on federo in the bush, says part of the reason why the NRM has no clear strategy on Buganda is because Museveni is getting conflicting messages from NRM politicians in the sub-region.
“Some tell him not to give Buganda audience. Others tell him things that he wants to hear,” Nadduli says. This was hinted on by the President’s Press Secretary, Tamale Mirundi, who told the press recently that ministers are leaving the President to be bashed instead of coming to his rescue on issues such as CBS.
The NRM is certainly aware of the political implications of losing a significant chunk of the Buganda vote to the opposition.
Already, Museveni’s vote margin in the sub-region has been reducing steadily over the last two presidential elections. Between 2001 and 2006, Museveni’s margin dropped by 355,124 votes.
Having lost heavily in Acholi, Teso and Lango sub-regions, and with the opposition gnawing away at Bugisu and Busoga, losing Buganda could spell disaster for the NRM.
The options
The most obvious way the NRM can significantly mend its relationship with Buganda, in the short term, some party officials say, is by re-opening the Buganda establishment radio, CBS. The kingdom-owned radio was closed in September 2009 during riots in Buganda.
Wherever President Museveni has toured in Buganda, the rallying call from the masses has been for him to reopen the radio. Government accuses CBS of inciting Ugandans to riot and hate the NRM. Discussions between the government and CBS owners have stalled, with Buganda refusing to accept government conditions, including an apology.
Kaddunabbi Lubega, the MP for Butambala, says the critical thing at this moment is for the two sides to talk. “It is important that each party looks at the other’s demands and they find ways of working together in a sober way,” the legislator said.
According to the Katikkiro, J.B. Walusimbi, Buganda is also aggrieved at the creation of tiny kingdoms within Buganda, the blocking of the Kabaka from touring his kingdom as was the case with Buruuli and Bugerere, government’s failure to pay ground rent amounting to billions, government’s refusal to fulfill its promises, and government’s regard of Mengo as rivals every time Mengo openly expresses its opinion.
“All these make the Baganda believe that government is deliberately squeezing Buganda,” Walusimbi told us this week. The Katikkiro added that although Mengo has done all it can to resolve the sticking issues through dialogue, government, on the other hand, appears to be adamant.
He cited the meeting between the Kabaka and President Museveni in the aftermath of the September riots which to date has not borne any fruits. Nadduli says returning Buganda’s properties is a simple matter, which the NRM can do in the same way it returned the properties of the Asians in the 1980s.
FDU/UDF-Inkingi révèlent rapidement la nature totalitaire du régime rwandais du FPR Etat des lieux après 2 mois et demi de présence dans le pays.
UDF/FDU-Inkingi
Press Release
Le 16 janvier 2010 rentrait au Rwanda, après 16 ans d’exil, une opposante politique, Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Présidente des Forces démocratiques unifiées FDU-Inkingi, afin de faire agréer sa formation politique et participer aux élections présidentielles prévues en août 2010.
La décision de rentrer au pays, faut-il le rappeler, a été prise après analyse approfondie du contexte politique, des défis et des enjeux, ainsi que des différents scenarii d’action politique et des risques liés à chacun d’eux. Il est apparu pour les FDU-Inkingi que le pari de la lutte démocratique pacifique était le mieux à même de soutenir notre projet politique et de construire un pays hospitalier à tous les Rwandais.
Mais cette perspective s’adressait non seulement au peuple rwandais mais aussi à ses dirigeants actuels. Nous attendions de ces derniers qu’ils fassent montre de bonne volonté, ouvrent l’espace politique, permettent le débat contradictoire autour des projets de société afin que le peuple fasse en connaissance de cause son choix, notamment lors d’élections. Tel ne fut malheureusement pas le cas, le régime du Front Patriotique Rwandais « FPR » nous érigea au contraire des obstacles progressivement infranchissables, démontrant ainsi, dans un délai de moins de deux mois, sa nature totalitaire. Quelques exemples nous permettent d’étayer ce constat.
1.Le refus d’octroyer des passeports aux exilés membres des FDU-Inkingi
Après avoir annoncé leur volonté de rentrer au Rwanda, une dizaine de membres pressentis pour mener le combat politique à l’intérieur du pays ont sollicité des passeports. Leurs demandes sont restées sans réponse jusqu’à aujourd’hui à l’exception de deux passeports dont celui de la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi. Ceci est d’autant plus incompréhensible que le gouvernement rwandais multiplie des opérations envers le HCR et les pays africains qui hébergent des réfugiés rwandais afin de les rentrer de force au Rwanda.
2.Des rapports télécommandés pour accuser faussement l’opposition politique
Le 23 Novembre 2009, sortait un rapport dit des Nations Unies sur les FDLR opérant en République Démocratique du Congo. Sans en apporter la moindre preuve, par exemple du contenu des conversations, ce rapport accusait certains dirigeants des FDU-Inkingi de collaborer avec ladite opposition armée. La Présidente des FDU-Inkingi était accusée d’avoir rencontré en Espagne en 2006, certains dirigeants des Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda « FDLR ». Le rapport omet de mentionner que des représentants du gouvernement et des survivants du génocide rwandais participaient aussi à cette réunion consacrée à la paix, facilitée par la Fondation Solivar.
Le timing de publication de ce rapport avec l’annonce de la décision des FDU-Inkingi de participer aux élections présidentielles rwandaises d’août 2010, la légèreté des éléments de preuve à l’encontre de notre formation ainsi que l’utilisation quasi-instantané de ce rapport par le gouvernement rwandais, pour empêcher la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi d’exercer ses droits politiques, laissent suspecter l’immixtion du régime du FPR, dans la réalisation de ce rapport. Ce dernier est en outre, rappelons-le, rejeté par tous les pays de la région des Grands Lacs Africains accusés dans ledit rapport, à savoir le Burundi, l’Ouganda et la Tanzanie.
3.Le lynchage médiatique par les médias publics et privés sous le joug du pouvoir
Le 16 janvier 2010, jour de son retour au Rwanda, la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi est allée le se recueillir au Mémorial du génocide de Gisozi. Répondant à une question d’un journaliste, elle a rappelé que l’unité et la réconciliation ne seront pleinement atteintes que lorsque tous les coupables de génocide contre les Tutsi mais aussi de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité commis à l’encontre des Hutus, seront traduits en justice. Le lendemain de cette déclaration, le quotidien pro-gouvernemental The News Times lançait une véritable campagne de haine et de déshumanisation à l’encontre de Mme Ingabire qu’il accusait faussement de négationnisme. Cette campagne de lynchage fut suivie par d’autres journaux et médias d’Etat, y compris la radio et la télévision nationales. Les hautes autorités de l’Etat comme les ministres ainsi que les chefs de partis alliés au FPR s’en mêlèrent et appellent au supplice de la Présidentes des FDU-Inkingi. Cette campagne d’intimidation atteindra son paroxysme lorsque le Président de la République intimera lui-même l’ordre à la justice d’engager des poursuites contre Mme Ingabire.
4.Les agressions physiques, autre moyen d’intimidation
Alors qu’ils se rendaient au bureau administratif du secteur Kinyinya suite à l’appel du Secrétaire exécutif de ce secteur pour retirer des documents administratifs, la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi et son assistant furent agressés dans les bureaux de l’administration publique par une bande de jeunes vraisemblablement dressés pour la cause. Mme Ingabire se vit arracher son sac à main, lequel contenait ses papiers d’identité et ses effets personnels. Aucune enquête ne fut diligentée pour retrouver et sanctionner les malfrats.
5.Les enquêtes policières et judiciaires, autre stratégie pour criminaliser l’opposition
Après les ordres donnés par le Président de la République, le Département des Investigations Criminelles de la police rwandaise convoqua quasi-instantanément la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi pour lui signifier les charges qui pesaient contre elle, à savoir l’atteinte à la sûreté de l’Etat, le divisionnisme, le véhicule de l’idéologie génocidaire, la minimalisation du génocide, la collaboration avec les FDLR, et, cerises sur le gâteau, le trouble de la sécurité publique par des attentats à la grenade ainsi que le projet de renverser un gouvernement légal. On se rappellera qu’un autre opposant politique, Monsieur Deogratias Mushayidi ainsi que des officiers supérieurs de l’armée, en rupture avec le régime, sont accusées des mêmes infractions.
S’ensuivirent des convocations et des interrogatoires devenues répétitives destinées à briser le mental de Mme Ingabire dont certains pouvaient durer jusqu’à 10 heures de suite.
6.L’interdiction de tenir le congrès constitutif du parti
La réalité voudrait que Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, n’ayant été jugée coupable par aucun tribunal, bénéficie de la présomption d’innocence. Mais quelle n’a pas été la surprise quand le Maire de Nyarugenge, après avoir usé de tous les subterfuges lors de demandes précédentes, refusa de lui délivrer l’autorisation de tenir une réunion publique sous le prétexte qu’elle faisait l’objet d’enquêtes policières. Cette interdiction est aussi justifiée, d’après Madame le Maire, par le fait que l’administration ne saurait pas le contenu des déclarations de la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi, confirmant ainsi que seuls, ceux qui parlent le même langage que le FPR, ont droit à l’espace politique au Rwanda. Cette position fut reprise et confirmée par le Ministre ayant en charge les partis politiques et l’administration locale dans ses attributions, tout cela en violation flagrante des dispositions légales en vigueur.
7.L’action de fomenter des divisions et des putschs au sein des partis d’opposition
Les trois partis d’opposition à savoir le PS-Imberakuri, seul parti d’opposition agréé à ce jour, le Democratic Green Party of Rwanda et les FDU-Inkingi, deux formations qui cherchent encore à se faire enregistrer, ont créé un conseil de concertation permanent afin de se renforcer mutuellement en menant en commun certaines actions politiques et diplomatiques. Ce Conseil était devenu donc un casse-tête pour le régime en place qui décida de passer à la vitesse supérieure pour lui barrer la route. Alors que des obstacles non légaux sont dressés devant les formations politiques de l’opposition pour ne pas tenir leur réunion, c’est par des facilités déconcertantes que des dissidents dociles obtinrent les autorisations nécessaires pour tenir leur congrès extraordinaire et ainsi chasser le Président légal et légitime du parti PS-Imberakuri, Me Bernard Ntaganda.
8.Les entraves à la liberté d’aller et venir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du pays.
Après plus de 15 ans d’exil, Mme Ingabire cherchait à découvrir le pays. Mais tous ses déplacements furent surveillés à la loupe afin d’empêcher tout contact avec la population, laquelle commençait à montrer un certain enthousiasme aux encouragements de sortir de la peur qu’elle leur prodiguait et à l’idée d’une alternance politique pacifique. Le 23 mars 2010, alors que Mme Ingabire ne faisait l’objet d’aucun contrôle judiciaire la contraignant à rester au Rwanda, elle fut empêchée de prendre l’avion à l’aéroport international de Kanombe pour rendre visite à sa famille.
Mr Ntaganda, Président du parti PS-Imberakuri, a lui aussi été empêché à plusieurs reprises d’installer les organes statutaires de son parti dans les provinces.
Conclusion
Les obstacles que le régime dresse contre ses opposants politiques, obstacles que l’entrée des FDU-Inkingi sur la scène politique rwandaise vient de mettre au grand jour, révèlent la nature d’un pouvoir qui veut interpréter la loi et les procédures à sa guise, qui a des difficultés énormes à tolérer le débat contradictoire, qui éprouve des graves embarras à accepter l’opposition politique et qui considère la force comme le seul argument qui compte dans la gestion politique. Tous ces attributs sont ceux d’un pouvoir totalitaire dont il faut sérieusement craindre qu’ils ne fassent dérailler le processus politique en cours en vue des élections présidentielles d’août 2010.
Cette mise à nue du caractère totalitaire du FPR survient étonnamment rapidement et montre une fois encore qu’il est temps que le régime comprenne que la démocratie est indubitable, qu’elle arrivera tôt ou tard et que, devant la détermination de plus en plus perceptible de la population, rien ne l’arrêtera.
Fait à Kigali, le 31 mars 2010
Les Forces Démocratiques Unifiées-Inkingi
Press Release
Le 16 janvier 2010 rentrait au Rwanda, après 16 ans d’exil, une opposante politique, Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Présidente des Forces démocratiques unifiées FDU-Inkingi, afin de faire agréer sa formation politique et participer aux élections présidentielles prévues en août 2010.
La décision de rentrer au pays, faut-il le rappeler, a été prise après analyse approfondie du contexte politique, des défis et des enjeux, ainsi que des différents scenarii d’action politique et des risques liés à chacun d’eux. Il est apparu pour les FDU-Inkingi que le pari de la lutte démocratique pacifique était le mieux à même de soutenir notre projet politique et de construire un pays hospitalier à tous les Rwandais.
Mais cette perspective s’adressait non seulement au peuple rwandais mais aussi à ses dirigeants actuels. Nous attendions de ces derniers qu’ils fassent montre de bonne volonté, ouvrent l’espace politique, permettent le débat contradictoire autour des projets de société afin que le peuple fasse en connaissance de cause son choix, notamment lors d’élections. Tel ne fut malheureusement pas le cas, le régime du Front Patriotique Rwandais « FPR » nous érigea au contraire des obstacles progressivement infranchissables, démontrant ainsi, dans un délai de moins de deux mois, sa nature totalitaire. Quelques exemples nous permettent d’étayer ce constat.
1.Le refus d’octroyer des passeports aux exilés membres des FDU-Inkingi
Après avoir annoncé leur volonté de rentrer au Rwanda, une dizaine de membres pressentis pour mener le combat politique à l’intérieur du pays ont sollicité des passeports. Leurs demandes sont restées sans réponse jusqu’à aujourd’hui à l’exception de deux passeports dont celui de la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi. Ceci est d’autant plus incompréhensible que le gouvernement rwandais multiplie des opérations envers le HCR et les pays africains qui hébergent des réfugiés rwandais afin de les rentrer de force au Rwanda.
2.Des rapports télécommandés pour accuser faussement l’opposition politique
Le 23 Novembre 2009, sortait un rapport dit des Nations Unies sur les FDLR opérant en République Démocratique du Congo. Sans en apporter la moindre preuve, par exemple du contenu des conversations, ce rapport accusait certains dirigeants des FDU-Inkingi de collaborer avec ladite opposition armée. La Présidente des FDU-Inkingi était accusée d’avoir rencontré en Espagne en 2006, certains dirigeants des Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda « FDLR ». Le rapport omet de mentionner que des représentants du gouvernement et des survivants du génocide rwandais participaient aussi à cette réunion consacrée à la paix, facilitée par la Fondation Solivar.
Le timing de publication de ce rapport avec l’annonce de la décision des FDU-Inkingi de participer aux élections présidentielles rwandaises d’août 2010, la légèreté des éléments de preuve à l’encontre de notre formation ainsi que l’utilisation quasi-instantané de ce rapport par le gouvernement rwandais, pour empêcher la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi d’exercer ses droits politiques, laissent suspecter l’immixtion du régime du FPR, dans la réalisation de ce rapport. Ce dernier est en outre, rappelons-le, rejeté par tous les pays de la région des Grands Lacs Africains accusés dans ledit rapport, à savoir le Burundi, l’Ouganda et la Tanzanie.
3.Le lynchage médiatique par les médias publics et privés sous le joug du pouvoir
Le 16 janvier 2010, jour de son retour au Rwanda, la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi est allée le se recueillir au Mémorial du génocide de Gisozi. Répondant à une question d’un journaliste, elle a rappelé que l’unité et la réconciliation ne seront pleinement atteintes que lorsque tous les coupables de génocide contre les Tutsi mais aussi de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité commis à l’encontre des Hutus, seront traduits en justice. Le lendemain de cette déclaration, le quotidien pro-gouvernemental The News Times lançait une véritable campagne de haine et de déshumanisation à l’encontre de Mme Ingabire qu’il accusait faussement de négationnisme. Cette campagne de lynchage fut suivie par d’autres journaux et médias d’Etat, y compris la radio et la télévision nationales. Les hautes autorités de l’Etat comme les ministres ainsi que les chefs de partis alliés au FPR s’en mêlèrent et appellent au supplice de la Présidentes des FDU-Inkingi. Cette campagne d’intimidation atteindra son paroxysme lorsque le Président de la République intimera lui-même l’ordre à la justice d’engager des poursuites contre Mme Ingabire.
4.Les agressions physiques, autre moyen d’intimidation
Alors qu’ils se rendaient au bureau administratif du secteur Kinyinya suite à l’appel du Secrétaire exécutif de ce secteur pour retirer des documents administratifs, la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi et son assistant furent agressés dans les bureaux de l’administration publique par une bande de jeunes vraisemblablement dressés pour la cause. Mme Ingabire se vit arracher son sac à main, lequel contenait ses papiers d’identité et ses effets personnels. Aucune enquête ne fut diligentée pour retrouver et sanctionner les malfrats.
5.Les enquêtes policières et judiciaires, autre stratégie pour criminaliser l’opposition
Après les ordres donnés par le Président de la République, le Département des Investigations Criminelles de la police rwandaise convoqua quasi-instantanément la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi pour lui signifier les charges qui pesaient contre elle, à savoir l’atteinte à la sûreté de l’Etat, le divisionnisme, le véhicule de l’idéologie génocidaire, la minimalisation du génocide, la collaboration avec les FDLR, et, cerises sur le gâteau, le trouble de la sécurité publique par des attentats à la grenade ainsi que le projet de renverser un gouvernement légal. On se rappellera qu’un autre opposant politique, Monsieur Deogratias Mushayidi ainsi que des officiers supérieurs de l’armée, en rupture avec le régime, sont accusées des mêmes infractions.
S’ensuivirent des convocations et des interrogatoires devenues répétitives destinées à briser le mental de Mme Ingabire dont certains pouvaient durer jusqu’à 10 heures de suite.
6.L’interdiction de tenir le congrès constitutif du parti
La réalité voudrait que Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, n’ayant été jugée coupable par aucun tribunal, bénéficie de la présomption d’innocence. Mais quelle n’a pas été la surprise quand le Maire de Nyarugenge, après avoir usé de tous les subterfuges lors de demandes précédentes, refusa de lui délivrer l’autorisation de tenir une réunion publique sous le prétexte qu’elle faisait l’objet d’enquêtes policières. Cette interdiction est aussi justifiée, d’après Madame le Maire, par le fait que l’administration ne saurait pas le contenu des déclarations de la Présidente des FDU-Inkingi, confirmant ainsi que seuls, ceux qui parlent le même langage que le FPR, ont droit à l’espace politique au Rwanda. Cette position fut reprise et confirmée par le Ministre ayant en charge les partis politiques et l’administration locale dans ses attributions, tout cela en violation flagrante des dispositions légales en vigueur.
7.L’action de fomenter des divisions et des putschs au sein des partis d’opposition
Les trois partis d’opposition à savoir le PS-Imberakuri, seul parti d’opposition agréé à ce jour, le Democratic Green Party of Rwanda et les FDU-Inkingi, deux formations qui cherchent encore à se faire enregistrer, ont créé un conseil de concertation permanent afin de se renforcer mutuellement en menant en commun certaines actions politiques et diplomatiques. Ce Conseil était devenu donc un casse-tête pour le régime en place qui décida de passer à la vitesse supérieure pour lui barrer la route. Alors que des obstacles non légaux sont dressés devant les formations politiques de l’opposition pour ne pas tenir leur réunion, c’est par des facilités déconcertantes que des dissidents dociles obtinrent les autorisations nécessaires pour tenir leur congrès extraordinaire et ainsi chasser le Président légal et légitime du parti PS-Imberakuri, Me Bernard Ntaganda.
8.Les entraves à la liberté d’aller et venir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du pays.
Après plus de 15 ans d’exil, Mme Ingabire cherchait à découvrir le pays. Mais tous ses déplacements furent surveillés à la loupe afin d’empêcher tout contact avec la population, laquelle commençait à montrer un certain enthousiasme aux encouragements de sortir de la peur qu’elle leur prodiguait et à l’idée d’une alternance politique pacifique. Le 23 mars 2010, alors que Mme Ingabire ne faisait l’objet d’aucun contrôle judiciaire la contraignant à rester au Rwanda, elle fut empêchée de prendre l’avion à l’aéroport international de Kanombe pour rendre visite à sa famille.
Mr Ntaganda, Président du parti PS-Imberakuri, a lui aussi été empêché à plusieurs reprises d’installer les organes statutaires de son parti dans les provinces.
Conclusion
Les obstacles que le régime dresse contre ses opposants politiques, obstacles que l’entrée des FDU-Inkingi sur la scène politique rwandaise vient de mettre au grand jour, révèlent la nature d’un pouvoir qui veut interpréter la loi et les procédures à sa guise, qui a des difficultés énormes à tolérer le débat contradictoire, qui éprouve des graves embarras à accepter l’opposition politique et qui considère la force comme le seul argument qui compte dans la gestion politique. Tous ces attributs sont ceux d’un pouvoir totalitaire dont il faut sérieusement craindre qu’ils ne fassent dérailler le processus politique en cours en vue des élections présidentielles d’août 2010.
Cette mise à nue du caractère totalitaire du FPR survient étonnamment rapidement et montre une fois encore qu’il est temps que le régime comprenne que la démocratie est indubitable, qu’elle arrivera tôt ou tard et que, devant la détermination de plus en plus perceptible de la population, rien ne l’arrêtera.
Fait à Kigali, le 31 mars 2010
Les Forces Démocratiques Unifiées-Inkingi
Congolese Women Offer Prescriptions for Ending Sexual Violence in Congo.
By Bibiane Aningina Tshefu, Women’s Coordinator & Adviser, Friends of the Congo
and
Kambale Musavuli, Student Coordinator & Spokesperson, Friends of the Congo
During the week of March 1-12, 2010, several women from the D.R. Congo came to New York to participate at the United Nations 54th Commission on the Status of Women. This is a high level annual international Women’s Forum. The Congolese women represented both government and non-government sectors as well as different provinces of their country. They had ample opportunity to raise their concerns to the gathering during assembly, speak to United Nations officials, policy-makers, members of the New York civil society and community, as well as key members of President Obama’s administration.
The women came with a singular focus, to articulate how Congolese women felt the global community could best address the fourteen-year conflict in the D.R. Congo. Wherever the women ventured, whether it was a community forum in Harlem, gathering at local churches, forums at the United Nations or meetings with Obama administration officials, they articulated a consistent and resolute message. Listen to the Congolese for a change: as “we have repeatedly shared with the international community how they can optimally participate in bringing an end to the geo-strategic resource war in the Congo.”
Western based Think Tanks, humanitarian institutions and policy makers often argue that they have tried everything to bring an end to the conflict. However, a cursory look at the policies that have been prescribed or implemented reveals that almost every policy option tried, has avoided core grassroots women recommendations. Policies implemented by the international community are marked by a reluctance to pressure U.S. and British allies Rwanda, led by Paul Kagame and Uganda, headed by Yoweri Museveni. Also, in spite of the myriad United Nations studies (http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/reports), there has been deadly silence around the role of western mining interests in the perpetuation of the conflict.
The Congolese women shared the following prescriptions to bring an end to the conflict:
1. Call for an Inter-Rwandan dialogue between Rwanda’s Tutsi leadership and Hutu rebels inside Congo. There are no military solutions to what is essentially a political crisis.
2. Opening and expansion of democratic space inside both Rwanda and Uganda so their internal conflicts will cease being fought on the bodies of Congolese women.
3. Greater participation in political life and the decision-making process on the part of Congolese women.
4. Redirection of focus on the part of the global community from targeting the symptoms or effects of the conflict to addressing the root causes - primarily a foreign resource war being waged inside Congo to the detriment of innocent civilians.
In the final analysis, Sexual violence is a consequence of war, therefore, in order to end the violence against women, the conflict must end which requires an end to impunity inside the Congo and in the international community’s involvement in the Congo.
Click on below links to read the messages from the women:
Senator Eve Bazaiba Masudi – "The Political Implication of Congolese Women, for Change and the Promotion of Good Governance in the DRC "
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/bazaiba.pdf
Mme Annie Matundu Mbambi - "The Role and Involvement of Women in the Congolese Peace Process"
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/matundu.pdf
Mme Jeanine Gabrielle Ngungu - "The Problematic of Violence Against Women: A Major Challenge in the National Reconstruction Process"
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/ngungu.pdf
Mme Marie-Claire Faray - "A Message From Congolese Women on the 8th March International Women's Day"
http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/2010/03/message-from-congolese-women-on-8th.php
Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) message from Congolese women. Video message read by Katherin Machalek, WILPF consultant.
http://webcast.un.org/ramgen/ondemand/conferences/unhrc/thirteenth/hrc100324am2-eng.rm?start=01:03:02&end=01:05:12
and
Kambale Musavuli, Student Coordinator & Spokesperson, Friends of the Congo
During the week of March 1-12, 2010, several women from the D.R. Congo came to New York to participate at the United Nations 54th Commission on the Status of Women. This is a high level annual international Women’s Forum. The Congolese women represented both government and non-government sectors as well as different provinces of their country. They had ample opportunity to raise their concerns to the gathering during assembly, speak to United Nations officials, policy-makers, members of the New York civil society and community, as well as key members of President Obama’s administration.
The women came with a singular focus, to articulate how Congolese women felt the global community could best address the fourteen-year conflict in the D.R. Congo. Wherever the women ventured, whether it was a community forum in Harlem, gathering at local churches, forums at the United Nations or meetings with Obama administration officials, they articulated a consistent and resolute message. Listen to the Congolese for a change: as “we have repeatedly shared with the international community how they can optimally participate in bringing an end to the geo-strategic resource war in the Congo.”
Western based Think Tanks, humanitarian institutions and policy makers often argue that they have tried everything to bring an end to the conflict. However, a cursory look at the policies that have been prescribed or implemented reveals that almost every policy option tried, has avoided core grassroots women recommendations. Policies implemented by the international community are marked by a reluctance to pressure U.S. and British allies Rwanda, led by Paul Kagame and Uganda, headed by Yoweri Museveni. Also, in spite of the myriad United Nations studies (http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/reports), there has been deadly silence around the role of western mining interests in the perpetuation of the conflict.
The Congolese women shared the following prescriptions to bring an end to the conflict:
1. Call for an Inter-Rwandan dialogue between Rwanda’s Tutsi leadership and Hutu rebels inside Congo. There are no military solutions to what is essentially a political crisis.
2. Opening and expansion of democratic space inside both Rwanda and Uganda so their internal conflicts will cease being fought on the bodies of Congolese women.
3. Greater participation in political life and the decision-making process on the part of Congolese women.
4. Redirection of focus on the part of the global community from targeting the symptoms or effects of the conflict to addressing the root causes - primarily a foreign resource war being waged inside Congo to the detriment of innocent civilians.
In the final analysis, Sexual violence is a consequence of war, therefore, in order to end the violence against women, the conflict must end which requires an end to impunity inside the Congo and in the international community’s involvement in the Congo.
Click on below links to read the messages from the women:
Senator Eve Bazaiba Masudi – "The Political Implication of Congolese Women, for Change and the Promotion of Good Governance in the DRC "
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/bazaiba.pdf
Mme Annie Matundu Mbambi - "The Role and Involvement of Women in the Congolese Peace Process"
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/matundu.pdf
Mme Jeanine Gabrielle Ngungu - "The Problematic of Violence Against Women: A Major Challenge in the National Reconstruction Process"
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/ngungu.pdf
Mme Marie-Claire Faray - "A Message From Congolese Women on the 8th March International Women's Day"
http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/2010/03/message-from-congolese-women-on-8th.php
Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) message from Congolese women. Video message read by Katherin Machalek, WILPF consultant.
http://webcast.un.org/ramgen/ondemand/conferences/unhrc/thirteenth/hrc100324am2-eng.rm?start=01:03:02&end=01:05:12
31 March, 2010
TFG and Puntland presidents meet in Ethiopia.
Garowe Online
31 March 2010
The President of Somalia's Puntland State government has held talks with the president of the T ransitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, Radio Garowe reports.
The talks were held on a hotel where both officials live in Addis Ababa and focused mainly on the recent disagreement between the TFG and Puntland leaders over a harmonised accord that would allow the two administrations to work together under a federal umbrella.
According to a Puntland government official who requested not to be named, the meeting between Puntland President Abdirahman Mohammed Farole and Somali TFG President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed was not pre-planned one.
International players who are concerned about Somalia are said to be pushing talks between the two leaders in a bid to iron out the misunderstanding. Mr. Sharif and Mr. Farole met last November in Nairobi for their first-ever face to face discussions, but the talks ended in dispute
The Addis Ababa meetings come after representatives of both sides previously failed to agree on certain issues about the accord which its first phase was signed by TFG Prime Minister and Puntland President on August 23 last year in the Puntland city of of Galkayo.
Before landing in Ethiopian capital, Sharif’s delegation was in a tour to African countries, including Libya, Kenya and Djibouti where he was marshalling support for his fragile government’s plan to carry out offensives against the insurgents.
American officials quoted by Associated Press said Washington is mulling over possibilities of lending helping hands including the use of American drones to the TFG offensives.
31 March 2010
The President of Somalia's Puntland State government has held talks with the president of the T ransitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, Radio Garowe reports.
The talks were held on a hotel where both officials live in Addis Ababa and focused mainly on the recent disagreement between the TFG and Puntland leaders over a harmonised accord that would allow the two administrations to work together under a federal umbrella.
According to a Puntland government official who requested not to be named, the meeting between Puntland President Abdirahman Mohammed Farole and Somali TFG President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed was not pre-planned one.
International players who are concerned about Somalia are said to be pushing talks between the two leaders in a bid to iron out the misunderstanding. Mr. Sharif and Mr. Farole met last November in Nairobi for their first-ever face to face discussions, but the talks ended in dispute
The Addis Ababa meetings come after representatives of both sides previously failed to agree on certain issues about the accord which its first phase was signed by TFG Prime Minister and Puntland President on August 23 last year in the Puntland city of of Galkayo.
Before landing in Ethiopian capital, Sharif’s delegation was in a tour to African countries, including Libya, Kenya and Djibouti where he was marshalling support for his fragile government’s plan to carry out offensives against the insurgents.
American officials quoted by Associated Press said Washington is mulling over possibilities of lending helping hands including the use of American drones to the TFG offensives.
Bundeswehr to train Somali Army in Uganda.
AP
31 March 2010
Germany will contribute up to 20 soldiers to an EU mission to train Somali government forces in East Africa.
Government spokesperson Christoph Steegmans said the Cabinet approved Germany's participation on Wednesday. The German soldiers will be deployed in May and remain in East Africa for a year.
The mission - made up of around 100 European military experts - will train around 2 000 Somali soldiers in nearby Uganda.
31 March 2010
Germany will contribute up to 20 soldiers to an EU mission to train Somali government forces in East Africa.
Government spokesperson Christoph Steegmans said the Cabinet approved Germany's participation on Wednesday. The German soldiers will be deployed in May and remain in East Africa for a year.
The mission - made up of around 100 European military experts - will train around 2 000 Somali soldiers in nearby Uganda.
Pentagon eyeing drone shift to aid Somalia.
AP
By LOLITA C. BALDOR and PAULINE JELINEK
30 March 2010
The Pentagon is considering dispatching surveillance drones and other limited military support for a Somali government offensive against al-Qaida-linked insurgents, U.S. officials said, part of a cautious move to increase U.S. assistance to the anarchic African nation.
U.S. diplomats are pressing Somali leaders to detail the goals of the looming assault, in order to figure out the most appropriate ways the U.S. can help.
Determined to avoid a visible American footprint on the ground or fingerprints on Somalia's shaky government, U.S. officials are struggling to find the right balance between seizing the opportunity to take out al-Qaida insurgents there and avoiding the appearance of a U.S. occupation.
Any U.S. moves in Somalia are haunted by the disastrous 1993 U.S. military assault into the Somali capital — made famous in the book and movie "Black Hawk Down." The strike left 18 U.S. soldiers dead.
American diplomats have been meeting in Kenya with leaders of Somalia's embattled government, urging them to think beyond military objectives and focus more on improving their governing.
U.S. officials want the Somali government to determine how to provide services to its people once the fighting is over, and work to gain support among more moderate groups.
While American diplomats are huddling with the Somalis in the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, Pentagon leaders are preparing a range of options to help boost Somalia's weak security forces.
One proposal would move surveillance drones to the Horn of Africa from an island in the Seychelles, where several unarmed Reaper systems were sent last fall for counter-piracy operations in the western Indian Ocean. The move would represent a more enduring U.S. commitment, which also would be largely invisible to the population.
Armed versions of the pilotless aircraft have been used to tail and fire missiles at militants in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iraq, but the U.S. has also used them in Yemen to monitor insurgents from the air.
U.S. defense and Western diplomatic officials spoke about the deliberations on condition of anonymity because final decisions have not been made.
While administration officials said that sending U.S. troops into the embattled country is not seen as a viable option, they say they are not ruling out the use of small numbers of U.S. commandos when necessary for specific operations — much as they have done in the past.
Right now, however, there are no American military advisers in Somalia assisting the government there, and the U.S. is not managing or planning any of the military operations. Officials said the Somali government has not yet made any specific request for military aid.
"This is not an American conflict," Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson told reporters in a recent briefing. "It will be up to the Somalis to ultimately resolve this conflict. The U.S., along with others in the international community, can contribute in a supporting role, which we do and acknowledge, but not to become directly engaged in any of the conflict on the ground there."
Officials are concerned that any taint of U.S. interference or direct military support will only fuel the Somali insurgency. Over the past year or two, al-Shabab has grown from a clan-based collection of militants to a terror organization more closely aligned with al-Qaida.
U.S. officials have become increasingly concerned that battle-hardened al-Qaida insurgents are moving out of havens along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border into Somalia, where vast ungoverned spaces allow them to train and mobilize recruits without interference. Officials also warn that militants frequently cross the Gulf of Aden, moving between Yemen and Somalia.
At the same time, young Somalis have traveled from the United States back to Somalia to fight with the insurgents, stoking fears that they could return to plot attacks in the U.S.
The bulk of U.S. aid that has recently been sent to Somalia has been delivered to Uganda, Burundi and Djibouti. Several African nations have pledged forces to the African Union's peacekeeping force in Somalia, known as AMISOM, and there are now more than 5,000 troops stationed in the country.
But in several previous operations the U.S. has provided intelligence and surveillance information, and — as recently as last September — delivered a surgical strike against a convoy that reportedly killed powerful insurgent Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan.
The Somalis have been saying for months that government troops will soon launch an offensive against al-Shabab in an effort to expand the government's area of control. But widespread problems, including corrupt officials and a lack of supplies, have delayed the launch.
By LOLITA C. BALDOR and PAULINE JELINEK
30 March 2010
The Pentagon is considering dispatching surveillance drones and other limited military support for a Somali government offensive against al-Qaida-linked insurgents, U.S. officials said, part of a cautious move to increase U.S. assistance to the anarchic African nation.
U.S. diplomats are pressing Somali leaders to detail the goals of the looming assault, in order to figure out the most appropriate ways the U.S. can help.
Determined to avoid a visible American footprint on the ground or fingerprints on Somalia's shaky government, U.S. officials are struggling to find the right balance between seizing the opportunity to take out al-Qaida insurgents there and avoiding the appearance of a U.S. occupation.
Any U.S. moves in Somalia are haunted by the disastrous 1993 U.S. military assault into the Somali capital — made famous in the book and movie "Black Hawk Down." The strike left 18 U.S. soldiers dead.
American diplomats have been meeting in Kenya with leaders of Somalia's embattled government, urging them to think beyond military objectives and focus more on improving their governing.
U.S. officials want the Somali government to determine how to provide services to its people once the fighting is over, and work to gain support among more moderate groups.
While American diplomats are huddling with the Somalis in the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, Pentagon leaders are preparing a range of options to help boost Somalia's weak security forces.
One proposal would move surveillance drones to the Horn of Africa from an island in the Seychelles, where several unarmed Reaper systems were sent last fall for counter-piracy operations in the western Indian Ocean. The move would represent a more enduring U.S. commitment, which also would be largely invisible to the population.
Armed versions of the pilotless aircraft have been used to tail and fire missiles at militants in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iraq, but the U.S. has also used them in Yemen to monitor insurgents from the air.
U.S. defense and Western diplomatic officials spoke about the deliberations on condition of anonymity because final decisions have not been made.
While administration officials said that sending U.S. troops into the embattled country is not seen as a viable option, they say they are not ruling out the use of small numbers of U.S. commandos when necessary for specific operations — much as they have done in the past.
Right now, however, there are no American military advisers in Somalia assisting the government there, and the U.S. is not managing or planning any of the military operations. Officials said the Somali government has not yet made any specific request for military aid.
"This is not an American conflict," Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson told reporters in a recent briefing. "It will be up to the Somalis to ultimately resolve this conflict. The U.S., along with others in the international community, can contribute in a supporting role, which we do and acknowledge, but not to become directly engaged in any of the conflict on the ground there."
Officials are concerned that any taint of U.S. interference or direct military support will only fuel the Somali insurgency. Over the past year or two, al-Shabab has grown from a clan-based collection of militants to a terror organization more closely aligned with al-Qaida.
U.S. officials have become increasingly concerned that battle-hardened al-Qaida insurgents are moving out of havens along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border into Somalia, where vast ungoverned spaces allow them to train and mobilize recruits without interference. Officials also warn that militants frequently cross the Gulf of Aden, moving between Yemen and Somalia.
At the same time, young Somalis have traveled from the United States back to Somalia to fight with the insurgents, stoking fears that they could return to plot attacks in the U.S.
The bulk of U.S. aid that has recently been sent to Somalia has been delivered to Uganda, Burundi and Djibouti. Several African nations have pledged forces to the African Union's peacekeeping force in Somalia, known as AMISOM, and there are now more than 5,000 troops stationed in the country.
But in several previous operations the U.S. has provided intelligence and surveillance information, and — as recently as last September — delivered a surgical strike against a convoy that reportedly killed powerful insurgent Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan.
The Somalis have been saying for months that government troops will soon launch an offensive against al-Shabab in an effort to expand the government's area of control. But widespread problems, including corrupt officials and a lack of supplies, have delayed the launch.
Rwandan Secret services in flagrante delicto fabricating evidence against opposition leader, Mrs. Victoire Ingabire.
FDU/UDF-Inkingi
Press Release
The determination of the RPF regime to derail the democratic process knows no limits as long as the main bilateral partners of Rwanda remain silent while the country is obviously sinking into a political and military crisis. The RPF's escalating campaign of persecution and harassment of the opposition parties has reached a critical point. They are using a witch-hunt strategy to destroy or to put a stop to the opposition before they even have a chance to put forward their democratic ideas and make political gains. The secret services have resorted to fabricating criminal evidence by all means possible, including use of the internet and electronic surveillance to monitor our e-mails.
This questionable use of wide-reaching electronic surveillance tools by the government to spy on its own citizens and residents (including wiretapping; interception of phone calls, and e-mail) and using technology to create baseless facts against innocent people (i.e. editing emails, print-outs and engaging in computer hacking)is shameful.
Since February 2010, after only three weeks in her home country following 17 years in exile, the National Police, mirroring threats from President Kagame, started the constant questioning of the FDU-Inkingi Chair, Mrs Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. The aim of those endless interrogations is obviously to deter her determination, to dig up anything that would help the government reject the registration of the political party, to remove her freedom and eventually throw her in jail. In this respect, she is placed under permanent surveillance, her communications are constantly being monitored, and many attempts to hack our computers have been noticed, while intelligence “technicians” have been e-mailing threats, security advice, and faked "volunteer offers" on behalf of so-called rebel groups.
In order to deviously substantiate the accusations of collaboration with FDLR rebels, the Rwandan secret services are using rebel fugitives who are recruited and "prepared" by RDF intelligence officers, including Major John (.), who engaged in cross-border covert operations and attacks on my private e-mail account by pretending to deliver security and terrain reports.
One e-mail address used by the attackers is JACKSON Emmanuel, who migrates from different Internet Providers (IP): 80.255.61.162 or 80.255.61.162 or 196.44.240.62 or 196.44.240.61 and 196.44.240.62. Our computer IP trackers have noticed that the e-mails written in English all use Kigali MTN severs: AFRINIC internet service provider and Kinshasa Intelsat with links to GAUTENG-JOHANNESBURG (Reassignment to VODACOM CUSTOMER, SOUTH AFRICA). The timing of this serial e-mailing is directly related to a police summons and the e-mail content is always referring to unknown rebel activities, plans, and orders from the DRC, and secret missions linked to strange code names such as CAMBA, etc.
Some of the e-mails have been posted via Rwandatel servers to our IP. For example, on March 24th and 29th 2010, while Mrs. Victoire Ingabire was being interrogated the whole day at the CID, troubling similarities between the e-mails and the main questions raised by investigators at the very time seem to confirm the existence of a direct link between the strange covert agents and the police investigating team. Other details are related to a weird e-mail address or an unknown, allegedly Congo-based rebel group called the “CDF." These, along with anonymous letters and other baseless accusations, reveal the Rwandan secret service machinery behind these interrogations have utilized all tactics in an attempt to discredit the party. The details of this information are available to the media.
Whereas some members of the police and the army are manipulated by authorities for their own partisan goals, we are fully aware of the growing frustrations of many officers on account of, among many other reasons, poor management and the politicization of their institutions, along with unfair criteria for promotions and deployments.
We condemn these humiliation tactics used by the Rwandan police as a way of breaking down the morale of our leader through the following actions: arrest at the airport, searches with sniffer dogs, constant lengthy interrogations, long waiting hours in the CID corridors, and unwarranted handbag scrutiny by policemen. Officially, Mrs. Ingabire's case is still pending police investigations but curiously, an undercover prosecution officer is participating in the interrogation sessions.
The Minister of Justice, Mr. Tharcisse Karugarama, said in an interview with Radio Netherlands Worldwide last week that “The police hasn't found hard facts"… “They have not found evidence to incriminate her. Once the investigation shows that she's innocent, nobody will touch her. But everybody in Rwanda should be held accountable and play by the rules." Nevertheless, Mrs. Victoire’s party was denied many times to convene and register by the Minister of Local Government on the pretext of endless politically motivated police harassment without credible evidence.
The United Democratic Forces-Inkingi are considering ways of filing lawsuits against the police for this endless wild-goose chase and against the Minister of Local Government for harassment, abuse of power, violations of the law, and the use of government institutions for political purposes and partisan interests.
Done on 30 March 2010,
Sylvain Sibomana
Secretary General
FDU-Inkingi
Press Release
The determination of the RPF regime to derail the democratic process knows no limits as long as the main bilateral partners of Rwanda remain silent while the country is obviously sinking into a political and military crisis. The RPF's escalating campaign of persecution and harassment of the opposition parties has reached a critical point. They are using a witch-hunt strategy to destroy or to put a stop to the opposition before they even have a chance to put forward their democratic ideas and make political gains. The secret services have resorted to fabricating criminal evidence by all means possible, including use of the internet and electronic surveillance to monitor our e-mails.
This questionable use of wide-reaching electronic surveillance tools by the government to spy on its own citizens and residents (including wiretapping; interception of phone calls, and e-mail) and using technology to create baseless facts against innocent people (i.e. editing emails, print-outs and engaging in computer hacking)is shameful.
Since February 2010, after only three weeks in her home country following 17 years in exile, the National Police, mirroring threats from President Kagame, started the constant questioning of the FDU-Inkingi Chair, Mrs Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. The aim of those endless interrogations is obviously to deter her determination, to dig up anything that would help the government reject the registration of the political party, to remove her freedom and eventually throw her in jail. In this respect, she is placed under permanent surveillance, her communications are constantly being monitored, and many attempts to hack our computers have been noticed, while intelligence “technicians” have been e-mailing threats, security advice, and faked "volunteer offers" on behalf of so-called rebel groups.
In order to deviously substantiate the accusations of collaboration with FDLR rebels, the Rwandan secret services are using rebel fugitives who are recruited and "prepared" by RDF intelligence officers, including Major John (.), who engaged in cross-border covert operations and attacks on my private e-mail account by pretending to deliver security and terrain reports.
One e-mail address used by the attackers is JACKSON Emmanuel
Some of the e-mails have been posted via Rwandatel servers to our IP. For example, on March 24th and 29th 2010, while Mrs. Victoire Ingabire was being interrogated the whole day at the CID, troubling similarities between the e-mails and the main questions raised by investigators at the very time seem to confirm the existence of a direct link between the strange covert agents and the police investigating team. Other details are related to a weird e-mail address or an unknown, allegedly Congo-based rebel group called the “CDF." These, along with anonymous letters and other baseless accusations, reveal the Rwandan secret service machinery behind these interrogations have utilized all tactics in an attempt to discredit the party. The details of this information are available to the media.
Whereas some members of the police and the army are manipulated by authorities for their own partisan goals, we are fully aware of the growing frustrations of many officers on account of, among many other reasons, poor management and the politicization of their institutions, along with unfair criteria for promotions and deployments.
We condemn these humiliation tactics used by the Rwandan police as a way of breaking down the morale of our leader through the following actions: arrest at the airport, searches with sniffer dogs, constant lengthy interrogations, long waiting hours in the CID corridors, and unwarranted handbag scrutiny by policemen. Officially, Mrs. Ingabire's case is still pending police investigations but curiously, an undercover prosecution officer is participating in the interrogation sessions.
The Minister of Justice, Mr. Tharcisse Karugarama, said in an interview with Radio Netherlands Worldwide last week that “The police hasn't found hard facts"… “They have not found evidence to incriminate her. Once the investigation shows that she's innocent, nobody will touch her. But everybody in Rwanda should be held accountable and play by the rules." Nevertheless, Mrs. Victoire’s party was denied many times to convene and register by the Minister of Local Government on the pretext of endless politically motivated police harassment without credible evidence.
The United Democratic Forces-Inkingi are considering ways of filing lawsuits against the police for this endless wild-goose chase and against the Minister of Local Government for harassment, abuse of power, violations of the law, and the use of government institutions for political purposes and partisan interests.
Done on 30 March 2010,
Sylvain Sibomana
Secretary General
FDU-Inkingi
30 March, 2010
'No proof against Victoire Ingabire'
Radio Netherlands
30 March 2010
There is no evidence yet against the leader of the Rwandan opposition, says the Rwandan minister of Justice Tharcisse Karugarama in a recent interview with Radio Netherlands Worldwide. The case of Victoire Ingabire is still under police investigation in Kigali. Ingabire was forbidden to leave the country last week.
"The police hasn't found hard facts", Karugarama said during a visit last weekend in the Netherlands. “They have not found evidence to incriminate her. Once the investigation shows that she's innocent, nobody will touch her. But everybody in Rwanda should be held accountable and play by the rules."
Interrogation
Meanwhile in Rwanda, Ingabire has been questioned again on Monday. According to her spokesperson, the politician is still waiting for the results of the police investigation.
"They have been questioning Victoire, telling her there is information available that she has been dealing with armed opposition forces based in Congo. These are allegations. Once the investigation has been completed, the authorities will determine whether to profer charges against her or not" said Karugarama.
Rwanda's largely pro-government media accuse Ingabire of flouting the post-genocide constitution which bans acts that could incite conflicts. Rights groups say the law could be used to suppress opposition parties.
The UDF-leader criticises Paul Kagame’s government and requests more freedom and democracy in the country. In January, Ingabire returned to Rwanda - after spending many years in exile in the Netherlands - to start a bid for the coming presidential elections in August.
Criticism
During his recent visit in the Netherlands, Karugarama criticised the Dutch. He believes the Netherlands could speed up the prosecution of genocide suspects. "Many suspects of the Rwandan genocide live in the Netherlands. Track them down. If possible send them to Rwanda for trial. Or do it here. We shall be satisfied as long as they face trial", says the minister.
"We sent information about the suspects who live in The Netherlands. About their crimes, how and when they were committed. The Dutch judiciary got the files, they know their names. I cannot say how many they are. But they are quite a number."
However, in spite of his criticism, Karugarama thinks the Dutch do a better job than most other European countries. Joseph M, one of the genocide suspects was convicted in 2009 and sentenced to 20 years in prison.
30 March 2010
There is no evidence yet against the leader of the Rwandan opposition, says the Rwandan minister of Justice Tharcisse Karugarama in a recent interview with Radio Netherlands Worldwide. The case of Victoire Ingabire is still under police investigation in Kigali. Ingabire was forbidden to leave the country last week.
"The police hasn't found hard facts", Karugarama said during a visit last weekend in the Netherlands. “They have not found evidence to incriminate her. Once the investigation shows that she's innocent, nobody will touch her. But everybody in Rwanda should be held accountable and play by the rules."
Interrogation
Meanwhile in Rwanda, Ingabire has been questioned again on Monday. According to her spokesperson, the politician is still waiting for the results of the police investigation.
"They have been questioning Victoire, telling her there is information available that she has been dealing with armed opposition forces based in Congo. These are allegations. Once the investigation has been completed, the authorities will determine whether to profer charges against her or not" said Karugarama.
Rwanda's largely pro-government media accuse Ingabire of flouting the post-genocide constitution which bans acts that could incite conflicts. Rights groups say the law could be used to suppress opposition parties.
The UDF-leader criticises Paul Kagame’s government and requests more freedom and democracy in the country. In January, Ingabire returned to Rwanda - after spending many years in exile in the Netherlands - to start a bid for the coming presidential elections in August.
Criticism
During his recent visit in the Netherlands, Karugarama criticised the Dutch. He believes the Netherlands could speed up the prosecution of genocide suspects. "Many suspects of the Rwandan genocide live in the Netherlands. Track them down. If possible send them to Rwanda for trial. Or do it here. We shall be satisfied as long as they face trial", says the minister.
"We sent information about the suspects who live in The Netherlands. About their crimes, how and when they were committed. The Dutch judiciary got the files, they know their names. I cannot say how many they are. But they are quite a number."
However, in spite of his criticism, Karugarama thinks the Dutch do a better job than most other European countries. Joseph M, one of the genocide suspects was convicted in 2009 and sentenced to 20 years in prison.
Security Grills Ingabire Yet Again As Justice Minister Admits There is No Evidence Against her.
256 News
30 March 2010
There is no evidence against the leader of the a leading Rwandan opposition party, the Rwandan Minister of Justice, Tharcisse Karugarama has said. The case of Mrs. Victoire Ingabire is still under police investigation in Kigali. Mrs. Ingabire was blocked from leaving the country last week.
"The police hasn't found hard facts", Mr. Karugarama said during a visit over the weekend in the Netherlands. “They have not found evidence to incriminate her. Once the investigation shows that she's innocent, nobody will touch her. But everybody in Rwanda should be held accountable and play by the rules."
Interrogation
Meanwhile in Rwanda, Mrs. Ingabire was questioned yet again yesterday. According to her spokesperson, the politician is still waiting for the results of the police investigation.
"They have been questioning Victoire, telling her there is information available that she has been dealing with armed opposition forces based in Congo. These are allegations. Once the investigation has been completed, the authorities will determine whether to prefer charges against her or not," said Mr. Karugarama.
Rwanda's largely pro-government media accuse Mrs. Ingabire of flouting the post-genocide constitution, which bans acts that could incite conflicts. Rights groups say the law is used to suppress opposition parties.
The UDF-leader criticises Paul Kagame’s government and requests more freedom and democracy in the country. In January, Mrs. Ingabire returned to Rwanda - after spending many years in exile in the Netherlands - to start a bid for the coming presidential elections in August.
Her aide, Joesph Ntawangundi, was handed a 17-year jail term last week after being convicted of crimes during the genocide of the Tutsi.
Additional reporting from Radio Netherlands Worldwide
30 March 2010
There is no evidence against the leader of the a leading Rwandan opposition party, the Rwandan Minister of Justice, Tharcisse Karugarama has said. The case of Mrs. Victoire Ingabire is still under police investigation in Kigali. Mrs. Ingabire was blocked from leaving the country last week.
"The police hasn't found hard facts", Mr. Karugarama said during a visit over the weekend in the Netherlands. “They have not found evidence to incriminate her. Once the investigation shows that she's innocent, nobody will touch her. But everybody in Rwanda should be held accountable and play by the rules."
Interrogation
Meanwhile in Rwanda, Mrs. Ingabire was questioned yet again yesterday. According to her spokesperson, the politician is still waiting for the results of the police investigation.
"They have been questioning Victoire, telling her there is information available that she has been dealing with armed opposition forces based in Congo. These are allegations. Once the investigation has been completed, the authorities will determine whether to prefer charges against her or not," said Mr. Karugarama.
Rwanda's largely pro-government media accuse Mrs. Ingabire of flouting the post-genocide constitution, which bans acts that could incite conflicts. Rights groups say the law is used to suppress opposition parties.
The UDF-leader criticises Paul Kagame’s government and requests more freedom and democracy in the country. In January, Mrs. Ingabire returned to Rwanda - after spending many years in exile in the Netherlands - to start a bid for the coming presidential elections in August.
Her aide, Joesph Ntawangundi, was handed a 17-year jail term last week after being convicted of crimes during the genocide of the Tutsi.
Additional reporting from Radio Netherlands Worldwide
Ethiopia Continues Oppression and Harassment of Oromo Ahead of Elections.
Reuters
26 March 2010
By Barry Malone
Addis Ababa, March 27, 2010 - Ethiopia's most populous ethnic group is being targeted in a government crackdown ahead of the country's first national election since a disputed 2005 poll, an opposition party said on Friday.
The Horn of Africa country's last election results were challenged by the opposition and international observers. About 200 protesters were killed by security forces in street riots and the main opposition leaders imprisoned. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said they were trying to oust him.
"They are cracking down on the Oromo ethnicity because we are such a large group, not only many in men, but the Oromia region contains a lot of resources," Bulcha Demeksa, leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) said.
Ethnic Oromos, who make up 27 million of the country's 80 million people, have not held power in modern Ethiopian history. Ethiopia has more than 80 ethnic groups.
The nine considered the most powerful by the government, including the Oromos, administer their own federal regions.
Meles comes from the Tigryan ethnic group, who make up only 6 percent of the population but dominate the political and military elite.
The OFC, part of eight-party coalition Medrek, said candidates were beaten and tortured to scare them into leaving the party. It said opposition civil servants in Oromia had been transferred to remote regions and refused time off to campaign.
"We in OFC appeal today to friendly countries and their envoys in Ethiopia, and to the people of Ethiopia at large, to support us," the party said in a statement.
The Ethiopian government says opposition candidates are not intimidated.
"This is a democracy," Bereket Simon, government head of information, told Reuters this week. "We are continuously widening political space."
Analysts say Medrek -- or the Forum -- is the main threat to the 19-year-old government of Meles, but his Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition is expected to easily win the May 23 poll.
The opposition says this is because they are harassed and jailed. The government says the opposition is trying to discredit a poll it has no chance of winning.
26 March 2010
By Barry Malone
Addis Ababa, March 27, 2010 - Ethiopia's most populous ethnic group is being targeted in a government crackdown ahead of the country's first national election since a disputed 2005 poll, an opposition party said on Friday.
The Horn of Africa country's last election results were challenged by the opposition and international observers. About 200 protesters were killed by security forces in street riots and the main opposition leaders imprisoned. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said they were trying to oust him.
"They are cracking down on the Oromo ethnicity because we are such a large group, not only many in men, but the Oromia region contains a lot of resources," Bulcha Demeksa, leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) said.
Ethnic Oromos, who make up 27 million of the country's 80 million people, have not held power in modern Ethiopian history. Ethiopia has more than 80 ethnic groups.
The nine considered the most powerful by the government, including the Oromos, administer their own federal regions.
Meles comes from the Tigryan ethnic group, who make up only 6 percent of the population but dominate the political and military elite.
The OFC, part of eight-party coalition Medrek, said candidates were beaten and tortured to scare them into leaving the party. It said opposition civil servants in Oromia had been transferred to remote regions and refused time off to campaign.
"We in OFC appeal today to friendly countries and their envoys in Ethiopia, and to the people of Ethiopia at large, to support us," the party said in a statement.
The Ethiopian government says opposition candidates are not intimidated.
"This is a democracy," Bereket Simon, government head of information, told Reuters this week. "We are continuously widening political space."
Analysts say Medrek -- or the Forum -- is the main threat to the 19-year-old government of Meles, but his Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition is expected to easily win the May 23 poll.
The opposition says this is because they are harassed and jailed. The government says the opposition is trying to discredit a poll it has no chance of winning.
South Africa will not arrest Rwanda officers-Pres. Zuma.
256 News
30 March 2010
South African President, Jacob Zuma, has ruled out handing over two Rwanda
military dissidents, wanted at home and believed to be behind recent
terrorist activities in and around Kigali.
Former Rwandan envoy to India, Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa,
earlier indicted for genocide and crimes against humanity even with
arrest warrants issued against him by courts in France and Spain, and
Col. Patrick Karegeya are now living in South Africa after
defecting from the Rwanda government.
”I know one (Colonel Karegeya) has secured refugee status in South
Africa and the other is still processing his status,” he told
reporters at the end of his maiden visit as head of state to Uganda this week.
”They are covered by international laws as people who ran away from
their home countries and sought asylum in another country,” Zuma said.
Back in Rwanda, there were reports that Land Forces Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen.
Charles Kayonga, had been arrested in a failed coup attempt this week, but information reaching 256news.com desk indicates that Kayonga and other senior military officers whose names we are yet to establish are today appearing before the disciplinary committee chaired by the Commander in Chief and President of the Republic, Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame.
The grilling is reportedly over statements they made that they need a change in the governance of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF).
For Kayonga, it’s said sited the poor leadership of the RDF which has seen some strong and historical officers run away from the country over the years.
Editor's Note: WNJ's Rwandan sources claim there was no attempted coup, but Gen. Kayonga, like General Kabarebe, was arrested and questioned for an alleged role in planning a coup in concert with Gen. Nyamwasa and Karegeya along with other "dissidents." The RPF's regime is imploding, and President Kagame's actions against his own military officiers, if real or imagined threats to the state, will only continue to thin out his progressively smaller politico/military base and weaken the state further.
30 March 2010
South African President, Jacob Zuma, has ruled out handing over two Rwanda
military dissidents, wanted at home and believed to be behind recent
terrorist activities in and around Kigali.
Former Rwandan envoy to India, Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa,
earlier indicted for genocide and crimes against humanity even with
arrest warrants issued against him by courts in France and Spain, and
Col. Patrick Karegeya are now living in South Africa after
defecting from the Rwanda government.
”I know one (Colonel Karegeya) has secured refugee status in South
Africa and the other is still processing his status,” he told
reporters at the end of his maiden visit as head of state to Uganda this week.
”They are covered by international laws as people who ran away from
their home countries and sought asylum in another country,” Zuma said.
Back in Rwanda, there were reports that Land Forces Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen.
Charles Kayonga, had been arrested in a failed coup attempt this week, but information reaching 256news.com desk indicates that Kayonga and other senior military officers whose names we are yet to establish are today appearing before the disciplinary committee chaired by the Commander in Chief and President of the Republic, Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame.
The grilling is reportedly over statements they made that they need a change in the governance of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF).
For Kayonga, it’s said sited the poor leadership of the RDF which has seen some strong and historical officers run away from the country over the years.
Editor's Note: WNJ's Rwandan sources claim there was no attempted coup, but Gen. Kayonga, like General Kabarebe, was arrested and questioned for an alleged role in planning a coup in concert with Gen. Nyamwasa and Karegeya along with other "dissidents." The RPF's regime is imploding, and President Kagame's actions against his own military officiers, if real or imagined threats to the state, will only continue to thin out his progressively smaller politico/military base and weaken the state further.
RPF and Chinese Communists Cement Ties.
The New Times
30 March 2010
A senior member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Gao Shiqi, and the Secretary General of Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), François Ngarambe, yesterday signed an agreement aimed at taking the existing relations between the two parties to a higher level.
Speaking at the signing ceremony, Shiqi said that Rwanda and China have shared bilateral relations for over 40 years, while RPF and CCP have been enjoying close ties since 1998.
“The relations we share with the RPF can now be judged as mature and we have now reached a high level of mutual consensus regarding the relations of the two ruling parties and our countries as well,” said Shiqi, who is the Secretary General of the CCP Central Committee.
During the talks which were also attended by several top RPF members, the CCP delegation pledged to strengthen the China-Rwanda partnership, especially in the transport sector in rural areas.
Currently, some Chinese companies are taking part in infrastructure development within Rwanda.
Shiqi invited Rwanda to take part in the upcoming global agricultural forum scheduled for August in China.
Speaking at the function held at RPF headquarters, Ngarambe gave a detailed address to the delegation regarding how the RPF has transformed Rwanda since 1994.
“The cooperation between the two ruling parties automatically leads to the cooperation between the two nations and it’s the citizens who enjoy the benefits of these ties,” Ngarambe said.
“Our partnership has existed since 1998 and the new agreement we have signed is for upgrading our already existing cooperation”.
Present at the function were senators; Aloysie Inyumba, Wellars Gasamagera and Valens Munyabagisha, among others.
30 March 2010
A senior member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Gao Shiqi, and the Secretary General of Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), François Ngarambe, yesterday signed an agreement aimed at taking the existing relations between the two parties to a higher level.
Speaking at the signing ceremony, Shiqi said that Rwanda and China have shared bilateral relations for over 40 years, while RPF and CCP have been enjoying close ties since 1998.
“The relations we share with the RPF can now be judged as mature and we have now reached a high level of mutual consensus regarding the relations of the two ruling parties and our countries as well,” said Shiqi, who is the Secretary General of the CCP Central Committee.
During the talks which were also attended by several top RPF members, the CCP delegation pledged to strengthen the China-Rwanda partnership, especially in the transport sector in rural areas.
Currently, some Chinese companies are taking part in infrastructure development within Rwanda.
Shiqi invited Rwanda to take part in the upcoming global agricultural forum scheduled for August in China.
Speaking at the function held at RPF headquarters, Ngarambe gave a detailed address to the delegation regarding how the RPF has transformed Rwanda since 1994.
“The cooperation between the two ruling parties automatically leads to the cooperation between the two nations and it’s the citizens who enjoy the benefits of these ties,” Ngarambe said.
“Our partnership has existed since 1998 and the new agreement we have signed is for upgrading our already existing cooperation”.
Present at the function were senators; Aloysie Inyumba, Wellars Gasamagera and Valens Munyabagisha, among others.
China to invest in Uganda's oil sector.
The New Times
29 March 2010
By Sylvia Juuko
China is increasingly looking beyond Africa’s established markets to tap into opportunities in Uganda, which is expected to become a crucial new frontier in the continent’s oil industry.
China strengthened its foothold in Uganda’s oil interests when it’s company China National Offshore Oil Company (CNOOC) partnered with Tullow Oil and Total to develop the oil sector.
The deal is, however, subject to the Government approval.Uganda has confirmed petroleum resources in the Lake Albertine region, estimated at about 2 billion barrels.
Fu Chengyu, the CNOOC president, was in town last week to give a key note address at the launch of the Uganda Chamber of Mines and Petroleum (UCMP).
Chengyu was recently named the 13th most influential business leader in China Elly Karuhanga, the chamber chairman, said the partnership between Tullow oil, CNOOC and Total was a positive signal to investors, adding that the combined experience, technology and resources that the companies bring on board would take the oil sector to another level.
“This partnership makes Uganda an attractive investment destination. “The multiplier effect of this collaboration will be reflected in opportunities created in the different sectors like infrastructure, accounting, transport, education, hotel business that will support the oil industry,” he said in an interview.
Tullow sold some of its stake in the oil fields to secure funding for the development of the fields.
“Further exploration by Tullow will require between $5b and $10b because it will be done on the lake. “Tullow, therefore, needed to bring partners with more funds and experience to take the process beyond getting oil from the ground to refining, electricity generation and construction of an export pipeline.”
Karuhanga said the legal agreement with the Government and the three companies was expected to be concluded by April. This will pave way for implementation of the plans to develop the sector.
Fu Chengyu could not disclose how much investment his company would bring on board, but underscored the importance of human resource development.
“This is a huge project that will cost millions of dollars. However, I must emphasise that it’s not about the money, but transfer of knowledge and skills.”
Chengyu added that he expected strategic partnership between China and Uganda in the energy sector. “The success in developing our oil and gas sector would provide a useful model industry for establishing your own oil industry,” he said.
China is the second largest market for petroleum products and sixth largest producer of oil and natural gas.Uganda is expected to benefit from CNOOC’s expertise since it is China’s leading national oil company with an international footprint.
The country’s daily oil and gas production has increased from 2,000 barrels of oil equivalent in China to 647,000 barrels of oil equivalent worldwide over the past three decades.
“We have been able to build a fully integrated operation from scratch, covering oil and gas exploration, development and production, refining, marketing, pipeline transportation, power generation, fertiliser and other chemicals, oil services, equipment and engineering,” he added.
According to Chengyu, the company’s direct investments to Africa have exceeded $5b to date.“It’s our strong belief and our core principle that our investment must benefit the host nation, their people and the surrounding communities, while we realize reasonable returns.”
29 March 2010
By Sylvia Juuko
China is increasingly looking beyond Africa’s established markets to tap into opportunities in Uganda, which is expected to become a crucial new frontier in the continent’s oil industry.
China strengthened its foothold in Uganda’s oil interests when it’s company China National Offshore Oil Company (CNOOC) partnered with Tullow Oil and Total to develop the oil sector.
The deal is, however, subject to the Government approval.Uganda has confirmed petroleum resources in the Lake Albertine region, estimated at about 2 billion barrels.
Fu Chengyu, the CNOOC president, was in town last week to give a key note address at the launch of the Uganda Chamber of Mines and Petroleum (UCMP).
Chengyu was recently named the 13th most influential business leader in China Elly Karuhanga, the chamber chairman, said the partnership between Tullow oil, CNOOC and Total was a positive signal to investors, adding that the combined experience, technology and resources that the companies bring on board would take the oil sector to another level.
“This partnership makes Uganda an attractive investment destination. “The multiplier effect of this collaboration will be reflected in opportunities created in the different sectors like infrastructure, accounting, transport, education, hotel business that will support the oil industry,” he said in an interview.
Tullow sold some of its stake in the oil fields to secure funding for the development of the fields.
“Further exploration by Tullow will require between $5b and $10b because it will be done on the lake. “Tullow, therefore, needed to bring partners with more funds and experience to take the process beyond getting oil from the ground to refining, electricity generation and construction of an export pipeline.”
Karuhanga said the legal agreement with the Government and the three companies was expected to be concluded by April. This will pave way for implementation of the plans to develop the sector.
Fu Chengyu could not disclose how much investment his company would bring on board, but underscored the importance of human resource development.
“This is a huge project that will cost millions of dollars. However, I must emphasise that it’s not about the money, but transfer of knowledge and skills.”
Chengyu added that he expected strategic partnership between China and Uganda in the energy sector. “The success in developing our oil and gas sector would provide a useful model industry for establishing your own oil industry,” he said.
China is the second largest market for petroleum products and sixth largest producer of oil and natural gas.Uganda is expected to benefit from CNOOC’s expertise since it is China’s leading national oil company with an international footprint.
The country’s daily oil and gas production has increased from 2,000 barrels of oil equivalent in China to 647,000 barrels of oil equivalent worldwide over the past three decades.
“We have been able to build a fully integrated operation from scratch, covering oil and gas exploration, development and production, refining, marketing, pipeline transportation, power generation, fertiliser and other chemicals, oil services, equipment and engineering,” he added.
According to Chengyu, the company’s direct investments to Africa have exceeded $5b to date.“It’s our strong belief and our core principle that our investment must benefit the host nation, their people and the surrounding communities, while we realize reasonable returns.”
29 March, 2010
CLIIR Demands End to the Oppression of Rwandan Opposition Parties.
CLIIR
Press Release
Mémorandum n°6/2010 adressé au Gouvernement et aux parlementaires britanniques, aux gouvernements américains et belges sur les agressions physiques, les harcèlements, les emprisonnements et les persécutions dirigés contre les opposants politiques du Rwanda.
En tant que rescapés des génocides et des massacres perpétrés au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), nous demandons l’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain, belge et leurs alliés occidentaux pour faire libérer les nombreux prisonniers politiques détenus dans les prisons du Rwanda.
Considérant que le Rwanda se comporte comme une colonie britannique déguisée, ce petit pays, dont le régime ne respecte aucune des valeurs démocratiques prônées par le Commonwealth, a été admis dans cette communauté qui regroupe 54 pays dont 52 sont des anciennes colonies britanniques.C’est pourquoi nous avons planifié 24 manifestations pour interpeller tous les 15 jours le gouvernement britannique et ses principaux alliés dont les Etats-Unis d’Amérique (USA) et la Belgique.
Considérant la situation sociopolitique qui prévaut au Rwanda, nous demandons aux gouvernements britannique, américain et belge d’exiger le respect de la démocratie, des opposants politiques et des droits humains par le régime du président rwandais, le Général Paul Kagame.
Dans ce sixième mémorandum du 24/03/2010, nous demandons l’intervention des dits gouvernements britannique, américain et belge pour:
-Exiger une véritable ouverture démocratique, le respect des droits humains et des libertés publiques ainsi que le respect des opposants politiques en prison ou en liberté.
-Exiger la libération immédiate et sans conditions de tous les prisonniers politiques;
-Imposer d’urgence le dialogue entre le président Paul Kagame et ses opposants politiques. Et cela avant les élections présidentielles prévues en août 2010;
-Exiger du président Paul Kagame l’exécution des 40 mandats d’arrêt délivrés par le juge espagnol Fernando Merelles ainsi que les 9 mandats d’arrêt délivrés par le juge antiterroriste français, Jean Louis Bruguière;
-Exiger la suspension des tribunaux Gacaca qui constitue une véritable arme de destruction massive pour emprisonner arbitrairement, détruire les familles Hutues et ruiner des citoyens innocents et victimes des complots judiciaires. Nous saisissons cette occasion pour dénoncer la mise en place d’une véritable « Industrie du génocide rwandais » qui enrichit une poignée d’individus cupides à travers les Gacaca.
- Imposer immédiatement la mise en place d’une Commission Vérité, Justice et Réconciliation pour qualifier tous les crimes commis au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC). Cette commission favorisera l’éradication de la culture du mensonge imposée au peuple rwandais comme un nouveau « mode de vie ». L’art de mentir est devenu un véritable métier, un véritable business.
L’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain et belge pourrait débloquer l’impasse politique caractérisée par les situations inacceptables et les événements qui suivent:
L’interdiction de circuler de Madame Victoire Ingabire et le refus d’enregistrer son parti politique : Les Forces Démocratiques Unifiées (FDU)-
Mardi le 23 mars 2010, Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, présidente des Forces Démocratiques Unifiées (FDU) et candidate aux élections présidentielles prévues en août 2010 au Rwanda, a été arrêtée et empêchée de prendre l’avion à l’aéroport de Kigali par la police rwandaise. Elle n’était ni sous le coup d’un mandat d’arrêt ni en résidence surveillée. Comme toute citoyenne libre, elle voulait se rendre en Hollande pour visiter sa famille qu’elle a laissée dans ce pays. La police a trouvé un prétexte ridicule selon lequel elle était convoquée par la police le mercredi 24 mars 2010. Or elle ne connaissait pas l’existence d’une telle convocation et elle avait préparé son voyage normalement. Donc, elle n’a pas pu prendre son avion et semble se trouver en situation de « prisonnière politique » déguisée. Il y a quelques jours, les autorités rwandaises avaient déclaré qu’elle ne pouvait pas faire enregistrer son parti politique FDU sous prétexte qu’elle était accusée de « négationnisme ». Le régime de Paul Kagame lui a collé ce délit le premier jour de son arrivée au Rwanda le 16/01/2010. Parce qu’elle a osé prononcer deux discours qui ont remis en cause les politiques de discrimination et d’exclusion ethnique qui caractérisent le régime rwandais.
La destitution de Maître Ntaganda, président du PS-Imberakuri:
Mercredi le 17 mars 2010, Monsieur Bernard Ntaganda, président du Parti Social Imberakuri, a été destitué par un faux congrès complètement organisé et financé par le Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), parti au pouvoir présidé également par l’actuel chef de l’Etat, le général Paul Kagame. La Vice-présidente de ce parti a été kidnappée à son domicile à Kibungo et conduite de force à Kigali où elle a été forcée de participer à ce faux congrès monté par le FPR. L’objectif principal de ce faux congrès était la destitution du président légal et reconnu de ce parti. Plusieurs autres membres du Comité directeur de ce parti ont été également sollicités pour s’impliquer dans ce faux congrès mais ils ont tenu tête et on refusé de collaborer à la destruction de leur parti politique.
Madame Christine Mukabonane, vice-présidente kidnappée et forcée de collaborer, est devenue la nouvelle présidente du Parti Social Imberakuri. Elle est assistée par un comité de deux personnes suivantes : Noël Hakizimfura et Augustin Niyitegeka. C’est à ce trio que le FPR a confié la honteuse mission de détruire le Parti Social Imberakuri.
Jeudi le 18 mars 2010, Monsieur Bernard Ntaganda a dénoncé et rejeté cette destitution. Il a fait savoir que les émissaires du FPR sont allés « louer » des badauds et des personnes désœuvrées dans les marchés et dans les rues de Kigali. Ce sont ces personnes qui sont venues « jouer aux figurants politiques » dans le faux congrès attribué au Parti Social Imberakuri.
Peu après, les autorités rwandaises, qui semblaient avoir un agenda caché, ont promis, dans les médias, de régler les problèmes posés par cette destitution illégale et inacceptable.
L’emprisonnement arbitraire de M. Déogratias Mushayidi, président du PDP :
Le 5 mars 2010, Monsieur Déogratias Mushayidi, président du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP-Imanzi) a été kidnappé à Bujumbura au Burundi et déporté à Kigali au Rwanda. Le régime du FPR l’avait d’abord accusé d’être impliqué dans les attaques à la grenade survenues au Rwanda depuis quelques semaines. Il a été inculpé et incarcéré à la prison centrale de Kigali. Or nous constatons que tous les prétextes sont bons pour le régime dictatorial du général Paul Kagame, président du Rwanda, pour se débarrasser de ses opposants politiques réels ou supposés.
Depuis son kidnapping du 05/03/2010 jusqu’au lundi 15/03/2010, M. Mushayidi a été détenu dans un lieu tenu secret par la police rwandaise. Les autorités rwandaises avaient interdit à ses avocats de le rencontrer alors que le droit à un avocat est consacré par la constitution rwandaise. Ses avocats ont dû écrire une lettre de réclamation datée du jeudi 11/03/2010 et qu’ils ont déposée vendredi 12/03/2010. Suite à cette pression des avocats et des organisations des droits humains, ses avocats ont été autorisés à le rencontrer mardi 16/03/2010.
Jeudi 18/03/2010, Déo Mushayidi a été présenté au tribunal de première instance de Kigali. Les principaux chefs d’accusation retenus contre lui sont les suivants:
- Atteinte à la sécurité de l’Etat et association des malfaiteurs visant à renverser le régime.
- Délit de « divisionnisme » et « idéologie génocidaire».
- Usage de faux papiers bien que utilisés à l’étranger.
- Délit d’avoir collaboré et signé des accords avec les FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda) considérées comme un mouvement « terroriste ».
Délit d’avoir accusé le président Paul Kagame comme commanditaire de l’attentat terroriste aérien du 6/04/1994 qui a tué deux présidents Hutus en exercice (celui du Rwanda Juvénal Habyarimana et celui du Burundi Cyprien Ntaryamira).
Toutes ces accusations constituent pourtant les droits civils et politiques de tout citoyen qui se déclare comme un opposant politique. C’est le cas de M. Déogratias Mushayidi.
M. Mushayidi est un des rares rescapés tutsis qui a osé rompre avec le FPR (Front Patriotique Rwandais) dont il a dénoncé les crimes, la corruption et les dérives antidémocratiques depuis juin 1995.
Les gouvernements britannique, américain et belge devraient intervenir pour faire libérer les opposants politiques suivants:
Nous demandons également l’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain et belge pour faire libérer d’autres opposants politiques qui croupissent dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda. Il s’agit entre autres de :
Monsieur Déogratias Mushayidi, président du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP-Imanzi) kidnappé le 5/03/2010 à Bujumbura au Burundi et déporté à Kigali au Rwanda.
Monsieur Joseph Ntawangundi, assistant de Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. Il a été arrêté le samedi 6 février 2010 et emprisonné depuis, sous prétexte qu’il aurait été condamné par contumace à 19 ans de prison par un tribunal Gacaca.
Dr Théoneste Niyitegeka a été condamné le 5 février 2008 à 15 ans de prison comme l’ancien président Pasteur Bizimungu. Il a été incarcéré dans la prison de Gitarama. Ancien candidat à la présidence de la République lors des élections de 2003 contre Kagame, le Dr.Niyitegeka Théoneste avait été acquitté par la juridiction Gacaca de Gihuma (Gitarama) en première instance en date du 30/10/2007. Mais il a été neutralisé et incarcéré le 05/02/2008.
Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka, condamné à 10 ans de prison dans le même procès que Pasteur Bizimungu (gracié par le président Paul Kagame le 6 avril 2008).
Conclusions
Depuis son arrivée au pouvoir au Rwanda, le président Paul Kagame n’a jamais cessé d’anéantir tous les opposants politiques. Il a banni toute critique d’où qu’elle vienne. Il a construit un Etat policier dont les services de sécurité sont impliqués dans de nombreux crimes politiques et crapuleux. Il a surtout écarté et fait assassiner ou emprisonner toute personne considérée comme un opposant réel ou supposé. Rappelons l’analyse faite en 2003 par une spécialiste française de l’Afrique centrale, Madame Claudine Vidal, à ce sujet: « Ce travail méthodique d’étouffement de l’opposition a été complété par la mise au pas des journaux indépendants, l’emprisonnement de journalistes et de diatribes violentes à l’encontre des organisations de défense des droits de l’homme, accusées, elle aussi, de favoriser le « divisionnisme » Aussi répressives soient-elles, ces pratiques se déroulent au grand jour et font l’objet de force discours qui les légitiment. D’autres sont plus silencieuses: les arrestations, suivies de mises au secret, les « disparitions » inexpliquées de personnalités très connues et moins connues, les assassinats, tandis que prennent la fuite ceux qui craignent de voir venir leur tour. L’atmosphère de terreur qui en découle achève de briser les velléités de résistance publique, d’autant plus que le président Paul Kagame a menacé, fin mars (2003), de « blesser » les « divisionnistes ». Personne, au Rwanda, ne pense qu’il s’agit là de vaines paroles. (Claudine Vidal in le Nouvel Observateur n°2015 du 19 au 25 juin 2003).
Le 31/03/2003, dans son discours de Bwisige (à Byumba, au nord-est Rwanda), le président Kagame menaçait de « gusya » c'est-à-dire « réduire en poudre » et de « gukomeretsa » c’est-à-dire « blesser » ses opposants (qualifiés de divisionnistes comme d’habitude). Il a proclamé publiquement son opposition contre toute critique et surtout sa colère contre ses opposants réels ou supposés qui fuient le Rwanda pour sauver leur peau. En effet, son ancien ministre de la Défense, le général Emmanuel Habyarimana et le Colonel Balthazar Ndengeyinka (député du FPR) venaient de s’exiler en Uganda d’où ils ont rejoint la Suisse en Europe. Depuis cette époque plusieurs opposants politiques ont été enlevés à Kigali et portés disparus. Il s’agit entre autres de :
- Le 07/04/2003, le Docteur Léonard Hitimana, député et membre du bureau politique du MDR (Mouvement Démocratique Républicain) a été enlevé et porté disparu à Kigali. Il devait défendre le lendemain son parti politique au Parlement. Il a disparu avec tous les documents et matériels informatiques que ses collègues avait préparé à cet effet.
- Le 23/04/2003, le regretté Lieutenant Colonel Augustin Cyiza, ancien président de la Cour de Cassation fut porté disparu à Kigali. Il avait été reçu par le président Paul Kagame une semaine plutôt et ils s’étaient disputés.
Les deux personnalités très connues dans la capitale rwandaise sont portés disparus jusqu’à ce jour. Pour Augustin Cyiza, un livre lui a été dédié et raconte comment il fut capturé.
Recommandations
Nous recommandons instamment aux autorités rwandaises de:
-Libérer immédiatement et sans conditions tous les autres prisonniers politiques oubliés dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda tels que : Monsieur Runyinya Barabwiriza, Cyubahiro Ambroise et Eugène Ngabwa (deux hommes condamnés arbitrairement par les Gacaca parce qu’ils sont des descendants de deux anciens bourgmestres Hutu), Sénateur Elisée Bisengimana, Député Béatrice Nirere, etc. Plusieurs autres députés et sénateurs, condamnés arbitrairement par les tribunaux Gacaca, doivent être libérés également, car ils sont considérés comme des prisonniers d’opinion.
-Garantir à tous les rwandais, sans exception, la liberté d’expression et d’association;
Nous demandons à la Grande Bretagne et à ses alliés de l'Union Européenne et aux USA d'exercer des pressions pour faire libérer tous les prisonniers politiques et de conditionner l'aide financière et toute coopération au respect des droits humains par le régime rwandais. La Grande Bretagne, la Belgique et les USA doivent jouer un grand rôle dans la libération de tous les opposants politiques condamnés et/ou détenus arbitrairement au Rwanda.
Nous insistons auprès de toutes les organisations internationales des droits humains afin qu'elles s'efforcer d'exiger la libération de tous les opposants politiques rwandais qui croupissent dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda. Nous proposons à Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch d'adopter comme des prisonniers d'opinion tous les opposants politiques rwandais emprisonnés au Rwanda.
Nous demandons à la population rwandaise de ne pas céder à la terreur de la junte militaire qui l'opprime et de résister à toutes les manipulations du pouvoir visant à consolider le terrorisme d'Etat et à institutionnaliser la délation au plus haut niveau de l’Etat rwandais.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 24 mars 2010.
Pour les organisateurs de la Manifestation, Matata Joseph, Coordinateur du CLIIR.
___________________________________
Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227
1080 BRUXELLES
Tél/Fax : 0032.81.60.11.13
GSM: 0032.476.70.15.69
Mail : cliir2004@yahoo.fr
Press Release
Mémorandum n°6/2010 adressé au Gouvernement et aux parlementaires britanniques, aux gouvernements américains et belges sur les agressions physiques, les harcèlements, les emprisonnements et les persécutions dirigés contre les opposants politiques du Rwanda.
En tant que rescapés des génocides et des massacres perpétrés au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), nous demandons l’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain, belge et leurs alliés occidentaux pour faire libérer les nombreux prisonniers politiques détenus dans les prisons du Rwanda.
Considérant que le Rwanda se comporte comme une colonie britannique déguisée, ce petit pays, dont le régime ne respecte aucune des valeurs démocratiques prônées par le Commonwealth, a été admis dans cette communauté qui regroupe 54 pays dont 52 sont des anciennes colonies britanniques.C’est pourquoi nous avons planifié 24 manifestations pour interpeller tous les 15 jours le gouvernement britannique et ses principaux alliés dont les Etats-Unis d’Amérique (USA) et la Belgique.
Considérant la situation sociopolitique qui prévaut au Rwanda, nous demandons aux gouvernements britannique, américain et belge d’exiger le respect de la démocratie, des opposants politiques et des droits humains par le régime du président rwandais, le Général Paul Kagame.
Dans ce sixième mémorandum du 24/03/2010, nous demandons l’intervention des dits gouvernements britannique, américain et belge pour:
-Exiger une véritable ouverture démocratique, le respect des droits humains et des libertés publiques ainsi que le respect des opposants politiques en prison ou en liberté.
-Exiger la libération immédiate et sans conditions de tous les prisonniers politiques;
-Imposer d’urgence le dialogue entre le président Paul Kagame et ses opposants politiques. Et cela avant les élections présidentielles prévues en août 2010;
-Exiger du président Paul Kagame l’exécution des 40 mandats d’arrêt délivrés par le juge espagnol Fernando Merelles ainsi que les 9 mandats d’arrêt délivrés par le juge antiterroriste français, Jean Louis Bruguière;
-Exiger la suspension des tribunaux Gacaca qui constitue une véritable arme de destruction massive pour emprisonner arbitrairement, détruire les familles Hutues et ruiner des citoyens innocents et victimes des complots judiciaires. Nous saisissons cette occasion pour dénoncer la mise en place d’une véritable « Industrie du génocide rwandais » qui enrichit une poignée d’individus cupides à travers les Gacaca.
- Imposer immédiatement la mise en place d’une Commission Vérité, Justice et Réconciliation pour qualifier tous les crimes commis au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC). Cette commission favorisera l’éradication de la culture du mensonge imposée au peuple rwandais comme un nouveau « mode de vie ». L’art de mentir est devenu un véritable métier, un véritable business.
L’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain et belge pourrait débloquer l’impasse politique caractérisée par les situations inacceptables et les événements qui suivent:
L’interdiction de circuler de Madame Victoire Ingabire et le refus d’enregistrer son parti politique : Les Forces Démocratiques Unifiées (FDU)-
Mardi le 23 mars 2010, Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, présidente des Forces Démocratiques Unifiées (FDU) et candidate aux élections présidentielles prévues en août 2010 au Rwanda, a été arrêtée et empêchée de prendre l’avion à l’aéroport de Kigali par la police rwandaise. Elle n’était ni sous le coup d’un mandat d’arrêt ni en résidence surveillée. Comme toute citoyenne libre, elle voulait se rendre en Hollande pour visiter sa famille qu’elle a laissée dans ce pays. La police a trouvé un prétexte ridicule selon lequel elle était convoquée par la police le mercredi 24 mars 2010. Or elle ne connaissait pas l’existence d’une telle convocation et elle avait préparé son voyage normalement. Donc, elle n’a pas pu prendre son avion et semble se trouver en situation de « prisonnière politique » déguisée. Il y a quelques jours, les autorités rwandaises avaient déclaré qu’elle ne pouvait pas faire enregistrer son parti politique FDU sous prétexte qu’elle était accusée de « négationnisme ». Le régime de Paul Kagame lui a collé ce délit le premier jour de son arrivée au Rwanda le 16/01/2010. Parce qu’elle a osé prononcer deux discours qui ont remis en cause les politiques de discrimination et d’exclusion ethnique qui caractérisent le régime rwandais.
La destitution de Maître Ntaganda, président du PS-Imberakuri:
Mercredi le 17 mars 2010, Monsieur Bernard Ntaganda, président du Parti Social Imberakuri, a été destitué par un faux congrès complètement organisé et financé par le Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), parti au pouvoir présidé également par l’actuel chef de l’Etat, le général Paul Kagame. La Vice-présidente de ce parti a été kidnappée à son domicile à Kibungo et conduite de force à Kigali où elle a été forcée de participer à ce faux congrès monté par le FPR. L’objectif principal de ce faux congrès était la destitution du président légal et reconnu de ce parti. Plusieurs autres membres du Comité directeur de ce parti ont été également sollicités pour s’impliquer dans ce faux congrès mais ils ont tenu tête et on refusé de collaborer à la destruction de leur parti politique.
Madame Christine Mukabonane, vice-présidente kidnappée et forcée de collaborer, est devenue la nouvelle présidente du Parti Social Imberakuri. Elle est assistée par un comité de deux personnes suivantes : Noël Hakizimfura et Augustin Niyitegeka. C’est à ce trio que le FPR a confié la honteuse mission de détruire le Parti Social Imberakuri.
Jeudi le 18 mars 2010, Monsieur Bernard Ntaganda a dénoncé et rejeté cette destitution. Il a fait savoir que les émissaires du FPR sont allés « louer » des badauds et des personnes désœuvrées dans les marchés et dans les rues de Kigali. Ce sont ces personnes qui sont venues « jouer aux figurants politiques » dans le faux congrès attribué au Parti Social Imberakuri.
Peu après, les autorités rwandaises, qui semblaient avoir un agenda caché, ont promis, dans les médias, de régler les problèmes posés par cette destitution illégale et inacceptable.
L’emprisonnement arbitraire de M. Déogratias Mushayidi, président du PDP :
Le 5 mars 2010, Monsieur Déogratias Mushayidi, président du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP-Imanzi) a été kidnappé à Bujumbura au Burundi et déporté à Kigali au Rwanda. Le régime du FPR l’avait d’abord accusé d’être impliqué dans les attaques à la grenade survenues au Rwanda depuis quelques semaines. Il a été inculpé et incarcéré à la prison centrale de Kigali. Or nous constatons que tous les prétextes sont bons pour le régime dictatorial du général Paul Kagame, président du Rwanda, pour se débarrasser de ses opposants politiques réels ou supposés.
Depuis son kidnapping du 05/03/2010 jusqu’au lundi 15/03/2010, M. Mushayidi a été détenu dans un lieu tenu secret par la police rwandaise. Les autorités rwandaises avaient interdit à ses avocats de le rencontrer alors que le droit à un avocat est consacré par la constitution rwandaise. Ses avocats ont dû écrire une lettre de réclamation datée du jeudi 11/03/2010 et qu’ils ont déposée vendredi 12/03/2010. Suite à cette pression des avocats et des organisations des droits humains, ses avocats ont été autorisés à le rencontrer mardi 16/03/2010.
Jeudi 18/03/2010, Déo Mushayidi a été présenté au tribunal de première instance de Kigali. Les principaux chefs d’accusation retenus contre lui sont les suivants:
- Atteinte à la sécurité de l’Etat et association des malfaiteurs visant à renverser le régime.
- Délit de « divisionnisme » et « idéologie génocidaire».
- Usage de faux papiers bien que utilisés à l’étranger.
- Délit d’avoir collaboré et signé des accords avec les FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda) considérées comme un mouvement « terroriste ».
Délit d’avoir accusé le président Paul Kagame comme commanditaire de l’attentat terroriste aérien du 6/04/1994 qui a tué deux présidents Hutus en exercice (celui du Rwanda Juvénal Habyarimana et celui du Burundi Cyprien Ntaryamira).
Toutes ces accusations constituent pourtant les droits civils et politiques de tout citoyen qui se déclare comme un opposant politique. C’est le cas de M. Déogratias Mushayidi.
M. Mushayidi est un des rares rescapés tutsis qui a osé rompre avec le FPR (Front Patriotique Rwandais) dont il a dénoncé les crimes, la corruption et les dérives antidémocratiques depuis juin 1995.
Les gouvernements britannique, américain et belge devraient intervenir pour faire libérer les opposants politiques suivants:
Nous demandons également l’intervention des gouvernements britannique, américain et belge pour faire libérer d’autres opposants politiques qui croupissent dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda. Il s’agit entre autres de :
Monsieur Déogratias Mushayidi, président du Pacte de Défense du Peuple (PDP-Imanzi) kidnappé le 5/03/2010 à Bujumbura au Burundi et déporté à Kigali au Rwanda.
Monsieur Joseph Ntawangundi, assistant de Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. Il a été arrêté le samedi 6 février 2010 et emprisonné depuis, sous prétexte qu’il aurait été condamné par contumace à 19 ans de prison par un tribunal Gacaca.
Dr Théoneste Niyitegeka a été condamné le 5 février 2008 à 15 ans de prison comme l’ancien président Pasteur Bizimungu. Il a été incarcéré dans la prison de Gitarama. Ancien candidat à la présidence de la République lors des élections de 2003 contre Kagame, le Dr.Niyitegeka Théoneste avait été acquitté par la juridiction Gacaca de Gihuma (Gitarama) en première instance en date du 30/10/2007. Mais il a été neutralisé et incarcéré le 05/02/2008.
Monsieur Charles Ntakirutinka, condamné à 10 ans de prison dans le même procès que Pasteur Bizimungu (gracié par le président Paul Kagame le 6 avril 2008).
Conclusions
Depuis son arrivée au pouvoir au Rwanda, le président Paul Kagame n’a jamais cessé d’anéantir tous les opposants politiques. Il a banni toute critique d’où qu’elle vienne. Il a construit un Etat policier dont les services de sécurité sont impliqués dans de nombreux crimes politiques et crapuleux. Il a surtout écarté et fait assassiner ou emprisonner toute personne considérée comme un opposant réel ou supposé. Rappelons l’analyse faite en 2003 par une spécialiste française de l’Afrique centrale, Madame Claudine Vidal, à ce sujet: « Ce travail méthodique d’étouffement de l’opposition a été complété par la mise au pas des journaux indépendants, l’emprisonnement de journalistes et de diatribes violentes à l’encontre des organisations de défense des droits de l’homme, accusées, elle aussi, de favoriser le « divisionnisme » Aussi répressives soient-elles, ces pratiques se déroulent au grand jour et font l’objet de force discours qui les légitiment. D’autres sont plus silencieuses: les arrestations, suivies de mises au secret, les « disparitions » inexpliquées de personnalités très connues et moins connues, les assassinats, tandis que prennent la fuite ceux qui craignent de voir venir leur tour. L’atmosphère de terreur qui en découle achève de briser les velléités de résistance publique, d’autant plus que le président Paul Kagame a menacé, fin mars (2003), de « blesser » les « divisionnistes ». Personne, au Rwanda, ne pense qu’il s’agit là de vaines paroles. (Claudine Vidal in le Nouvel Observateur n°2015 du 19 au 25 juin 2003).
Le 31/03/2003, dans son discours de Bwisige (à Byumba, au nord-est Rwanda), le président Kagame menaçait de « gusya » c'est-à-dire « réduire en poudre » et de « gukomeretsa » c’est-à-dire « blesser » ses opposants (qualifiés de divisionnistes comme d’habitude). Il a proclamé publiquement son opposition contre toute critique et surtout sa colère contre ses opposants réels ou supposés qui fuient le Rwanda pour sauver leur peau. En effet, son ancien ministre de la Défense, le général Emmanuel Habyarimana et le Colonel Balthazar Ndengeyinka (député du FPR) venaient de s’exiler en Uganda d’où ils ont rejoint la Suisse en Europe. Depuis cette époque plusieurs opposants politiques ont été enlevés à Kigali et portés disparus. Il s’agit entre autres de :
- Le 07/04/2003, le Docteur Léonard Hitimana, député et membre du bureau politique du MDR (Mouvement Démocratique Républicain) a été enlevé et porté disparu à Kigali. Il devait défendre le lendemain son parti politique au Parlement. Il a disparu avec tous les documents et matériels informatiques que ses collègues avait préparé à cet effet.
- Le 23/04/2003, le regretté Lieutenant Colonel Augustin Cyiza, ancien président de la Cour de Cassation fut porté disparu à Kigali. Il avait été reçu par le président Paul Kagame une semaine plutôt et ils s’étaient disputés.
Les deux personnalités très connues dans la capitale rwandaise sont portés disparus jusqu’à ce jour. Pour Augustin Cyiza, un livre lui a été dédié et raconte comment il fut capturé.
Recommandations
Nous recommandons instamment aux autorités rwandaises de:
-Libérer immédiatement et sans conditions tous les autres prisonniers politiques oubliés dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda tels que : Monsieur Runyinya Barabwiriza, Cyubahiro Ambroise et Eugène Ngabwa (deux hommes condamnés arbitrairement par les Gacaca parce qu’ils sont des descendants de deux anciens bourgmestres Hutu), Sénateur Elisée Bisengimana, Député Béatrice Nirere, etc. Plusieurs autres députés et sénateurs, condamnés arbitrairement par les tribunaux Gacaca, doivent être libérés également, car ils sont considérés comme des prisonniers d’opinion.
-Garantir à tous les rwandais, sans exception, la liberté d’expression et d’association;
Nous demandons à la Grande Bretagne et à ses alliés de l'Union Européenne et aux USA d'exercer des pressions pour faire libérer tous les prisonniers politiques et de conditionner l'aide financière et toute coopération au respect des droits humains par le régime rwandais. La Grande Bretagne, la Belgique et les USA doivent jouer un grand rôle dans la libération de tous les opposants politiques condamnés et/ou détenus arbitrairement au Rwanda.
Nous insistons auprès de toutes les organisations internationales des droits humains afin qu'elles s'efforcer d'exiger la libération de tous les opposants politiques rwandais qui croupissent dans les prisons mouroirs du Rwanda. Nous proposons à Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch d'adopter comme des prisonniers d'opinion tous les opposants politiques rwandais emprisonnés au Rwanda.
Nous demandons à la population rwandaise de ne pas céder à la terreur de la junte militaire qui l'opprime et de résister à toutes les manipulations du pouvoir visant à consolider le terrorisme d'Etat et à institutionnaliser la délation au plus haut niveau de l’Etat rwandais.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 24 mars 2010.
Pour les organisateurs de la Manifestation, Matata Joseph, Coordinateur du CLIIR.
___________________________________
Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227
1080 BRUXELLES
Tél/Fax : 0032.81.60.11.13
GSM: 0032.476.70.15.69
Mail : cliir2004@yahoo.fr
Malaysia Smelting, UK-Owned Rwandan Company Are Main Buyers of Congo Tin.
Bloomberg
25 March 2010
By Michael J. Kavanagh
Editor's Note: A number of the privatized Rwandan comptoirs are owned and run by Europeans.
March 25 (Bloomberg) -- Malaysia and Rwanda have become the primary destinations for the Democratic Republic of Congo’s tin ore, amid efforts in the east of the country to prevent the nation’s mineral wealth from enriching armed groups.
Last year, under pressure from the United Nations and advocacy groups who said the tin-ore trade was fueling conflict in eastern Congo, at least two companies stopped sourcing minerals in the region. Their withdrawal redrew the supply lines from Congo’s forests to the world’s tin smelters.
Malaysia Smelting Corp., the world’s third-biggest tin producer, is now the largest buyer of cassiterite from eastern Congo, followed by Minerals Supply Africa, or MSA, a Rwandan company founded in 2008 by U.K. businessman David Bensusan, according to Congolese Mines Ministry statistics.
Congo is Africa’s largest producer of cassiterite, accounting for 6 percent of global output. Clashes continue in the eastern North and South Kivu provinces, where armed groups and some members of Congo’s army profit from exploiting and taxing minerals, according to the government.
In the first two months of 2010, “Malaysia and Rwanda have dramatically surpassed Belgium, which was the principal, primary importer,” of tin ore, or cassiterite, from North Kivu last year, the ministry said in a statement on March 22.
Malaysian and Rwandan companies accounted for 61 percent of registered exports from North Kivu in January and February, while Belgian imports fell to 21 percent of the total, compared with 48 percent for the whole of 2009.
Smuggling
MSA expects to do as much as $70 million in business from Congo and Rwanda in 2010, up from $20 million last year, Bensusan said in an interview in Gisenyi, Rwanda, on March 16. MSA sells all its cassiterite to MSC, he said.
In December, the UN accused Bensusan of smuggling cassiterite through Rwanda, a charge he denies.
Malaysia Smelting spokesman Chua Cheong Yong confirmed that the company is buying cassiterite from Congo, and is working with ITRI, the tin industry group, on a pilot project to trace their minerals.
“We are members of the DRC working group and very much part of the due diligence process,” he said by phone from Penang in western Malaysia on March 25.
Anyone who buys minerals from illegal armed groups in Congo may face sanctions under a 2005 UN resolution that was renewed in 2009. Last year, both Traxys SA and Amalgamated Metals Corp. stopped work in the region, saying they couldn’t track their minerals.
Damaged Market
International attention on Congo’s trade in cassiterite, commonly used as a solder in electronics, has damaged the market, president of the North Kivu Association of Mineral Exporters, John Kanyoni, said.
“The manufacturers of mobile phones and computers are so demanding about traceability and if they don’t have it they will not buy,” Kanyoni said in an interview in Goma, the capital of North Kivu, on March 16.
The ITRI plan is one of several Congo’s Mines Ministry is coordinating to help restore confidence in the trade in cassiterite, gold, wolframite and coltan.
“We are going to identify every part of the supply chain until exportation,” Congolese Mines Minister Martin Kabwelulu said in an interview on March 22 in Kinshasa, the national capital. One of five pilot “trading centers” will begin operations as early as May to restrict the flow of so-called conflict minerals into the legal mineral supply, he said.
Trading Centers
The first of the trading centers, which are being developed by the ministry and the UN, will centralize trade from Congo’s largest cassiterite mine, Bisie, and implement ITRI’s tracking program, Paul Yenga Mabolia, the ministry representative in charge of coordinating diligence programs, said.
Bisie, which accounts for about 70 percent of North Kivu’s cassiterite production, is on a forthcoming ministry list of “clean” mines that are acceptable for traders to buy from, Mabolia said.
U.K.-based advocacy group Global Witness criticized the decision because the Congolese army controls Bisie.
The traceability programs are “not concerned about the presence of the army on mines, only armed groups, even though the army human rights records is appalling,” Global Witness’s Emilie Serralta said in an e-mailed statement on March 25. “The army’s involvement in the mineral trade is robbing the government of revenue which is sorely needed for development.”
Serralta called on companies to do their own on-the-ground investigations, something several buyers have said is asking too much.
“They’ve got to back off,” Bensusan said. “We all want to make it work right. There is a change going on, and they’ve got to allow it to continue.”
Congo’s Mines Ministry is working to demilitarize the mines and improve traceability, Mabolia said. “It’s a process,” he said. “Everybody is concentrating to get it safer and to get it better.”
25 March 2010
By Michael J. Kavanagh
Editor's Note: A number of the privatized Rwandan comptoirs are owned and run by Europeans.
March 25 (Bloomberg) -- Malaysia and Rwanda have become the primary destinations for the Democratic Republic of Congo’s tin ore, amid efforts in the east of the country to prevent the nation’s mineral wealth from enriching armed groups.
Last year, under pressure from the United Nations and advocacy groups who said the tin-ore trade was fueling conflict in eastern Congo, at least two companies stopped sourcing minerals in the region. Their withdrawal redrew the supply lines from Congo’s forests to the world’s tin smelters.
Malaysia Smelting Corp., the world’s third-biggest tin producer, is now the largest buyer of cassiterite from eastern Congo, followed by Minerals Supply Africa, or MSA, a Rwandan company founded in 2008 by U.K. businessman David Bensusan, according to Congolese Mines Ministry statistics.
Congo is Africa’s largest producer of cassiterite, accounting for 6 percent of global output. Clashes continue in the eastern North and South Kivu provinces, where armed groups and some members of Congo’s army profit from exploiting and taxing minerals, according to the government.
In the first two months of 2010, “Malaysia and Rwanda have dramatically surpassed Belgium, which was the principal, primary importer,” of tin ore, or cassiterite, from North Kivu last year, the ministry said in a statement on March 22.
Malaysian and Rwandan companies accounted for 61 percent of registered exports from North Kivu in January and February, while Belgian imports fell to 21 percent of the total, compared with 48 percent for the whole of 2009.
Smuggling
MSA expects to do as much as $70 million in business from Congo and Rwanda in 2010, up from $20 million last year, Bensusan said in an interview in Gisenyi, Rwanda, on March 16. MSA sells all its cassiterite to MSC, he said.
In December, the UN accused Bensusan of smuggling cassiterite through Rwanda, a charge he denies.
Malaysia Smelting spokesman Chua Cheong Yong confirmed that the company is buying cassiterite from Congo, and is working with ITRI, the tin industry group, on a pilot project to trace their minerals.
“We are members of the DRC working group and very much part of the due diligence process,” he said by phone from Penang in western Malaysia on March 25.
Anyone who buys minerals from illegal armed groups in Congo may face sanctions under a 2005 UN resolution that was renewed in 2009. Last year, both Traxys SA and Amalgamated Metals Corp. stopped work in the region, saying they couldn’t track their minerals.
Damaged Market
International attention on Congo’s trade in cassiterite, commonly used as a solder in electronics, has damaged the market, president of the North Kivu Association of Mineral Exporters, John Kanyoni, said.
“The manufacturers of mobile phones and computers are so demanding about traceability and if they don’t have it they will not buy,” Kanyoni said in an interview in Goma, the capital of North Kivu, on March 16.
The ITRI plan is one of several Congo’s Mines Ministry is coordinating to help restore confidence in the trade in cassiterite, gold, wolframite and coltan.
“We are going to identify every part of the supply chain until exportation,” Congolese Mines Minister Martin Kabwelulu said in an interview on March 22 in Kinshasa, the national capital. One of five pilot “trading centers” will begin operations as early as May to restrict the flow of so-called conflict minerals into the legal mineral supply, he said.
Trading Centers
The first of the trading centers, which are being developed by the ministry and the UN, will centralize trade from Congo’s largest cassiterite mine, Bisie, and implement ITRI’s tracking program, Paul Yenga Mabolia, the ministry representative in charge of coordinating diligence programs, said.
Bisie, which accounts for about 70 percent of North Kivu’s cassiterite production, is on a forthcoming ministry list of “clean” mines that are acceptable for traders to buy from, Mabolia said.
U.K.-based advocacy group Global Witness criticized the decision because the Congolese army controls Bisie.
The traceability programs are “not concerned about the presence of the army on mines, only armed groups, even though the army human rights records is appalling,” Global Witness’s Emilie Serralta said in an e-mailed statement on March 25. “The army’s involvement in the mineral trade is robbing the government of revenue which is sorely needed for development.”
Serralta called on companies to do their own on-the-ground investigations, something several buyers have said is asking too much.
“They’ve got to back off,” Bensusan said. “We all want to make it work right. There is a change going on, and they’ve got to allow it to continue.”
Congo’s Mines Ministry is working to demilitarize the mines and improve traceability, Mabolia said. “It’s a process,” he said. “Everybody is concentrating to get it safer and to get it better.”
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
